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confidence and
7. Moreover since/the viability of Hong Kong depend to an
fpartly on what people think is the policy of China,
Therefore,
If the Chinese Government again became overtly hostile
before 1997, we could be forced by a decline in
al a NA
impovian
exteri
public confidence to approach them when there would
be little chance of an agreement. We should therefore
not rule out the possibility of opening talks with
the Chinese at a comparatively early date if a road we enance emerges of] an agreement or understanding which
would give us greater security of tenure both up to
1997 and beyond]
51
معد
real CAOMO 5/ condenal Sine: up
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8.
If we approached the Chinese Government now,
we might in the present climate be able to agree on
an orderly withdrawal in 1997, but not on our
retention of the Colony beyond that date. There is
a risk that, by waiting for a more favourable
opportunity, we might lose the chance of any agreement
But an agreement now to withdraw in 1997 could itself
be destabilising if it became public knowledge, and
could therefore defeat its own purpose. A chance of
a more favourable agreement might come either before
or after the death of the present leaders. The
balance of advantage is still to wait.
9. I therefore conclude that the recommendations
of DOP(71)83 are still valid, but that we should
continue to keep them under annual review. I invite
my colleagues to concur.
-S୧
ofer
enjoy
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