[
    {
        "id": 286204,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-154 - Public Offices - 1871",
        "page_number": 160,
        "title": "CO129-154 - Public Offices - 1871",
        "content_text": "## THE GLOBE. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 20, 1870.\n\n**OPINIONS OF MORNING PAPERS**\n\nThe Bombardment of Paris. The Times thinks that \"the fury and rapidity with which the batteries at Mont Avron were overpowered was in no small measure due to the fact that the spot had not yet been armed with the heaviest guns.\" There is, perhaps, closer resemblance between the besiegers' reliance on overwhelming force and the former's pause, though the latter's mode of attack was more steady and deliberate. The besiegers, however, says the writer, were less successful. The French resistance was more stubborn and more pacific than the authors of the bombardment had expected.\n\nSeizing the Opportunity. The Standard remarks that the war has reacted on prices, not in the shape of invading armies or hostile declarations, but on the sale of champagne and other luxury goods. Your regular wine merchant has not increased his prices due to an enormous stock in hand. The war is simply an excuse for extortion.\n\nTHE COURT.\n\nOSBORNE, December 19.\n\nThe Queen and her Royal Highness Princess Beatrice drove out yesterday afternoon, attended by the Hon. Mrs. Macdonald; and her Majesty walked in its grounds this morning accompanied by Princess Louise. Prince Arthur and Prince Leopold also went out.\n\nThe Marquess and Marchioness of Ailesbury are entertaining at Savernake Forest. Burgundy, Claret, and the better growths of the Bordeaux wines have not been affected at all by the struggle now raging.\n\nTHE SEIZURE OF THE FRENCH CABLE.\n\nThe Standard says — The more closely the matter is looked into, the more egregious appears the blunder of supposing that the recent act had any bearing upon the war. The Hoegh International is a telegraph, not built or equipped for warlike purposes, but for peaceful use.\n\nTHE PRUSSIANS.\n\nThe cause of the seizure of the English vessels Duclair, &c., is divulged in a letter from Rouen to the Times.\n\nTHE WANT OF FORTRESSES.\n\nA correspondent (\"W.P.\") writing from the Army and Navy Club to the Times advocates the construction of fortifications which would deter an enemy from making a raid upon this country.\n\nTHE CONFERENCE.\n\nThe French Government is reported to be negotiating. The Nizam Government has recognised the French Government.\n\nMILITARY OPERATIONS.\n\nThe gap between Bourbaki's forces will tell whether he plans to make a dashing 'raid' on the undefended districts or whether he means to follow up Werder's success and fight wherever found. The former seems the more likely plan.\n\nTHE MILITIA ARTILLERY.\n\nThe noble Earl says:-\"I think it would be difficult to point out a more glaring instance of false economy.\" The money expected on the pay, equipments, and billets of the militia artillery might just as well have been thrown into the sea.\n\nNOTICE—HINDOO'S IL Whisky Depot.\n\nKiddaban and Co. herewith announce their New Spring Stock, S. Great Tower-street, London.\n\nSNOW MISERIES.\n\nThe misery caused by the snow fall in the central parts of the metropolis cannot be appreciated by those who live there. It is in the suburbs specially that the ordinary channels of communication are stopped up.\n\nAMERICA.\n\nNew York, December 29. Gold closed at 110; the highest quotation during the day was 110%, the lowest 110g; sterling exchange on London, 109.\n\nHOMEWARD CAPE MAILS.\n\nForcargo, December 30. The Union Company's Mailer Shawn arrived in Plymouth Sound to-day at 7 a.m., with the homeward Cape Mails.\n\nOUTWARD INDIA, CHINA, AND AUSTRALIAN MAILS.\n\nThe P. and O. Company's steamer Tanjore, from Suez, arrived at 7 and leaves at 11 this morning for Alexandria. All well.\n\nINVESTMENTS IN SECURITIES.\n\nSince Variety is charming, notably in ladies' attire, we make no apology for our notice of Le Follet. Very best colours, either plain or mixed, are much worn for covering dress.\n\nFASHIONS FOR JANUARY.\n\nColours are diversified with black, or shades of the same. Neutral tints are also tried. The velvet badges for visiting dresses are profusely trimmed with fan, jet, and feathers.\n\nSTAMINA.\n\nThe Law Times says: The death of Mr. William Brandthis is by no means a loss to the legal profession, but he was a distinguished scholar.\n\n## THE GLOBE. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 30, 1870.\n\nTHIS MORNING'S WAR NEWS.\n\nThe Prussians are reported to be advancing. General von Gablenz to the 18th Division to change front to their right Bank.\n\nTHE FRENCH BLOCKADE.\n\nThe Prussians are very weak before Quarrieux, and the French artillery retreated.\n\nTHE REFUGEES.\n\nA letter from Rouen of the 26th to the Times says, with time, to the right, the village of Dar, Vau, &c., were repulsed, the greater part being killed.\n\nTHE SITUATION IN PARIS.\n\nA letter from Paris, hearing date the 28th, has been received, and the news was not encouraging. On Wednesday we received definite intelligence that General Bourbaki, who was in another part of France, had reached Bapaume.\n\nGERMAN VALOUR.\n\nA correspondent of the Times has sent here a description of the fighting at Querrieux. At 4.45 I started Quarrieux for the purpose of bringing a message to a wounded friend.\n\nARTILLERY FOR THE FRENCH.\n\nIt is stated in a telegram from Marseilles that 37 batteries of 34-pounders, and 28 batteries of 7-pounders, 300 pieces in all, are being manufactured at La Seyne and other places in France.\n\nMILITARY MOVEMENTS.\n\nThe Count of War of Bourges which was transferred to Issoudun between 1000 and 1,800 killed were found.\n\nAN EXTRAORDINARY PERSONAGE.\n\nA resident in Paris describes a woman who was wounded at Le Bourget. She was transported to Warsaw, where she joined her father in a convent boarding school.\n\nTHE BATTLE OF PONT NOYELLES.\n\nA correspondent of the Lyraph, writing from the German head-quarters at Amiens on Christmas Eve, says that the morning of the 3rd of December was bitterly cold—the frost out intense.\n\nTHE ARMIES OF THE LOIRE.\n\nA French reconnaissance from Havre. Last Friday morning (writes the Havre correspondent of the Times), M. Nucelle was good enough to send me intimation of his intention to take reconnaissance of the enemy's positions.",
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        "id": 326403,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-217 - Governor Sir Bowen Administrator Marsh - 1884 [7-10]",
        "page_number": 438,
        "title": "CO129-217 - Governor Sir Bowen Administrator Marsh - 1884 [7-10]",
        "content_text": "**opinion** of the Acting Captain Superintendent \n\nof Police, it is necessary. \n\nThat; if it clearly appears to \n\nthe Police that an attack in force \n\ncommencing on any house or building \n\nwith a view to its sacking or destruction, \n\nand that the Police are unable without \n\nassistance to repel the attack, \n\nthen \n\nthe Military are to be called upon to assist: \n\nthe moment the Military \n\nare called \n\non to assist, the Riot Act shall be \n\nread \n\n9. \n\nby \n\na Magistrate in English, and \n\nalso, if possible, in Chinese. \n\nThat in case the Police \n\ncertified that attempts in force \n\nare being made to set \n\nfire to buildings, \n\nor boats, or ships, the \n\nMilitary \n\nare \n\nto be called upon to assist in the \n\nsame manner.\n\n10. \n\nThat the Magistrate who \n\nreceives \n\nCopy \n\nEnclosure 2. \n\nC. O. 19555 \n\nRECD. \n\nREGS 18 NOV 84, \n\n434 \n\n## Minute by the Colonial Secretary \n\non a \n\nconference held with certain Members of the Native Community \n\nregarding the strike and Riot. \n\nOn \n\nSaturday \n\nthe 4th October \n\ninstant, Mr. Foster, of the Pacific Mail Company, asked me on behalf of Mr. Li Tak-cheung, ex Chairman Jung Wa Hospital Committee to attend, unofficially, a meeting of \n\nChinese Merchants in Bonham's Strand, with a view to addressing the heads of the boat-people and \n\ncoolies out on strike. \n\nI objected, because, by complying \n\n10:22:35",
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    {
        "id": 373503,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-294 - Governor Sir Blake - 1899 [10-12]",
        "page_number": 233,
        "title": "CO129-294 - Governor Sir Blake - 1899 [10-12]",
        "content_text": "239 \n\nhas not wanted or received any goods during the year by any authority. That the Conference this 1070 returned to him.\n\nis \n\n4 \nCounteracting this Steam ship combination except by a similar Combination among Shippers appears not to have thrown them out of gear. They have to pay more Continental freight, and when necessary, charter outside steamers to carry cargoes.\n\n5. \nGovernment House.\n\nI enclose a table showing the Summary of Foreign Trade with the Pacific Coast since 1896.\n\nI have the honour to be, \nSir, \nYour free and obedient humble Servant \nAmongst others, \nGovernor.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-294 - Governor Sir Blake - 1899 [10-12].txt",
