96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
Quoted in the Times, November 4, 1972. Quoted in the Times, November 16, 1972.
On the use of Hong Kong for espionage and "China-watching", see John Gittings, "China- watching in Hongkong", Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 2, No. 4 (1972). For the mili- tary use, see Disney, op. cit., Interestingly, one of the centres for Kuomintang agents Hong Kong has been the studios of Run Run Shaw, himself the purveyor of noxious "culture" throughout much of the world.
P.B. Harris, "The International Future of Hongkong", International Affairs, January 1972, p. 64. In other ways, this is a very interesting article; in particular, it criticises from a bourgeois standpoint the argument that China tolerates Hong Kong for economic reasons; Harris insists on the fact that it is politics which determines China's attitude. FEER, April, 1, 1974.
Catron, op. cit., p. 422, citing Alexander Eckstein, Communist China's Economic Growth and Foreign Trade (New York, McGraw-Hill, 1966), p. 198.
Quoted in TKP, No. 334 (October 5, 1972), p. 16.
103. FEER, May 13, 1974, p. 22.
104.
105.
The editorial from the People's Daily of March 8, 1963 (see Appendix) explicitly empha- sizes that China has "only one standard... Marxism-Leninism, proletarian internation- alism...
"
In fact the position adopted by some in Britain is close to that adopted by Khrushchov, a kind of ultra-left Oblomovism: in essence, it amounts to saying to the Chinese: "because you have struggled hard and successfully and made your Revolution, while we have not struggled hard or successfully and have not made our Revolution, you therefore have more responsibility than us, and even must do our work for us.” Nothing could be further from the spirit of proletarian internationalism than this.
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