5
is relatively low: i.e., it is very much a private enterprise economy.
the
It is not, from its political situation, a democracy, so that/ "backward-
ness" in labour relations which presumably stimulated official support
for the present enquiry is paralleled or complemented by the absence
of a political labour movement. There is a great variety of organisations
of business, employers and workers, but no strong movement towards their
consolidation on class lines such as is generally characteristic of the
industrial political democracies rather the reverse, indeed: a tendency
towards fragmentation and multiplication. Which equally implies, however,
a diversity of viewpoints and interest-expressions which is probably
greater than might be found in many industrial societies with vastly
greater populations.
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8.
On the other hand, it is clear that in the last few years
a continuing attempt has been made by the administration (which I for
one have found pretty liberal in spirit) to improve social conditions,
often against considerable resistance from vocal and powerful local vested
interests. One might question whether the pace of advance matches the
relative wealth of Hong Kong and its past and prospective rate of
economic growth (and one might ask again whether the presence of a
labour movement with a socio-economic programme typical of democratic
industrial economies would not have accelerated matters). But one sees
little reason to question the genuineness of the administration's
intentions,
that in
9.
Social improvement has covered several fields - housing,
educational facilities, and so on. In particular, there have been a
number of modifications (for instance, to introduce severance pay and
protect trade unionists against victimisation)
to the originally
limited or restrictive labour legislation: new legislation will increase
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