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    {
        "id": 416498,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-351 - Public Offices - 1908",
        "page_number": 663,
        "title": "CO129-351 - Public Offices - 1908",
        "content_text": "656\n\n1\n\n6\n\nThere have been two affairs at which we may to some extent take pleasure. American missionaries having occupied a mission site at Hai Tao, in Huchow, and the district officials being unable to recover it, and an appeal to the United States' Minister evoking a still more unfair judgment, which the people of Huchow would not recognize, Chang Ch'un, a military officer, and Liu Teng Ju came forward and took the matter up with the Americans, and their spirit and good cause overbore the Americans and secured the return of the land occupied.\n\nAgain, the Shansi gentry, being unable to make headway against the oppressive action of the Peking Syndicate, sent a delegation in the 8th moon to Peking to negotiate direct with the British. The Wai-wu Pu appointed the former Shansi Judge, Ting Pao Chuan, to back them up, and the victory remained at last, in the 12th moon, with the Shansi men, who redeemed the mining rights of the Peking Syndicate for over 2,000,000 taels. From this one sees the comparative power and capital of the nation and of the Government.\n\nThese two cases are the only ones of the past year which can give satisfaction. The success is due to the efforts of the people. How can it still be said they are incapable?\n\nIn the 6th moon, the prohibition by the American authorities at San Francisco of Chinese children attending schools for white children being extended to Japanese children, serious trouble arose between Japan and America. America proving in the wrong, Japanese children were allowed in the schools on the score of not being of Mongolian race. Later the American Labour Union agitated to drive out the Japanese, and frequently wrecked Japanese shops and stopped their trade. International relations became more and more strained, and the United States' Government dispatched a squadron to the Pacific, and the outcome of the matter is still to be seen. Chinese Government is helpless in face of the expulsion of Chinese children from the schools, and even expressed extreme gratitude to the United States' Government for the return of part of the 1900 indemnity.\n\nIn the 9th moon the agitation about the foreign loan for the Su-Hang-Ning Railway began. The origin was the Tsung-li Yamên's blunder in causelessly yielding to others' claims, and then the Wai-wu Pu procrastinated and shilly-shallied, and not only took no notice of the Decree sanctioning Chekiangese merchants building the railway, but blindly made a Loan Agreement without reference to any one else, and thus caused a violent agitation throughout the south-east.\n\nThe Kiangsu and Chekiang Company insisted on the original scheme, and the Chinese people hurried to help by subscribing capital, and in a very short time 5,000,000 or 6,000,000 taels were forthcoming--an unprecedented occurrence, and one proof of innate patriotism; but the Wai-wu Pu, pressed by the British, was unable to think of any plan for putting things right. Although four representatives from Kiangsu and Chekiang went to Peking to thresh the question there, their idea of putting things right proved to be only hovering about, and so popular excitement ran higher than ever. This matter is not settled in principle up to the present moment, after four or five months' suspense.\n\nThe other cases where foreigners scored were when the Germans were allowed to mine coal at Tsu Ch'uan, in Shantung, and the Russians to mine gold at Ku Lun (Urga), in the Tse-tsin Khanate of Outer Mongolia, at Iliochi. The Mongol Princes of the eastern part of Tushet'u Khanate wired to have the Concession cancelled, but in vain. The French stationing soldiers at Mengtse, the American oil installation at Wuhu, the prevention by the French Minister of the project of the Lienchow gentry to build a railway from Pakhoi to the West River on the score that it would interfere with the French Railway Concession, and the Government humbly giving way to the French, are other cases in point. Again, when the Government wanted to build a railway from Hsinmintung to Fakumen, the Japanese also openly put a stop to the project, saying that if their wishes were not respected they would use force.\n\nSo at present the sphere of lines successfully put under Chinese management is extremely narrow, being solely Kiangsu and Chekiang lines and the Kwantung portion of the Canton-Hankow Railway; and of these the former is objected to by the Wai-wu Pu over the Su-Hang-Ning case, and as to the latter, continual party strife rages.\n\nFrom this it is evident that China is surrounded by foes, whose only anxiety is lest they slacken in their efforts to block her future business. Besides, the passing of mining rights into the hands of foreigners, as the Japanese at Tayeh, the French at Tachiehlu and Kueichou, is hard to enumerate.\n\nKirin-Kalgan Railway.\n\nThe Japanese and Chinese engineers should complete the survey of the line shortly, and will then return to Mukden to prepare an estimate of the cost. The question of raising a loan will then be discussed. It is stated that work will be begun in April, but there are said to be serious differences of opinion between the Chinese and Japanese engineers, each claiming the right of control over the workmen employed on the line.\n\nMotor-car Service in Mongolia.\n\nThe proposal to establish a motor-car service in Mongolia has already been sanctioned. Capital to the amount of 100,000 dollars has now been raised, and two cars of 24 h.p. are to be purchased with a view to establishing a service between Kalgan and Urga, each passenger to be charged 30 taels. Two new cars are to be purchased every six months.\n\nThe Company applied for a monopoly of motor-car services in Mongolia, and offered to carry the Chinese mails free from Kalgan to Urga. The Board of Communications have objected to the monopoly being granted, and have declined the offer to carry the mails on the ground that it might lead to disputes with the Russian Post Office.\n\nThe Peace Conference.\n\nLu Chêng Hsiang, the Chinese Delegate to the Peace Conference, who returned to Peking recently, has presented a secret Memorial to the Throne giving the results of his observations at the Conference and during his stay in Europe. It is reported that he takes a very pessimistic view of the result of the Conference, and considers that the mutual jealousies among the Powers are so strong and the desire for peace so half-hearted that serious results are bound to ensue within the next few years. He considers that China's only chance of being able to hold her own in the coming struggles lies in the reform of the Administration and the establishment of a constitutional Government.\n\nChinese Fleet.\n\nSome time ago the Chinese Minister in London was directed to make contracts for the construction of men-of-war, and it is stated that Wang Ta Hsieh, the Commissioner to England to study the Constitution, has now been directed to assist the Minister in this matter.-[Extract from Chinese press.]\n\nReorganization of the Chinese Navy.\n\nIt is reported in official circles that the reason for delay in proceeding with the reorganization of the navy is not lack of funds, but that the Empress-Dowager hesitates to take any steps in the matter because so few of the Imperial clansmen and other Manchus are qualified for posts in the navy.--[Extract from Chinese press.]\n\nProposed Parliament,\n\nThe Hunanese gentry have requested the Censorate and Board of the Interior to present a Memorial on their behalf praying for the establishment of a Parliament elected by the people.\n\nThe Grand Canal.\n\nA Memorial has been presented by the Board of Communications with reference to the proposed improvement of the Grand Canal so as to render it navigable for steam-launches. The reports of the various provincial authorities concerned are to the effect that the canal could not be made navigable for steam traffic except on certain sections and at great expense. They recommend, however, that certain improvements shall be carried out which will facilitate the navigation of the canal by junks. Extract from Chinese press.]\n\nResidence at Shanghae for Nanking Viceroy.\n\nIt has been proposed that the Viceroy should reside at Shanghae for a certain period every year in order to facilitate the arrangement of international questions.\n\n1",
