1927-08-04 — Page 2

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NANKING'S BOURGEOIS REVOLT.

THE KUOMINTANG REACTION AGAINST

COMMUNISTS.

Th

REDS STILL HOPE TO WIN CLASS WAR.

*

struggle, and would throw the whole- responsibility for the continuance of that struggle upon the shoulders of the workers and peasants,

The article reprinted below is by a Communist who professes to write from Moscow and signs himself A. Stetaki. It frst appeared, how- ever, in * Die Rote Fahne Tão faster the movement spread ("The Red Flag") of May 3rd, the among the workers and peasants, official organ of the German' Com- and the stronger their organizations munist Party, which is published in grew, the more decisively the objects Berlin and may, therefore, be fairly of those organizations clarified assumed to represent Moscow's at themselves as primarily economic. titude towards the present situation Consequently, the more the workers in China. It is thought likely in Red demanded practical betterments in circles that this Stetski is the their conditions, like, higher wages, notorious Vaintinsky who has contri-a shorter working day, and enlight ened social legislation, and the more buted so largely to China's troubles, the peasants insisted on lower land

rents and beration from oppres sive and unjust tenancy conditions, the faster the bourgeoisie" swung towards the side of reaction.

since he is known to have used this name in the past as one of his many aliares. Vointinsky's ex cellent knowledge of German and and his familiarity with the Chinese situation makes this identiscation seem likely.

Chiang Kai Shek and Communista. Chiang Kai Shek had the support of the Communist Party and the working classes of China. They have now declared him a traitor to

the cause of the revolution and national independence.

Were the Communists wise in

supporting Chiang Kai Shek? Are they justifed now in declaring him 4 traitor? Doesn't this seem incon-

sistent 7

No such inconsistency exists. The Communist Party was right in both cases. That accords with the logic of revolution.

During the last four months re presentatives of the Right Wing of the Kuomintang have repeatedly used repressive measures against. the workers and peasants organi sations. They have disarmeded the working people and imprisoned their leaders. As long, however, as the burgeoisie did not go over openly to the enemy cause, the workers and peasants conned themselves ta

shaping the revolution as far as possible in their own interest, to gathering support from every pos disciplining their forces, and to

they would be called upon to take sible direction against the time when the lead in the struggle.

Beaction Against Workers. " Now, frightened by the growth and the present tendencies of the

China is passing through a mighty revolution, in the midst of a high- ly complex domestic and inter-revolutionary movement, the bour- national situation. It is character. geoisie has, at last decided to go iatic of every revolution that con over en masse to reaction. Its ditions change with unusual sudden- generals have turned their arms ness, that relations between classes against the workers and peasants and parties reverse themselves over- of China, have tried to break up right, that the centre of power both their organizations, and have arrest in the revolutionary and in the op-ed and shot their Izaders. position camp is constantly shift "Every revolutionary organization must detect these changes imined iately. It must recognize betimes their importance, and adapt its tactica to them.

Chiang Kai Shek is a representa tive of the Chinese nationalist bourgeoisie, who at one stage of the revolution hesitatingly and reluct antly adopted revolutionary methods and accepted revolutionary aid against foreign imperialism and nativa militarist feudalism He stands for the ideals and objects of a large section of the Chinese bour- zenisie.

That bourgeoisie, with the exception of a minority slosely allied with foreign capital ism, is itself evolutionary. It is intensely hostile no only to foreiga imperialism but also to the feudal institutions of its own country and

The

bourgeoisie is now trying, with the help of foreign imperialists, to set up a dictatorship to suppress the

national revolution.

This marks a radical change in the situation. It calls for an equal. ly radical change in the tactics of the Communist Party of China to- ward the bourgeoisie. The Party's primary strategic objective, bow- ever, has, not changed. It remains what it always, has beer, to carry through the national revolution to its ultimate cad and to convert it into a Socialist revolution. Instead of fighting side baite with the bourgeois, however, it must hence- furth fight against them It will continue to carry forward the re volution, nevertheless, in closer. alliance than ever with the peasan try, with the petty bourgeoisie of the cities, and with the intellectuals, not only against foreign militarismi the arbitrary rule of its army lead- and the Northern feudal militarists.

