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Association with the UK on the lines of the relationship with the Channel Islands would present problems. This relationship is of considerable antiquity and has developed to meet a particular set of historical circumstances. Briefly the UK Government is responsible for the defence and international relations of the Islands and the Crown is ultimately responsible for their good government. Although Westminster has full power to legislate for the Islands, it would be contrary to constitutional convention for that power to be used in the ordinary course without their agreement, in matters that are entirely domestic to them. Legislation on domestic matters normally takes the form of laws enacted by the Island legislatures, but UK laws are sometimes extended to the Islands with their agreement. In fulfilling its responsibilities towards the Islands, the Crown acts through the Privy Council, and the Home Secretary advises the Crown in his capacity as the responsible Privy Councillor, rather than as a UK Government Minister.
4.6
It is unlikely that the adoption of a Channel Islands' form of government would satisfy our anti-colonialist critics because it contains colonial features and does not meet the UN requirements for free association, but if it followed a formal act of self- determination (cf Cook Islands), would we mind?
5.
Colonial Advantage
5.1 The only tangible advantage to the UK of being a colonial power is the availability of defence, communications and scientific facilities in certain territories. Economic resources are only a benefit in that they reduce the nett amount of aid necessary from UK funds. The only territory of the eight under consideration that we might wish to retain for these purposes is the St Helena dependency of Ascension, which has no indigenous inhabitants anyway. The existence of these facilities in any of the other territories is not considered to be a bar to their independence, though we might wish to safeguard, for example, military overflight and stageing facilities.
6.
Aid
6.1 Responsibility for financing development in the dependencies on a continuing basis was first acknowledged by the British Government in 1929. This was followed by a series of provisions under colonial development and welfare legislation until 1970, when colonial development funds were amalgamated with the general overseas aid programme. It was then stated that the reasonable needs of our dependencies would be a first call on the available aid funds. This remains the position.
6.2
Aid to the dependencies falls under three broad headings: budgetary aid, which is given to some territories as a contribution to their recurrent administrative expenses; development aid, which is used to finance specific projects; and technical cooperation.
6.3
Our present objectives, which are linked to our general decolonisation policy, can be described as helping territories to achieve as quickly as possible self-sustaining growth, by building up and making maximum use of local resources, so that from their own funds they can increasingly choose and finance their own social and economic priorities. We like to promote
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