TNAG-0316-FCO40-352-Reform-of-local-government-of-Hong-Kong-1971 — Page 5

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The Longest Journey

BY LEO GOODSTADT

Hongkong: During the bleakest years of the last decade when Peking had no chance of joining the United Nations, the world body was disdained by the Chinese as the victim of US-Soviet mani- pulation. However, this attitude was more for public consumption by a proud nation than a reflection of Peking's real views. On the foundation

of the People's Republic in 1949, one of Premier Chou En-lai's first jobs was to nominate his diplomatic team to sit on China's behalf in the General Assembly, the Security Council and the UN's various agencies.

The wild cheers which rolled through the assembly when the votes were counted on Tuesday and China finally won recognition by the world body as the sole legitimate voice of the Chinese people was applause for an ambition which has preoccupied Chou for 20 years. Now the status of Peking is settl ed. UN endorsement of the People's Re- public as the only lawful government of China makes it a matter of little import- ance how many continue to believe Tai- pei has any right to represent anyone outside the island of Taiwan.

In Peking's eyes, the UN vote also settled the status of Taiwan. A week be- fore the voting began in the UN on China's membership, the New China News Agency vigorously denounced the suggestion that China's entry into the UN would not rule out the continued existence of an independent Taiwan.

Both Peking and Fukien province (facing Taiwan) broadcast angry de- nunciations of any talk of an autono- mous Taiwan as a "criminal" bid to occupy "China's sacred and inviolable territory". As far as Peking is concern- ed, any international credibility the Tai- wan government ever possessed has been destroyed by the UN vote in favour of the People's Republic.

How China will view its responsibili- ties as a member of the world body is a matter for guesswork. But Peking in a major feature in the People's Daily has already provided an outline of its view of the forces at work in international affairs and of the policies the Chinese government will support.

The central plank in China's diplo- matic platform is its opposition to what it regards as the continuing collusion be- tween Moscow and Washington to “im- pose their will on other people”. Peking made plain in its latest major diplomatic review at the end of last month its sup-

OCTOBER 30, 1971

port of every effort by the world's smaller nations to defy the two "super- powers".

The People's Daily expressed China's support for Black Africa's fight against what Peking called the colonialists' plans “to send mercenaries" to invade independent states. In Latin America, China backs a 200-mile limit for terri- torial waters and nationalisation of US assets in South American countries.

placement of Taipei by Peking menti ed by name only the US

and Japan.

Peking has given no indication what view they take of the super-power status the Chinese seat carries with tr a permanent place and a veto in the Security Council. "Super-power" is a role disclaimed by China and these pri- vileges may cause considerable ideolo- gical embarrassment for its diplomats unless Peking renounces the voto. F.See bihin s

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Moscow's military control over East Europe was condemned. Peking also criticised President Richard Nixon's measures to protect the dollar. These were depicted, hard-headedly, as harm- ing the economies of the Western world. Toothless Forum The Chinese promised to strengthen "militant unity". with other nations against "imperialist policies of aggres- sion and war".

These declarations amount to a mes- sage by Peking to the outside world that Chinese diplomacy is based on careful analysis of tensions between the various geographical regions of the world and the "super-powers" the US and the Soviet Union. Hostility towards "plots" by Washington and Moscow (as Peking views international affairs) will be en- couraged on a pragmatic basis, regard- less of a "victim" country's internal ideology. Finally China has put in its claim to act as leader of the world's weaker nations, opposed to every form of external interference in their affairs.

China's reaction was jubilant. The acting foreign minister, Chi Peng-fei, ex- pressed his pleasure the same evening. The following morning, Peking released to the nation a detailed account of the UN debate.

China's main glee was reserved for its "significant victory in foiling the US- Japanese reactionaries' plot to create two Chinas". Significantly, the Chinese description of the voting against the re-

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Bush: Pressures resisted, pieading ignored.

LAST PAPER

BY NANCY MA

30/10/71

Hongkong: The colony's particular form of colonial government includes an Urban Council, set up in its present form after World War II and charged with managing resettlement estates, public recreation grounds, licensing restaurants and food stalls, controlling hawkers, maintaining cultural services such as public libraries, museums, art galleries, and other local government functions such as environmental public health and pest control.

There have been regular criticisms of Urbco's lack of efficiency even its running of the hawker control force. One argument in defence of Urbco has been that really competent persons have not been attracted to the council be- cause of its lack of authority. Voter apathy has been cited as an argument against Urbco reform. Of the 300,000 eligible voters, only an average 10% register, a third of which actually votes. An Urbco committee produced a report in August 1966 on its future scope. It attempted to persuade the government to follow a course which would give more responsibility in public affairs to the people. The government set up a working party in April 1966 "to explore and advise on practicable alternatives for the development of an effective and convenient system of local administration in Hongkong". Its find- ings, embodied in the Dickinson Report, were published that November.

Members of Urbco have since been pressing government for an early re- sponse - but the White Paper on Urban Council Reform emerged only an Octo- ber 13, 1971. If the proposals contained in it are approved by the finance com- mittee of the Legislative Council, they will come into effect on April 1, 1973.

The most important proposal is the devolution of financial responsibility. The government has recommended that

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