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remained and the process would take time. Son Sann's
'domineering' attitude was an obstacle; Sihanouk's attitude
was relatively amenable. Sihanouk took a 'neutral' attitude.
On 24 November Singapore had put forward a new proposal, which
set aside what had been agreed upon by the three factions in
Bangkok and, in effect, postponed the coalition process. This
was not beneficial. The key point in the Singapore proposal
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was the lack of agreed common principles or a political programme.
The proposal had come as a surprise to China and it was
difficult to understand. China thought that the coalition
members should have a common political programme and common
principles in order better to coordinate their anti-Vietnamese
struggle. But the coalition was an internal affair. Son Sann
and Sihanouk had already reacted to the Singapore proposal; the
DK would do so around 20 January. We would have to wait and
see what reply the DK would make.
7.
Mr Atkins said that the UK's analysis of the
Vietnamese situation was similar. Vietnam relied heavily on
the Soviet Union. The UK also agreed that the danger to South
East Asia did not come from China. Like China we favoured the
formation of a coalition of the Cambodian forces. But other
countries could not force the Cambodian factions to form a
coalition; we could only encourage them. It had been clear that
the meetings of the ad hoc committee had been running into
difficulties. The first essential in Cambodia was to get the
Vietnamese out. Without that nothing else could be achieved. Therefore if agreement on a coalition government proved difficult to achieve, it seemed sensible to take the matter
stage by stage. The Singapore proposal, supported by Son Sann
and Sihanouk, seemed to be a useful first step. We awaited
with interest the DK's answer. Mr Atkins added that he under-
stood that Prince Sihanouk was now in Peking.
8.
Mr Zhang agreed that the coalition was the Cambodians' internal affair; others could only encourage them, not make
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