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    {
        "id": 417107,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-352 - Public Offices - 1908",
        "page_number": 433,
        "title": "CO129-352 - Public Offices - 1908",
        "content_text": "Inclosure 3 in No. 1.\n\nColonial Office to Post Office.\n\nSir,\n\nDowning Street, July 18, 1908.\n\nI AM directed by the Earl of Crewe to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 14th instant, forwarding a Report by the Cables (Landing Rights) Committee on the improvement of telegraphic communication with Japan and the Far East.\n\n2. Lord Crewe is of opinion that the proposed communication to the Japanese Government should not contain the statement that His Majesty's Government \"would be glad to see an Agreement on these general lines entered into by the Japanese Government\" as proposed in the first Resolution of the Committee (p. 17 of Report), but subject to this he concurs in their recommendations.\n\nI am, &c.\n\nSir,\n\n(Signed)\n\nR. L. ANTROBUS.\n\nInclosure 4 in No. 1.\n\nIndia Office to Post Office.\n\nIndia Office, July 23, 1908.\n\nI AM directed by the Secretary of State for India in Council to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 13th July, 1908, inclosing an advance copy of a Report from the Cables (Landing Rights) Committee on the question of telegraphic communication with Japan and the Far East, and inquiring whether Lord Morley concurs in the recommendations of the Report.\n\nIn reply, I am to inform you that Lord Morley concurs in the proposed Agreement, but I am at the same time to request that this concurrence may not be taken to imply that the Secretary of State for India would be prepared to promote the arrangements recommended by the Committee by accepting charges against Indian telegraph revenue, which possibly might be proposed by the Administrations interested in the telegraphic traffic in the North Pacific.\n\nI am, &c.\n\n(Signed) T. R. BUCHANAN,\n\nInclosure 7 in No. 1.\n\nPost Office to Mr. Nakaya.\n\nGeneral Post Office, July 31, 1908.\n\nYOU are aware that His Majesty's Government have from time to time communicated with the Government of Japan in favour of\n\n1. The establishment of a direct communication between Japan and the British cable system; and\n\n2. The conclusion of an Agreement between Japan and the Cable Companies concerned for the maintenance of such reasonable rates for communication with Europe as might be arranged.\n\nWith this object in view His Majesty's Government used their interest with the Companies controlling the existing rates to Japan to obtain a reduction of those rates on a sliding scale similar to those adopted in certain cases for communication between Great Britain and her Colonies; and, as you are aware, the question was pursued at the recent International Telegraph Conference of Lisbon, with the result that the Cable Companies formulated certain proposals (applicable to correspondence between Japan and America as well as between Japan and Europe), as set forth in the accompanying Suggested Heads of Agreement between Japan and the Administrations interested in the Telegraphic Traffic in the North Pacific.*\n\nI am now able to inform you that His Majesty's Government have no objection to the proposed Heads of Agreement, except that they think that a definite date of termination should be inserted, and that the proposed new direct cable between Hong Kong and Japan should be laid independently of an increase of traffic, and in any case not later than 1912.\n\nI am, &c.\n\n(Signed)\n\nH. BABINGTON SMITH.\n\nInclosure 5 in No. 1.\n\nBoard of Trade to Post Office.\n\nSir,\n\nBoard of Trade, July 25, 1908.\n\nWITH reference to your letter of the 13th instant, transmitting an advance copy of a Report from the Cables (Landing Rights) Committee on the question of telegraphic communication with Japan and the Far East, I am directed by the Board of Trade to state, for the information of the Postmaster-General, that they concur in the recommendations of the Committee.\n\nI am,\n\n(Signed)\n\nT. H. W. PELHAM.\n\nInclosure 6 in No. 1.\n\nAdmiralty to Post Office.\n\nAdmiralty, July 30, 1908.\n\nWITH reference to your letter of the 18th July, I am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to acquaint you, for the information of the Postmaster-General, that they concur in the recommendations contained in the Report from the Cables (Landing Rights) Committee.\n\nPost Office to Sir J. Pender.\n\nGeneral Post Office, August 1908.\n\nWITH reference to previous correspondence and discussions at the Lisbon Conference on the subject of telegraphic communication with Japan and China, I am directed by the Postmaster-General to inclose, for the confidential information of the Eastern and Eastern Extension Telegraph Companies and the other Companies and Administrations concerned, a copy of a communication in which the Japanese Delegates to the Conference have been informed that His Majesty's Government have no objection to the proposed \"Heads of Agreement between Japan and the Administrations interested in the Telegraphic Traffic in the North Pacific,\" except that they think that a definite date of termination should be inserted, and that the proposed new direct cable between Hong Kong and Japan should be laid independently of an increase of traffic, and in any case not later than 1912.\n\nThe Secretary of State for India, in intimating that he concurs in the proposed Heads of Agreement, requests that this concurrence may not be taken to imply that he would be prepared to promote the arrangements set forth therein by accepting charges against Indian telegraph revenue which might possibly be proposed by the Administrations interested in the telegraphic traffic in the North Pacific.\n\nA copy of the communication made to the Japanese Delegates has also been sent to the Great Northern Company in view of the interest which it presents for that Company.\n\n* Not printed,\n\n430",
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        "id": 417108,
        "series_id": 27,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-352 - Public Offices - 1908",
        "page_number": 434,
        "title": "CO129-352 - Public Offices - 1908",
        "content_text": "the Eastern Extension Company (under an arrangement which should not be made public) in providing the British share of the new cable between Japan and Hong Kong. A reply has been given to the effect that no objection is seen to such an arrangement, but that it is possible that His Majesty's Government may wish to reserve the right of purchasing the British share of the cable at any time on payment of its value as plant, subject to a suitable allowance for depreciation.\n\nThe Great Northern Company also ask that some guarantee should be given of the transmission via Northern of a fair share of the unordered traffic to and from Japan. A reply has been given to the effect that such an arrangement is already in force in the case of unordered traffic to Japan from the United Kingdom, and that no objection is seen to a similar arrangement in the case of traffic in the reverse direction. This point is one which His Majesty's Government would desire to leave to the Companies and the Japanese Government.\n\nI am to add that, in view of the reduction of tariff which is proposed in the case of telegraphic communication with Japan and China, His Majesty's Government think it reasonable that a corresponding progressive reduction should be made in the rates for telegraphic communication with the Straits Settlements; and I am to inquire whether the Eastern and Eastern Extension Companies are prepared to make such a reduction.\n\nI am, &c.\n\nSir,\n\nInclosure 9 in No. 1.\n\nPost Office to Mr. F. Nielsen.\n\n[Unsigned.]\n\nJ\n\n1908.\n\nGeneral Post Office, August\n\nWITH reference to previous discussions at the Lisbon Conference on the subject of telegraphic communication with Japan and China, I am directed by the Postmaster-General to inclose, for the confidential information of the Great Northern Telegraph Company, a copy of a communication in which the Japanese Delegates to the Conference have been informed that His Majesty's Government have no objection to the proposed \"Heads of Agreement between Japan and the Administrations interested in the Telegraphic Traffic in the North Pacific,\" except that they think that a definite date of termination should be inserted, and that the proposed new direct cable between Hong Kong and Japan should be laid independently of an increase of traffic, and in any case not later than 1912.