Directory_and_Chronicle_1918 — Page 684

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CHINA

purpose of discussing the form of Government best adapted to this country. While claiming only academic interest in the discussion of the question, the Chou An Huei was unmistakably in favour of a reversion to monarehy, and the fact that it was allowed to continue its propaganda certainly lent verisimilitude to the belief that the President was not wholly opposed to the objects for which it stood.

Curiously enough, the Monarchical moveinent had, or seemed to have, its inception in a memoranlum written by Professor Goodnow, constitutional advisor to the Pre- sident, in which he discussed the relative merits of a Republic or a Monarachy as applied to conditions in China. This document was utilised in support of the Monar- chical movement with some show of reason, although this result may not have been anticipated by the Professor when he prepared it. Petitions followed from high officials and certain public bodies throughout the Provinces, and these, viewed as important expressions of public opinion, were presented to the State Council, which decided that these could only be dealt with by a properly-elected organ such as the Citizens' Convention. The elections for this body took place in October, and resulted in a unanimous vote in favour of inviting Yuan Shih-kai to ascend the Dragon throne of China. After exhibiting some reluctance Yuan consented to accede to the urgent appeals which were addressed to him on the subject. The Coronation ceremony however, was postponed in deference to a suggestion from Japan and the other Allied Powers that no step should be taken which might give rise to disturbance in China, though the Government declared its ability to cope with any disorderly elements.

The insurrection which broke out in Yunnan towards the end of 1915 quickly spread to the adjoining provinces, and this led in time to the formation of a confedera- tion headquarters at Canton. Even though the coronation was postponed and later the monarchical movement was cancelled, these concessions failed to satisfy the Revolutionists. Lack of money afflicted both parties, but chiefly the Southerners, who, otherwise, might have achieved greater success. By April and May a deadlock had been reached. However, the tension was relieved when on June 5th, 1916, Yuan Shih- kai died in his palace, a broken-hearted man. Peace was restored by Li Yuan Hung becoming President and assuring the resumption of republican institutions. Though the Revolution ceased with dramatic suddenness on the death of Yuan Shih-kai fighting did not end in Kwantung till several months later, rival generals contending for Canton and the power which its possession conferred in negotiating with the Central Government.

Parliament, which was reconstituted in August, failed to accomplish anything. Its policy was obstructive rather than constructive. It declined to approve of two nominations for Minister of Foreign Affairs, actions similar to those which forced Yuan Shih-kai to suppress the National Assembly. Friction between the Chinese and Japanese Governinents arose over a fracas in the Mongolian border town of Chengchiatun, and the questions developing therefrom resulted in China having to concede certain demands to Japan. Another unfortunate incident took place in October between the French and Chinese Governments respecting the extension of the Freneh Concession in Tientsin, the French authorities, becoming weary of Chinese procra- stination, forcibly taking possession of the area in question. This matter, according to instructions from Paris, was settled amicably. The election of Vice-President was debated for some time, and, finally, Fung Kuo-chang was elected.

The struggle between Parliament and Premier continued in 1917 and even the advent of the veteran Wu Ting-fang as Minister for Foreign Affairs failed to have any soothing effect. Against the most strenuous opposition, the Government, however, made progress in its policy of acting with America against German submarinism, and on February 9th a Note was dispatched to the Berlin Government protesting against the measures proclaimed on 1st February by that Government. Needless to say, the reply was of the usual evasive character and did not touch the points at issue. Not till some weeks later did China finally break off diplomatic relations with Germany, a step which involved a lively dispute between the President and the Premier Tuan Chi-jui. The former was inclined to object to too precipitate action by the Cabinet and it was even said that he insisted upon his constitutional rights to declare war and make As the result of the disagreement Tuan Chi-jui immediately left the capital for Tientsin and remained there for two days during which the President evidently discovered that he had made a mistake and dispatched influential delegates to persuade the Premier to return, Having secured certain guarantees, Tuan did return, and a conference of conciliation took place when differences were settled, for the time at least. On March 10th the Cabinet appeared before both Houses of Parliament and, after prolonged discussion, each voted its support to the Government, and on March 14th diplomatic

peace.