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6.
It is suggested, therefore that our
forward planning for Hong Kong should cover the
contingency that a moment might come, even within
the next ten years, when either the Chinese
Government might make clear that they were willing
to talk seriously about the future of Hong Kong
or that H.M.G., seeing a more reasonable Govern-
ment in China, might think it wise to open talks.
If, in whichever of these two ways, talks were to
come about there are likely to be two principal
issues to be faced.
(a)
Are H.M.G. prepared to remain a
Colonial power up to 1997 - and,
and, if
the Chinese should want it, into the
twenty-first century?
(b) As the price for extending the lease
(and thus enabling H.M.G. to avoid
having to hand over the largely
unwilling inhabitants of Hong Kong
to Communism) would H.M.G. be willing
either to see rent paid for the New
Territories alone, or to retrocede
Hong Kong island and that part of
Kowloon to which they have title and
then to pay rent for the New Territories
and for a lease of the retroceded
Territories if this were also demanded?
If favourable answers in principle could be given
to these questions, there would seem to be
advantage in proceeding to a negotiation as soon
as the situation in China seemed right.
7. If, however, as is on the whole more
probable, the Chinese prove utterly intractable,
then the unpleasant situations envisaged in
K(69)1 seem likely to come about and H.M.G. will
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