That burgeoisie has suffered but also against the antive bour bitterly from imperialist oppression.geoisie and the latter's gencrals, That was concretely illustrated by the tariff system which the Powers forced upon China. It was a spatem which enabled foreign manufactur ers and merchants to exploit the cheap native labour to the disad vantage of the Chinese nation and Chinese employers. Such abuses as this drove the bourgeoisie to ally itself with the other classes in a national revolutionary movement.

ers.

Class Struggle Begins.

the class struggle proper..

So we now witness the opening of Party's sudden change in tactics is The in perfect accord with the logic of the situation.

Some may ask whether it was wise for the Communist Party to co- operate with the Kuomintang at any time. This is a question of great practical importance, for the tactics Using the Revolu Hon.

of the Party hitherto have been, to Consistently with this, the bour- capture the Kuomintang from with- geoisie helped to finance a nation-in, to convert it into an organization alist revolutionary army to fight for consisting predominately of workers eign imperialism and domestic mili- and peasants, and to expel the Con- tarismo. It conducted the boycott servatives from its ranks. Was this against British goods, and utilized the right policy its connections throughout the coun- try to disorganize the districts in

The fact that Chiang Kai Shek has been forced to set up a counter.

the rear of the Northern miiltarist leit anti-revolutionary Kuomintang front.

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As long as Chiang Kai Shek cop-a National Government of his own fined himself to fighting foreign im- as a counterweight to the revolu perialists and the North China tionary Nationalist Government at dendal military overlords-long as he Wahan sufficiently proves-it-was. pushed northward and extended the For it demonstrates that the Con- territories within which the Com-servative wing no longer controls munist Party was free,to work; na either the true Kuomintang, or the long as he was liberating the most trae Nationalist Government. That important industrial sections of explains why the bourgeoisie was China from the rule of the mili forced to secede from those organi tarists, he was working in our own zations. The Communists have ac cause. As long as that continued compliabed their object. They have the Communist Party of Chinh was succeeded in strengthening the Left. in duty bound to support him.

WinK

of the Kuomintang until it has. A new situation has developed, become the dominant partner in the however, since the Chinese bour organization. They won their first georisis and Chiang Kai Shok have victory over Chiang Kai Shek when gone, over to the reactionaries and they transferred, the capital of the have made common cause with the Nationalist Government from Cad. imperialists against the national re-ton to Hankow. For that general volution. That change in the situa- tion demanded a prompt, and vigor otis change in the tactics of, the Communist Party towards the bour- geoisie. This change had long been in preparation. Fotog

„Bourgeois Eavolt Forasaan. Both the Third International and

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and his supporters opposed placing 100TH CONCERT industrial city; they wanted to put it the centre of government in a great in a smaller provincial town, where it could not be influenced directly by the workers.

A

N1

The Red Future in China: A last word as to the future policy the Communist Party of China of the Communist Party in China. realized from the first that with the toward the Kuomintang. First of progress of revolution, and the in-all, it will not, let. the, counter-re- creasing prominence of the working voluntionaries secure control of that classes and the peasants in it, a time body. The Kuomintang has won would come when the bourgeoisie great authority oyer, the Chinese would desert the cause and their labouring massen. It would be a leaders would go over to the re great mistake to underestimate its actionaries. This had not only been importance or to seck to abolish it- predicted and forencen in a general The Communist Party of China will way, but it had been explicitly doubtless exert itself to the utmost. Atated in a Party resolution. That to mobilize and organize the masses resolution declared that the deser of the people under the banner of tion of the bourgeoisie to the coun-the revolutionary Kuomintang. It ter-revolution would mark the most will endeavour to convert the latter critical point in the nation's present Into a proletarian body,

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