\n\nThe Postmaster-General understands that the Great Northern Company desire that they should be allowed to participate with the Eastern Extension Company (under an arrangement which should not be made public) in providing the British share of the new cable between Japan and Hong Kong. No objection is seen to such an arrangement, but it is possible that His Majesty's Government may wish to reserve the right of purchasing the British share of the cable at any time on payment of its value as plant, subject to a suitable allowance for depreciation.\n\nIt is understood that the Great Northern Company also desire that some guarantee should be given of the transmission via Northern of a fair share of the unordered traffic to and from Japan. Such an arrangement is already in force in the case of unordered traffic to Japan from the United Kingdom, and no objection is seen to a similar arrangement in the case of traffic in the reverse direction. This point, however, is one which His Majesty's Government would desire to leave to the Companies and the Japanese Government.\n\nI am, &c.\n\n{Unsigned.]\n\n[B]\n\nThis Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Gov3.2.3.\n\nAFFAIRS OF CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[27708]\n\nNo. 1.\n\n431\n\n4 SEP 08.\n\n[August 10.]\n\nSECTION 4,\n\nSir J. Jordan to Sir Edward Grey.-(Received August 10.)\n\n(No. 284.) Sir,\n\nPeking, June 24, 1908. IN my telegram No. 120 of the 9th instant I had the honour to report an unfortunate occurrence on the Franco-Chinese frontier, in which a French lieutenant and six soldiers had been shot by Chinese troops who were, so far as could be gathered from the accounts received here, supposed to be pursuing insurgents flying for refuge across the border.\n\nThe French Minister, from whom I received the first intelligence of the incident, complained of the indifference shown by the Chinese Government, who had not even tendered an expression of their regret, and had merely ordered an investigation by the Taotai of Mengtzu.\n\nIn the course of an interview which I had at the Wai-wu Pu on the 16th instant, one of the Ministers, introducing the subject of his own motion, said there was a mystery connected with it which the Chinese Government found it difficult at such a distance to unravel. They could not for a moment believe that Chinese regular troops had deliberately fired upon French soldiers, and they thought it more likely that the act had been committed by insurgents who had got possession of Chinese military uniforms. However that might be, one of the French demands appeared to them to have assumed a peculiar form, and they failed to realize what connection there was between a railway extension from T'ai Yuan Fu to Hsi An Fu, in the extreme north of the Empire, and a regrettable incident on the southern frontier, over 1,000 miles away. They were willing to make suitable reparation, but not to concede demands of this kind.\n\nAs their language clearly implied that they regarded the French claim as a reversion to the policy which preceded, and in some degree caused, the Boxer outbreak of 1900, I felt it to be my duty to communicate its substance to you by telegraph, and to express the opinion that it could not fail seriously to prejudice the prospects of the Anglo-French combination formed to promote and undertake railway projects in China.\n\nYour reply of the 18th instant authorized me to let my French colleague know unofficially that the proposal would militate against the success of the Anglo-French scheme for a railway from Hankow to Szechuan, and, as M. Bapst happened to call at the moment, I lost no time in carrying out your instructions.\n\nI told him frankly that I had learnt with considerable concern the nature of the demand which had been made by the French Government. We had entered into a partnership for railway exploitation in China on an industrial basis, and any action of one of the partners was sure to affect the common interests. When the Chinese had objected to French participation, as in the case of the Canton-Hankow line, we had always met the objection by laying stress upon the purely commercial character of the undertaking, but this would be no longer possible now that France had reverted to the policy of approaching railway questions from the point of view which obtained some ten years ago.\n\nIndications which had reached me from Chinese sources left no doubt that this was the impression the demand had made in Chinese official circles.\n\nM. Bapst explained that the request for the extension of the Chêng-t'ai-Tai Yuan Fu railway to Hsi An Fu had been made some six months ago, and that its renewal now was not meant to be regarded altogether as in the nature of reparation for the recent outrage. It was rather a concession which China was invited to make by way of redressing the debit balance which stood against her in the account of frontier relations. While France had done her utmost to restrain revolutionary activities in Tonquin, even going so far as to keep some hundreds of revolutionists in prison, China had maintained in office in Yunnan mandarins imbued with anti-French feeling, and had in every way proved a most disagreeable neighbour. She had now an opportunity of making amends for all this by granting a favour to France.\n\n[1905 k-4]",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-352 - Public Offices - 1908.txt",
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    {
        "id": 427543,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-370 - Governor Sir Lugard & Public Offices - 1910 [12]",
        "page_number": 92,
        "title": "CO129-370 - Governor Sir Lugard & Public Offices - 1910 [12]",
        "content_text": "38\n\nCOLONIAL\n\nOFFICE\n\nMr. Harcourt\n\nIt is decided that Sir E. in Thorn shall retire on the 9th December from the post of a \"High Commissioner for the Western Pacific.\n\nI gather that you are prepared to accept the position which I think is that we should try to still keep the appointment combined. I ought to point out that this is more likely to bring to the front the Native question at the hands of the Imperial Conference and may create a feeling for a separate charge for the islands; but I strongly hold that at present at any rate...",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-370 - Governor Sir Lugard & Public Offices - 1910 [12].txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 440389,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-395 - Public Offices - 1912",
        "page_number": 282,
        "title": "CO129-395 - Public Offices - 1912",
        "content_text": "16\n\nmorphine, cocaine, &c., are manufactured on the date when the present convention shall be signed, shall have the right to denounce the said convention; and such denunciation may take effect a month after it has been communicated to the Netherlands Government.\" \n\nIt will be observed that this proposal aimed not merely at the production of opium, morphine, or cocaine for purposes condemned by the convention, but even at production for legitimate medical purposes, and would in fact have prevented any Power from starting a new internal industry for such purposes. \n\nThe German delegates, in private conversation with us, suggested that we ought to welcome this proposal, since it would permanently establish our practical monopoly in the morphine trade like that of the Germans in cocaine. We replied, of course, that we could not assent to anything of the kind, and that our instructions were simply to obtain measures for confining the use of these drugs to proper medical purposes. The proposal gave us considerable anxiety, since it seemed to us to indicate that the Germans, in spite of the agreement we had come to with them in regard to the morphine and cocaine articles, were casting about for an easy means of withdrawing from the convention. We hoped, however, that this was merely a ballon d'essai, and that the idea would not be pressed. \n\nThe proposal was subsequently withdrawn, in view of the methods finally adopted to secure the adhesion of outside Powers to the convention. \n\n66. At the thirteenth session (21st December) the American delegation also brought forward resolutions on the subject of adhesion to and ratification of the convention, which were to the following effect :-- \n\n(1.)