This policy has led us progressively to devolve political power in matters of domestic affairs upon locally elected assemblies and Ministers. Although the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary's overriding responsibility for good government demands that he retain responsibility for external affairs, defence and internal security, this process of devolution has in practice often gone further than is comfortable for us.
3.
3.1
Independence Prospects
There is no reason in theory why any of these territories (with the possible exception of St Helena and Pitcairn) should not become independent within the next five years. It has been a long-standing principle of our aid policy that the reasonable needs of our dependencies should be a first charge on aid funds and these have been and are being used to establish an economic base from which independence becomes a realistic option.
3.2
However,
Most territories today are virtually self governing. so long as they choose to remain dependent, we must accept international responsibility for their actions. This is part of the political cost of being a colonial power, which requires us to retain the authority to ensure that dependencies comply with
our international obligations. This also means that we are fair game for the anti-colonialist lobbies in such fora as the United Nations.
3.3 Full internal self government implies that the Governor's general reserved powers cease, except with regard to internal security, defence and external affairs. · This can be a comfortable cul-de-sac for the territory, giving it maximum control over budget, public service, police management etc without "interference" from the colonial power. Experience has shown that this particular form of responsibility without power should only be used as the final stage in a clearly defined independence timetable.
3.4 At the Conference on Colonial Policy held at Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford in 1965, it was considered that there was no prospect for early independence for the following now independent countries: Fiji, Bahamas, Seychelles, Solomon Islands, Tuvalu (ex Ellice Islands) and Kiribati (ex Gilbert Islands). Bermuda and St Helena were also on this list. The five Caribbean territories Anguilla, BVI, Cayman Islands, Montserrat and Turks & Caicos Islands were considered as independence possibles within a regional framework.
3.5 Must we accept as inevitable that we will always have colonies?
3.6 Or should we encourage territories to stand on their own feet, supported by aid from ourselves and other donors?
3.7 What, if any, inducements should we offer reluctant starters to move along the road to independence?
3.8 Have we gone too far in devolving power the horse with the reins too loose can be last at the post. rein, for a speedier finish?
Should we tighten the
13.9
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