37
6.254.
Again, preferences for routes to improvement remained
strongly collectivist, but in this (statistically) more representat-
+
ive group Government legislation was seen as equally preferred
with direct workplace representation through employee (or consultative
committees, two-thirds preferring one or the other. Only 13% -
again, a clearly smaller number than the proportion of trade
G
unionists saw much hope from collective bargaining.
55.
Attitudes to employers were, if anything, a little
more sceptical than amongst the factory workers alone, but those to
trade unions rather more definite. More than three-quarters knew
what unions were (at least, in general terms), and nearly half had
some direct acquaintance with them through work or personal
contacts. Considerably more people were prepared to express
definite opinions as to the desirability of unions in general;
and of these, two-thirds favoured them in principle. But again,
the proportion of people who said that unions should pursue
particularised activities exceeded that of ostensible union
supporters the chosen functions here being collective bargaining,
dealing with individual grievances, securing workers more say in the
Government generally, and providing union benefits. What was
particularly remarkable was that, of all employees interviewed,
some 8 said that if unions did do such things, then workers should
join them.
گارد
156.
There seems little, then, in the special nature of "Hong
Kong Man" which would have prevented the development of a normal
labour movement. Indeed, there are clearly needs and aspirations
among the workers of Hong Kong which are not met by existing labour
organisations, whose failure to act as a vehicle for the expression
of those needs accounts in large measure for the negative attitude
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