—(a.) Powers not represented at the conference might be allowed to adhere to the convention; but the participating Powers might lay down conditions of adherence. In the absence of such conditions, adherence would imply acceptance of all the obligations required by the convention. \n\n(b.) The interested Governments should agree among themselves as to the steps to be taken to obtain the adhesion of States whose co-operation might be necessary or useful in order to secure complete execution of the convention. \n\n(2.) The convention should be ratified as soon as possible, and in any case within a year. \n\nThis was merely setting forth in other words a matter which had already been agreed to provisionally. \n\n(3.) The convention should come into force in all the dominions of the contracting Powers sixty days after ratification. \n\nThese resolutions were subsequently withdrawn, \n\n67. The powers of the Drafting Committee were, by a resolution passed during this session, extended so as to enable it not merely to put into conventional form the substance of resolutions already accepted by the conference, but to add such additional articles as seemed necessary for the purposes of completing the convention. \n\n68. Reference had been made in more than one of the previous sessions of the conference to the difficulty in regard to dealing with \"Indian hemp.\" The Italian Government had put this subject forward as one of the matters which the conference should consider, but its delegate, M. Santoliquido, having also to attend the International Sanitary Conference in Paris, had only been present at one of our meetings (at the fourth session). The Italian Minister at The Hague had accordingly been communicated with by M. Cremer (Netherlands), as chairman of the Programme Committee; and M. Cremer now put before the conference a letter from the Minister stating that M. Santoliquido had informed him that the Italian delegation had no intention of presenting any specific proposal in regard to hemp drugs, and left it to the conference as a whole to take such measures in regard to these as it might deem expedient. \n\n69. At the urgent request of Dr. Hamilton Wright the subject was referred to the Programme Committee, but that body was of the unanimous opinion that no useful purpose would be served by entering on the discussion of such a question, in which many interests might be involved, without careful study and consideration. M. Cremer, its chairman, therefore announced to the conference that, having regard to these circumstances, and to the facts that--(a) the conference was not in possession of the statistics necessary for adequate treatment of the subject;* (b) it was difficult to obtain a scientific definition of the preparations that would have to be dealt with; (c) the delegates had no instructions in regard to the discussion of this matter; (d) it appeared sufficient for the countries threatened by the abuse of hemp drugs to take internal measures against them--the Programme Committee considered it sufficient to recommend the adoption of the following resolution in the form of a vœu :-- \n\n“Il est à désirer que les Gouvernements participants étudient la question du chanvre indien au point de vue statistique, et scientifique, dans le but de régler éventuellement, par leur législation intérieure ou pour un accord international, les abus de son emploi.” \n\nThis resolution was accordingly introduced by the Netherlands delegation, and was carried, with an amendment proposed by us substituting for the word \"éventuellement\" the words \"si la nécessité s'en fait sentir.\" \n\n70. The Chinese delegation wished the resolution to read as follows :---- \n\n'Il est à désirer que les Gouvernements participants étudient la question du chanvre indien au point de vue statistique et scientifique, dans le but d'en contrôler le commerce, et d'en régler l'usage par leur législation intérieure ou par un accord international, ou par tous les deux. \n\nBut this was objected to on the ground that it was going beyond what the data before us justified. M. Brenier (France) pointed out that the Chinese Government could, if it pleased, take restrictive measures against hemp drugs such as had been already taken in Indo-China, and Sir William Meyer added that similar restrictions had been in force in British India for a good many years. The Chinese amendment was accordingly withdrawn. \n\nDr. Hamilton Wright expressed the hope that the resolution as carried would become a definite article of the convention, but he met with no support in this view, and the resolution remained a vœu, and stands as such in the final protocol (clause I (2)). \n\n71. The next matter for consideration was a resolution by the American delegation which had been brought forward and received some discussion at the twelfth session. This was to the effect that the participating Powers should communicate to one another, through the medium of the Netherlands Government, texts of existing and future laws and regulations bearing on matters dealt with in the convention; as also statistical information in regard to the trade in raw and prepared opium, morphine, and cocaine, and their respective salts, hemp drugs, and any other drugs or preparations dealt with in the convention. \n\nThe mention of hemp drugs was now deleted from the resolution, and, as regards the exchange of statistical information, an amendment, moved by our delegation and accepted by the Americans, to the effect that the statistics should be based, not only on Customs reports, but also on the registers of sale kept by persons licensed to carry on trade in the drugs concerned, was carried with a single negative vote--that of Germany. Our object, as Mr. Max Müller explained, was not in any way to divulge the statistics of individual firms, but, by grouping these together, to obtain information which would be very valuable as a supplement to the Customs returns. \n\nLater on, however (seventeenth session), when article 21 of the convention, which was based on this resolution, came up for consideration, the German delegation pointed out that in some cases, as in regard to heroine, the trade was so largely in the hands of a single firm that to give the statistics proposed would in effect amount to divulging private affairs; and, recognising the justice of this view, the conference brought back the article to the scope of the original resolution by merely prescribing in general terms the submission of statistical information in regard to trade in the drugs mentioned. \n\n72. At the fourteenth session (22nd December) the American delegation brought up a fresh series of resolutions, intended to stiffen the restrictive measures already agreed upon in respect of the drugs dealt with by the convention. The fourth resolution, however, which concerned the protection of aboriginal natives of Pacific islands, was withdrawn, and the remaining three resolutions were referred to the Drafting Committee and subsequently dropped. \n\n73. The conference then proceeded to the discussion in article form, and at this stage in a separate convention, of the special resolutions regarding China referred to in paragraphs 57-61 above, and then adjourned for a Christmas recess. \n\n74. We had now been sitting for about three weeks, and had, as it seemed, come to a final agreement in regard to most of the matters with which we had been called upon to deal. The resolutions covering the ground which forms the basis of the \n\n[878]\n\nF\n\n279\n\ny",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-395 - Public Offices - 1912.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 440416,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-395 - Public Offices - 1912",
        "page_number": 339,
        "title": "CO129-395 - Public Offices - 1912",
        "content_text": "16\n\nmorphine, cocaine, &c., are manufactured on the date when the present convention shall be signed, shall have the right to denounce the said convention; and such denunciation may take effect a month after it has been communicated to the Netherlands Government.' \n\nIt will be observed that this proposal aimed not merely at the production of opium, morphine, or cocaine for purposes condemned by the convention, but even at production for legitimate medical purposes, and would in fact have prevented any Power from starting a new internal industry for such purposes.\n\nThe German delegates, in private conversation with us, suggested that we ought to welcome this proposal, since it would permanently establish our practical monopoly in the morphine trade like that of the Germans in cocaine. We replied, of course, that we could not assent to anything of the kind, and that our instructions were simply to obtain measures for confining the use of these drugs to proper medical purposes. The proposal gave us considerable anxiety, since it seemed to us to indicate that the Germans, in spite of the agreement we had come to with them in regard to the morphine and cocaine articles, were casting about for an easy means of withdrawing from the convention. We hoped, however, that this was merely a ballon d'essai, and that the idea would not be pressed.\n\nThe proposal was subsequently withdrawn, in view of the methods finally adopted to secure the adhesion of outside Powers to the convention.