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other territories we should be guided principally therefore not by the disadvantages of the system, which 1 believe are probably balanced by the advantages, but by the risk that if we offer such a status now some territories which might otherwise be persuaded eventually to move to full independence would gladly accept it as a permanent arrangement so that we would never be able to rid ourselves of our responsibilities. This has not been the experience in the WIAS, but then they have always had aspirations towards full independence. Places like Bermuda and the Cayman Islands would be a different kettle of fish.
15. Perhaps one possibility would be to offer association to certain territories for a fixed period as a penultimate step on the road to independ- ence (perhaps with the condition that if they do not at the end of that time become independent they will revert to dependent territory status), and to others not considered capable of sustaining independence as a permanent
status.
16. One aspect of this which I have not considered, because I am not competent to do so, is the ability of the smaller dependent territories to sustain associated statehood. Just how great a proportion of the burden of internal government do we carry for them, and would they have the resources to take it over themselves? Are there local people available of sufficient calibre and in sufficient numbers to man the sophisticated legislative, executive and judicial machinery, which in an associated state differs hardly at all from that of a fully independent nation?
5 May 1978
D Cockerham
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