SECRET
3.
As Mr. Hopson points out, the Chinese leadership might
welcome another foreign diversion. There could also be
a spontaneous reaction by local Chinese in Hong Kong or
Red Guards in the neighbouring Chinese provinces, which
Peking would find it difficult to discountenance, even
if they wanted to do so.
The Governor of Hong Kong is clearly in two minds about
the advisability of allowing the exercise to proceed.
He agrees
he says that he
that it could cause serious difficulties;
would have been far happier if it had not been planned and that,
if a decision had to be taken now, he would almost certainly
have to advise cancellation as being the only safe course.
The Governor also, however, puts the arguments for allowing the
exercise to proceed under certain conditions (paragraph 9 of
his telegram No. 153). With respect, I suggest that the first
condition is unacceptable: to stop the exercise after it starts,
presumably under Chinese pressure, would be to give the latter
another "outstanding victory" after Macao.
Also we do not see
how we could guarantee, as the Governor implies, that publicity
should be strictly confined. As regards the third condition,
even if the narrative is not disclosed, the nature of the
exercise would be fairly obvious. The Governor also suggests
that we can afford to wait a little longer before deciding to
cancel. There must now be very few days to go before preliminary
developments take place and we cannot see the relevant factors
changing materially before then.
5. This question was considered by the Chiefs of Staff when
discussing Ching on 10 January (Mr. Brooke-Turner's minute of
Neither the Foreign Office nor, I understand, the
Flag C
1 February).
/Commonwealth
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