\n\n66. At the thirteenth session (21st December) the American delegation also brought forward resolutions on the subject of adhesion to and ratification of the convention, which were to the following effect -----\n\n(1)(a) Powers not represented at the conference might be allowed to adhere to the convention; but the participating Powers might lay down conditions of adherence. In the absence of such conditions, adherence would imply acceptance of all the obligations required by the convention.\n\n(b) The interested Governments should agree among themselves as to the steps to be taken to obtain the adhesion of States whose co-operation might be necessary or useful in order to secure complete execution of the convention.\n\n(2) The convention should be ratified as soon as possible, and in any case within a year. This was merely setting forth in other words a matter which had already been agreed to provisionally.\n\n(3) The convention should come into force in all the dominions of the contracting Powers sixty days after ratification.\n\nThese resolutions were subsequently withdrawn.\n\n67. The powers of the Drafting Committee were, by a resolution passed during this session, extended so as to enable it not merely to put into conventional form the substance of resolutions already accepted by the conference, but to add such additional articles as seemed necessary for the purposes of completing the convention.\n\n68. Reference had been made in more than one of the previous sessions of the conference to the difficulty in regard to dealing with \"Indian hemp.\" The Italian Government had put this subject forward as one of the matters which the conference should consider, but its delegate, M. Santoliquido, having also to attend the International Sanitary Conference in Paris, had only been present at one of our meetings (at the fourth session). The Italian Minister at The Hague had accordingly been communicated with by M. Cremer (Netherlands), as chairman of the Programme Committee; and M. Cremer now put before the conference a letter from the Minister stating that M. Santoliquido had informed him that the Italian delegation had no intention of presenting any specific proposal in regard to hemp drugs, and left it to the conference as a whole to take such measures in regard to these as it might deem expedient.\n\n69. At the urgent request of Dr. Hamilton Wright the subject was referred to the Programme Committee, but that body was of the unanimous opinion that no useful purpose would be served by entering on the discussion of such a question, in which many interests might be involved, without careful study and consideration. M. Cremer, its chairman, therefore announced to the conference that, having regard to these circumstances, and to the facts that--(a) the conference was not in possession of the statistics necessary for adequate treatment of the subject; (b) it was difficult to obtain a scientific definition of the preparations that would have to be dealt with; (c) the delegates had no instructions in regard to the discussion of this matter; (d) it appeared sufficient for the countries threatened by the abuse of hemp drugs to take internal measures against them--the Programme Committee considered it sufficient to recommend the adoption of the following resolution in the form of a vœu :--\n\n“Il est à désirer que les Gouvernements participants étudient la question du chanvre indien au point de vue statistique et scientifique, dans le but de régler éventuellement, par leur législation intérieure ou pour un accord international, les abus de son emploi.” \n\nThis resolution was accordingly introduced by the Netherlands delegation, and was carried, with an amendment proposed by us substituting for the word éventuellement the words si la nécessité s'en fait sentir.\n\n70. The Chinese delegation wished the resolution to read as follows:\n\n\"Il est à désirer que les Gouvernements participants étudient la question du chanvre indien au point de vue statistique et scientifique, dans le but d'en contrôler le commerce, et d'en régler l'usage par leur législation intérieure ou par un accord international, ou par tous les deux' \n\nBut this was objected to on the ground that it was going beyond what the data before us justified. M. Brenier (France) pointed out that the Chinese Government could, if it pleased, take restrictive measures against hemp drugs such as had been already taken in Indo-China, and Sir William Meyer added that similar restrictions had been in force in British India for a good many years. The Chinese amendment was accordingly withdrawn.\n\nDr. Hamilton Wright expressed the hope that the resolution as carried would become a definite article of the convention, but he met with no support in this view, and the resolution remained a vœu, and stands as such in the final protocol (clause I (2)).\n\n71. The next matter for consideration was a resolution by the American delegation which had been brought forward and received some discussion at the twelfth session. This was to the effect that the participating Powers should communicate to one another, through the medium of the Netherlands Government, texts of existing and future laws and regulations bearing on matters dealt with in the convention; as also statistical information in regard to the trade in raw and prepared opium, morphine, and cocaine, and their respective salts, hemp drugs, and any other drugs or preparations dealt with in the convention.\n\nThe mention of hemp drugs was now deleted from the resolution, and, as regards the exchange of statistical information, an amendment, moved by our delegation and accepted by the Americans, to the effect that the statistics should be based, not only on Customs reports, but also on the registers of sale kept by persons licensed to carry on trade in the drugs concerned, was carried with a single negative vote--that of Germany. Our object, as Mr. Max Müller explained, was not in any way to divulge the statistics of individual firms, but, by grouping these together, to obtain information which would be very valuable as a supplement to the Customs returns.\n\nLater on, however (seventeenth session), when article 21 of the convention, which was based on this resolution, came up for consideration, the German delegation pointed out that in some cases, as in regard to heroine, the trade was so largely in the hands of a single firm that to give the statistics proposed would in effect amount to divulging private affairs; and, recognising the justice of this view, the conference brought back the article to the scope of the original resolution by merely prescribing in general terms the submission of statistical information in regard to trade in the drugs mentioned.\n\n72. At the fourteenth session (22nd December) the American delegation brought up a fresh series of resolutions, intended to stiffen the restrictive measures already agreed upon in respect of the drugs dealt with by the convention. The fourth resolution, however, which concerned the protection of aboriginal natives of Pacific Islands, was withdrawn, and the remaining three resolutions were referred to the Drafting Committee and subsequently dropped.\n\n73. The conference then proceeded to the discussion in article form, and at this stage in a separate convention, of the special resolutions regarding China referred to in paragraphs 57-61 above, and then adjourned for a Christmas recess.\n\n74. We had now been sitting for about three weeks, and had, as it seemed, come to a final agreement in regard to most of the matters with which we had been called upon to deal. The resolutions covering the ground which forms the basis of the\n\n[2458 s-2]\n\nF\n\n335\n\n17",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-395 - Public Offices - 1912.txt",
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    {
        "id": 460365,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-431 - Governor Sir May - 1916 [1-2]",
        "page_number": 498,
        "title": "CO129-431 - Governor Sir May - 1916 [1-2]",
