TNAG-0067-FCO40-103-Governors--reports-1968 — Page 85

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6. These feelings have been encouraged by a small group of the less responsible of our local politicians. They have so far failed in their efforts to arouse any genuine political-mindedness among the population, and their talents are mainly employed in trying to persuade people that they are discontented. They ignore the advances that have been made in social welfare (represented, among other things, by the provision of Government housing for a million people) and concentrate their attention on what has not been done.

7. I had hoped to avoid personalities in this account. It is, however, impossible not to refer to the prominent part played by Mrs. Elsie Elliott, a school teacher who was elected to the Urban Council in 1963 and since then has filled the role of chief censor of Government. It was Mrs. Elliott who organised, and fanned, the opposition to the increase in ferry charges, by collecting signatures and encouraging demonstrations. And it was Mrs. Elliott, and her counsel, who for long periods monopolised the attention of the Commission of Enquiry. She was accused by one witness of bribing a youth to foment a riot; she countered with an equally improbable allegation that the police had manufactured the riots in order to discredit her. Eventually, Mrs. Elliott was held to be in contempt of the Commission for blatantly failing to disclose the source of the information on which she based her allegation against the police. One section of popular opinion still holds that she was unjustly persecuted; more thinking people regard her as slightly off her head; but mud always sticks and she has succeeded in giving the impression to many that the police, who acted with a restraint that was favourably remarked upon at the time, are brutal and corrupt.

8. There is no evidence that these disturbances were inspired by outside political influences. Indeed, although the local Left-wing Press gave mild support to the agitation against the increase in ferry fares, it denounced the riots and (in striking contrast to the stand it took after the 1956 riots) made no attempt to complain about the effectiveness of the methods used to suppress them.

9. Indeed, the colony's position vis-à-vis the CPG could be said to be reasonably satisfactory. It is now clear that a review of Chinese policy towards Hong Kong followed President Johnson's decision in the early summer of 1965 to commit greatly increased numbers of troops to the Viet-Namese theatre. The conclusion was apparently reached that although the colony was an integral part of China, and must sooner or later be returned to it, it would not be in China's economic or political interests if it were taken back now. Hence even if the Viet-Namese war were expanded, Peking would wish the status of Hong Kong to remain unchanged. But there were three basic conditions; Hong Kong must not be used as a base for "aggression" either against China or against Viet-Nam, and "patriotic workers and organisations in Hong Kong must not be

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10. Almost immediately afterwards, by an unfortunate coincidence, a United States military aircraft taking 70 soldiers back to Viet-Nam from leave in the colony crashed in Hong Kong harbour with much loss of life of those on board. Chinese reactions were quick and harsh. A Note handed to Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires in Peking contended that Hong Kong was increasingly being used by the United States as a base of operations for their war of aggression and that this was an increasingly grave threat to Chinese security. Unless Her Majesty's Government immediately stopped "all the activities of the United States aggressor forces in Hong Kong" they would, in the familiar phrase, “bear full responsibility for all the consequences arising ".

11. The violent wording of the protest created the impression that Peking was determined once again to make things difficult for Hong Kong. Official Chinese complaints were made at the same time about two further incidents and the local Left-wing Press began a campaign against United States activities of all sorts in the colony. There was however no sustained effort to bring about a change in the Hong Kong Government's policy and, although the local pro-Communist Press continued to complain whenever large United States ships arrived in the harbour, it became clear that these protests were becoming a matter of routine. During the last nine months there has been no formal Chinese protest against United States military activities in the colony.

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