TNAG-0849-FCO40-1059-Future-of-Hong-Kong-New-Territories-leases-1979 — Page 48

FCO40 Hong Kong Department Records 聯邦事務部香港部檔案 All

But there are some pu not entirely without new meaning is close it ched on the question of the expiry of the lease of the part of Kowloon in me worth of Boundary Street and the New Territories in 1997. To these people, it caused a mixed feeling. They feel happy, on one hand, that they need not worry about Hong Kong's stars in the next 18 years. On the other hand, they fear what will happen after the se expired. Even though their area of interests are outside the leased areas, they think that their activities will be handicapped if the New Territories and the northern part of Kowloon are given back to China.

be dunk that what was said by Song Zhiguang is

Everybody knows that the lease agreement was signed in 1898 and the question that the lease will expire in 1997 is not a new issue any more. But there are some people who try to calm themselves by avoiding the mentioning of the date when the lease is to expire. Now that this question has again been caused, it may leave some people in panic. They may even begin to reconsider any long-term investment in Hong Kong.

4

As early as the founding of the People's Republic, China has stated that it would disown all unequal treaties. This was not new, for Dr. Sun Yat-sen also mentioned in his "will" the "scrapping of unequal treaties." The only thing is that Chiang Kai-shek dared not pursue the matter. After all, it is only logical for a new government in other countries of the world to refrain from committing themselves to treaties signed by the previous government following a change of government. Therefore, the so-called "lease" of 1898 does not in reality carry any weight. If China feels there is a need, it will take back the New Territories even before the lease expires. The same applies to the "ceded territory" Hong Kong as well as Macau. If, however, China wants to maintain the status quo, then, by 1997, the question can be left to take its own course. As matters stand, if Song Zhiguang's statement is taken to imply that China will take up the 1898 treaty and take back North Kowloon and the New Territories, this will mean that Hong Kong Island and the Kowloon peninsula south of Boundary Street, which are not bound by any lease, will not be taken back. This obviously is not in line with China's basic stand.

What then did Song Zhiguang mean when he referred to the year 1997? Based on quotations from newspapers, it can perhaps be interpreted thus: prior to 1997, it is not likely that China will make any new decision on the question of Hong Kong. What about after 1997? It appears that the time is not ripe for making any meaningful speculation, for there are 18 years to resolve the matter. This means that the status quo is expected to remain for 18 years and that, after that, the position is to be kept under review. So, rather than taking Song Zhiguang's statement as "a hint" that Hong Kong will be taken back (by China) upon the expiry of the "lease" in 1997, it would be more appropriate to say that Song Zhiguang has given the "status quo" a minimum life expectancy. In other words, people concerned may put their hearts at ease for at least 18 years before the matter is brought up again. "Enjoy life for life is short" so the saying goes. With the guarantee of 18 years and more, there is really no need to worry.

Here we may see a new interpretation to Song Zhiguang's previous statements.

The interpretation appears to be in line with China's present situation. Prior to the Eleventh National Congress of the Communist Party, China proposed four modernisations on a large scale which basically need places such as Hong Kong and Macau, which have special things to offer, to help make them a success. However, initial implementation has revealed that the modernisation plans were lacking in practicality and that they required modifications and amendments in respect of scale, emphasis and timing. As a result, the four modernisations which were originally expected to be completed by the end of this century have now had to be extended beyond that date. This spirit of pragmatism has become even more apparent after the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China, and, this is a good thing for the Chinese people, because, after all, the days of telling lies and refusing to correct wrong decisions are gone. If the implementation of the four modernisation programracs had to go into the next century, and the threat of a war with the Soviet revisionists was still present, then, it would not be a surprise if the status quo of Hong Kong and Macau were preserved even after 1997.

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