        "content_text": "44\n\nThe position, therefore, is that the British, French and Russian Governments published the whole of their records at an early date. Italy also has published her records; Germany has done so only in part. From the publications we possess it is possible to observe the attitude of all the Powers, and to come to a decision as to what nations sincerely wished for peace, and what nations desired, not peace, but war. The facts will be stated as they appear in these documents. Let the reader draw his own conclusions.\n\nJune 28th, 1914. On this day the Crown Prince of Austria-Hungary and his Princess paid a state visit to the town of Serajevo in Bosnia, the capital of the two provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina. When entering the town, the Crown Prince and Princess narrowly escaped being killed by a bomb which was thrown at their carriage. Later in the day they were shot by assassins armed with pistols.\n\nJuly 3rd. The Crown Prince and Princess were buried, and infuriated mobs in Vienna tried to tear down the flag on the Serbian Legation.\n\nJuly 6th. On this date the German Emperor left Kiel for a cruise in Northern waters.\n\nJuly 7th. There was a conference of Austrian Ministers with the Military and Naval chiefs of staff, and a seven hours Ministerial Council on the Serajevo tragedy.\n\nJuly 9th. On this day the results of the Austrian investigations into the Serajevo crime and the decisions of the Council having been laid before the aged Austrian Emperor, he agreed to the decision of his Council. This fact was announced on the 10th, but neither the result of the investigations, nor the decision of the Council was disclosed to the public.\n\nJuly 13th, 14th. There were serious disclosures in France concerning the condition of the French Army and its unpreparedness for war. These disclosures undoubtedly strengthened the hands of the German military party, who believed it would be easy for them to sweep rapidly on to Paris, beat France to the ground, then swiftly turn round with all its forces on Russia.\n\nJuly 13th, 14th, 15th and 16th. Heavy selling of shares took place in the Canadian Pacific Railways by Berlin dealers. The Canadian Railway is a British Limited Liability Company, and Germans, probably with inside knowledge of Germany's plans, were evidently desirous of obtaining their money before war broke out.\n\nJuly 16th. Austria-Hungary has two Parliaments, one in Austria, the other in Hungary. On this date, the Prime Minister of Hungary, who later became Prime Minister of Austria-Hungary, declared in the Hungarian Parliament that war was now a sad necessity. This was a week before Austria sent her demands to Serbia.\n\nJuly 23rd, Thursday. Austria, having secretly made her warlike preparations, now for the first time disclosed her intentions towards Serbia, without publishing any proof of the Serbian guilt. Austria now forwarded a formal despatch containing certain demands. These demands took the form of an ultimatum, and their acceptance by the Serbian Government in toto was required within 48 hours. The ultimatum included a form of apology to be published on a specified date by the Serbian Government, and ten engagements which the Serbian Government were to accept. These engagements were of so humiliating a character that acceptance would have made Serbia a vassal of Austria. They were so worded that it was evident Austria did not expect or want them to be accepted. On the contrary, the terms clearly indicate that Austria expected and wanted immediate war, so that she could swiftly occupy Belgrade, the Serbian capital, which is close to the Austrian border.\n\nThe British Foreign Minister, Sir Edward Grey, having received a brief summary of the ultimatum, interviewed the Austrian Ambassador to England, and deplored the fixing of a time limit as a first step. He pointed out that the possible consequences of the situation were terrible, probably involving all Europe in a war. He urged that Austria and Russia should enter into a discussion to settle the Serbian difficulty.\n\nJuly 24th, Friday. This was an anxious day in the Chancelleries of Europe, the beginning of many anxious days. The complete details of the ultimatum were not communicated to the other Powers of Europe until this day, thus giving them only one clear day for action. Moreover, whether accidentally or purposely, no more extraordinary time could have been chosen for the delivery of the ultimatum, for important personages were absent from home. In this grave time of crisis, whether accidentally or intentionally, the German Emperor was absent on a cruise. The President and Prime Minister of France were on a State visit to Russia, and had instantly to curtail their visit and rush back a five days' journey to Paris. As the British Ambassador in Russia telegraphed to Sir Edward Grey: \"It looks as though Austria purposely chose this moment to present her ultimatum.\" The Emperor of Austria was away from the Capital, at Ischl, and after the issue of the ultimatum the Prime Minister also left the Capital for Ischl, so that there was no responsible statesman in the Austrian Capital with whom to discuss. Can anyone doubt that the issue of the ultimatum had been timed to make discussion by the nations useless? In other words, that war had been pre-arranged by Germany and Austria!\n\nIt is absolutely certain that Germany was consulted by Austria before the ultimatum was issued, because Austria was entirely dependent upon German support in case of war with Russia. It cannot be doubted also that Germany agreed to the ultimatum before it was issued.\n\nAt any rate, the German Government lost no time in informing the Powers that it approved the Austrian note, stating that it considered the demands \"equitable and moderate,\" and that Austria's action had the unhesitating approval of the German Government. The German Government also stated that the Austrian action was rendered necessary by the Pan-Serbian propaganda, which aimed at the incorporation with Serbia of the southern Slav provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina; that if Austria wished to remain a great Power it could not avoid pressing the demands made, even by military means; and that the question was one which concerned no Powers except Austria and Serbia.\n\nRussia was unable to agree that the Austrian demands were only directed against Serbia. Serbia is a country peopled by Slavs, of the same race as Russia, and Russia stood...\n\n495",
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        "id": 462008,
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        "document_key": "CO129-433 - Governor Sir May - 1916 [5-6]",
        "page_number": 641,
        "title": "CO129-433 - Governor Sir May - 1916 [5-6]",
        "content_text": "# CANADA AND INDIA\n\n## AN INTERESTING SUGGESTION\n\nThe Toronto Globe published recently some interesting letters which help to throw some light on the Hindu question in Canada. \"Orillian\" in its columns makes the suggestion: \"Why sacrifice the lives of thousands more of Canadians, the best citizens in the British Empire, instead of accepting, say, five millions Hindus, who are good British subjects, but not so valuable to the Empire as are our Canadians.\" To this another correspondent of that paper writes: \"His idea that Britain should draw a million or two Hindus instead of calling upon Canadians for the ignoble reason he advances is one that will be repugnant to all Canadians.\" Whilst \"A Man\" writes in another letter: \"Hindus offer their lives, which are just as dear to them as his to the Orillian, to help the Empire in this great struggle, irrespective of several harsh treatments they received at Vancouver some time ago.\"\n\n## THE FRIENDS AND THE HINDUS\n\nThe Canada half-yearly meeting of Friends, held at Newmarket, Ont., Sept. 27th, 1915, passed the following resolution unanimously: \n\"The question of the Hindustanis in British Columbia having been at this time considered in our half-yearly conference, and it appealing to us that they live under disabilities which are unjust, we are united in asking the Government of Canada to make timely regulations that will facilitate the entry into Canada of the wives and children of these British subjects resident in Canada and thus restore to them the privileges of home life. We ask this in the interests, we believe, of morality and Christian civilization and a united Empire. We understand the majority of the East Indians in Canada are Sikhs, whose religion teaches the inwardness of God's revelation, the unity of mankind, the equality of the sexes, education for girls, monogamy, physical and moral purity, and the avoidance of Idol worship, superstition, caste exclusiveness, and the use of spirituous liquors.\n\n\"The regulation requiring continuous passage of Asiatic immigrants operates to discriminate against these people, understanding that while the conditions of travel permit the Japanese and Chinese to easily comply therewith, it is practically impossible for women of India to do so and not run the risk of deportation.\n\n\"In this strenuous moment of national difficulty, we would ask only for a simple regulation that will speedily recognize this claim of humanity and social order in behalf of these people and of Justice.\n\n\"Directed to be signed by the clerks this 27th day of the ninth month, 1915, and forwarded to the Hon. the Secretary of State and Sir Robert Borden, Prime Minister in the Government of Canada, for and on behalf of Canada Half-yearly Meeting of Friends.\"\n\nIn connection with this, we have to thank Mr. William Greenwood Brown and other friends who held a large meeting where he and others spoke regarding this movement.