TNAG-0215-FCO40-251-Appointments-to-membership-of-Legislative-Council-of-Hong-Ko-1970 — Page 143

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which is critical but basically anxious to find the right solutions rather than to score debating points? In our situation, where we have to act at all times with the utmost realism and pragmatism, and bearing in mind the position it is put in by the constitutional instruments and the fact that its members are appointed, ✓ I suggest the first type of Council would be dangerous. Remembering also that officials are a minority on it, it would for one thing mean the over-frequent employment of the President's (Governor's) original and casting vote with all the overtones of disagreement and dissension, so damaging to confidence, that this would entail. Sections of the public, the non- communist press (including in particular sections of the English language press) and, of course, the whole of the communist press, might well see advantage to themselves in such a Council (though for different reasons): but the population at large would regard it with some disdain - much as they regard the Urban Council as at present composed and operating.

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But, of course, 'wider representation" need not necessarily lead to such a Council unless membership in it is "widened" injudiciously. the next question is, just precisely what does 'wider representation mean? "Wider' can mean wider by special knowledge; by sectional interest; by racial composition (including in this, by Chinese provincial origin); by income; by status of type of employment (which roughly equates to income and educational standard); even by sex. "Representation" can mean the inclusion of people with a general interest in certain fields: or it can mean that the person concerned is formally the spokesman for an organized group.

In practical fact, one can only try to produce a composition which furnishes the best mix of as many interests as is possible and desirable; but there are severe limitations since it has to be done in the persons of 13 individuals only.

.J

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