CONFIDENTIAL
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we will not tolerate violence and disorder in the colony,
is one which I think is understood and broadly accepted in
Peking: If, however, we go on from there to attempt to cut
down on communist positions, giving the impression that, for
example, we are attacking communist cducation as such, then
wo endanger the basis of our co-existence and risk a new and
more violent confrontation. Obviously we have no intention
of assisting the communists in their present state of
convalescence in Hong Kong: but there is a great difference
between that and measures which will be seen in Peking as
signalling an offensive on our side.
11.
This need to co-exist means not only taking account of
Chinese sensitivities but recognising that they have become much
sharper than two or three years ago. Much has happened since
then the Cultural Revolution, communist success in Macao,
confrontation in Hong Kong, setbacks to Chinese policy over
Victnan
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and it is no longer possible to argue, in defence
of a course, that it was followed two or three years ago without
trouble. This attention to Chinese sensitivities is not to
be regarded as a surrender, rather as the adjustment to a
powerful neighbour which ordinary prudence would dictate.
Moves to End Confrontation. The Negative Argument
12. Is it possible to go beyond this negative policy of
avoiding further friction and to take positive steps to end
confrontation? Is there a gesture which we can concede to the
Chinese in order to enable then to climb down without losing
/too
CONFIDENTIAL
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