(b)
(c)
(a)
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drawing Unofficial Members of the Legislative Council from a wider social background, including community leaders identified from the local institutions mentioned at (a) above;
appointing in due course, "Minister (care will be needed to find a term to take into account Chinese sensitivities) for major fields of Government policy from among the Unofficial Members of the Executive Council who would be answerable for them in the Legislative Council; and localising the Civil Service as much as possible bearing in mind the need to maintain a proportion of expatriates to maintain confidence in the continuance
of the colonial link.
19.
This policy, we would judge, would attract widespread public support and considerably ease the problem of making further progress towards a more satisfactory urban society. It appears to suit local circumstances and to be compatible with what is judged to be Peking's attitude to the institutions of the Colony, provided it is done gradually so as to avoid giving the impression of losing our power of decision or control. It is significant that while the Chinese have permitted constitutional changes in Macao to include limited elections to the Legislative Council, they appear to have ordered the Chinese population not to register as electors even though there is no K.M.T. element there. This and last year's difficulties over the election of a pro-Taiwan member of the Urban Council in Hong Kong suggests that Peking's attitudes to the question of elections in Hong Kong will not change in the near future.
20. Possible objections to present proposals for institutional development are:
(a)
that although right in principle the execution of them may not be rapid enough to contain the disquiet felt in UK political circles at the absence of properly representative institutions;
(b)
change of any sort might encourage pressure for an elective system; and
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