\n\n## CANADA INDIA COMMITTEE\n\nWithin the last few months, there has been formed in Toronto the Canada India Committee. The following extracts from the published syllabus state briefly the outlook and purposes which have called it into existence:\n\nA few individuals have formed the Canada India Committee for the furtherance of two objects, which in their opinion are of vital importance to India, to Canada, and to the British Empire. The objects are:\n\n(a) To promote a wider appreciation of Canada's relation to India.\n\n(b) To secure its equitable adjustment.\n\nThe first is of a general educational character, designed to remove certain prejudices on the part of the citizens of both India and Canada. The second will develop a series of practical campaigns to remove certain injustices imposed on the people of India resident in Canada.\n\nThe committee's motives are based on the fundamental **RIGHTS OF MAN** and the principles of Christianity, professed by all the Western peoples, without regard to political, sectarian, or personal aims.\n\nThe Committee:\n\n(1) ACCEPTS, as involving a high moral obligation, the great pledge given the people of India in 1858 by Queen Victoria and subsequently confirmed by King Edward and King George, which proclaimed: \n\"We hold ourselves bound to the natives of our Indian territories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all our other subjects,\nMay the God of all power grant to us and those in authority under us strength to carry out these,\"\n\n(2) DECLARES in consequence the necessity of Canadian laws which will prevent discrimination against British Indians, whilst maintaining the established economic policy of the country.\n\n(3) INVITES the aid of all persons and organizations actuated by the above motives, in securing the successful outcome of the committee's objects.\n\nThe committee realizes that unaided it would be powerless to create a great wave of popular protest which will induce the Government to provide simple justice to our fellow British subjects, therefore, the committee invites the co-operation and support of all religious and missionary bodies, the social, fraternal, and patriotic societies, and the press of Canada; in fact, the aid of any group is welcomed that will work for the **CAUSE** itself regardless of personal advantage.\n\n## WORK OF THE COMMITTEE\n\nA sympathizer writes about the committee in the Friends' Intelligencer: \"It is the forerunner of a movement that should surely succeed in removing the blot upon Christianity and civil government associated with the domestic disabilities under which the Sikhs in Canada and their families in India exist. The wives and children are practically forbidden to live in Canada.\n\n\"While inopportune to enter upon the broad question of political rights, and the economic considerations involved in their status on the Pacific Coast, the inhumanity, as it appears to us, the claims of morality, justice, and right relations within and without the British Empire call for immediate correction.\n\n\"To those interested in missionary enterprise, this travesty upon Christian brotherhood on professed Christian soil is a serious handicap. To those not self-centred or indifferent to the march of events and world vision, it must be apparent that every people, individually or in groups, national or less, affects all other peoples, and by them is affected in return.\"\n\n\"A Syllabus of Its Objects, Principles, and Procedure,\" issued by the Canada India Committee, and other literature may be had by writing to the Secretary, Dr. L. A. Davis, 68 Tranby Avenue, Toronto, Canada.\n\n## GREAT BRITAIN\n\n### AFTER THE WAR\n\nAt a meeting of the Royal Colonial Institute, Sir John McCall, the Agent-General for Tasmania, said: \"For the first time in the history of our widespread Empire, men from all parts are taking a share in the war, and one gathers from general conversations that there has been a strongly expressed feeling that the whole Empire should have a say in the making of war as well as the making of peace. How can this union be secured without putting too tight a rein on young democratic Dominions? Moreover, there are certain countries practically within the Empire which do not rank as Dominions, but which to my mind should be consulted before any final decision as to Imperial union is decided upon—I mean India and Egypt.\n\n\"My proposal is that a convention be called together by the King or the Imperial Government at the time of the next Imperial Premiers' Conference, and that those to be invited to attend the convention should be, in addition to representatives of each important party in the Parliament of this country, the Prime Minister and leaders of the Opposition of the Dominions' Parliaments, together with two others to be selected by them each from his own party, and a representative from each party in the Senate, the Premiers, and leaders of the Opposition in each State and Provincial Parliament: a representative from each Crown colony, together with such representatives of India and Egypt as may be decided upon by the Indian and Colonial Offices in conjunction with the Council of India and other Councils interested.\"\n\nSir Charles Lucas, the Permanent Under Secretary of State at the Colonial Office said: \"If you gave two representatives on this commission to each of the self-governing Dominions and two to India and had three for the United Kingdom, including the chairman, you would have fifteen. Assuming that a convention is recommended and called together, its work would be to draft a scheme for a future organization of the Empire. That scheme would be sent out and all the Legislatures would sit in judgment upon it. This will take time, but that in my opinion is an advantage.\"\n\n### PREMIER BORDEN ON HINDUS\n\n*India* (London, Eng.) says: \"We do not know what Sir Robert Borden is going to do with the Indian grievance in Canada when the war is over; but he certainly does not forget India, as some English politicians do, in the public speeches which he has been making during his visit to London. Last week he was entertained at luncheon at the House of Commons by the Empire Parliamentary Association. Mr. Balfour and Mr. Bonar Law were both present; and in responding to the toast of 'Canada and the War,' Sir Robert Borden said: 'Last autumn, in speaking before a Canadian club in the West of Canada, he said that if the war continued for a year it was reasonably probable that the overseas Dominions would have in the field 250,000 men. He ventured to think that to-day, if they estimated what Australia had done and was doing—what New Zealand had done and was doing—what South Africa had done and was doing—what India had done and was doing—the overseas Dominions of the Empire had in the field or in training, as organized troops, no less than 350,000 men.'\"\n\nPage 630\n\n## CANADA AND INDIA\n\n### AN EMPIRE DAY CIRCULAR\n\nThe British Empire of to-morrow will be made by its children of to-day. What then can be of more importance than the ideals which are placed before them? That the London County Council has realized this is shown by a printed circular which was issued for use in the elementary schools in London on the occasion of this year's celebration of Empire Day. Its tone and purpose are evident in the following extracts: The response of the Empire, so immediate and complete, has moved to admiration those who awaited it with confidence, and astonished those who doubted of the reality of Imperial Unity... As scattered particles of steel respond to the magnet, as a solution, shapeless and unordered, resolves itself at the right touch into beautiful forms, true to type and loyal to some mysterious force, so has the Empire responded to the touch of necessity. Never before has the world witnessed so calm, so splendid, so unrehearsed a pageant as is presented by the rally of the Empire to-day.\n\n### THE RESPONSE OF INDIA\n\nMost touching and dramatic of all has been the response of India. For here are no subtleties of kinship, no bonds of a common tongue or a common faith, no traditions of our island race. Sikhs from the Punjab and Pathans from the north-western hills, martial Rajputs and tireless Gurkhas, men from the Khyber and Chitral tribes, have united in unswerving loyalty and enthusiastic devotion to the King-Emperor.\n\nThe proudest princes have volunteered for active service, and are to-day with their men on the battlefield, headed by chivalrous Sir Pratap Singh, who at seventy years of age claimed leadership. A far-reaching fellowship of race and spirit has been created, and Christianity has found some answer in the creeds of Islam, Buddha, and Brahma.\n\n### THE TIE THAT BINDS\n\nThe Mother Country is still the heart of the Empire. Love has ever been a stronger bond of union than force. The word Empire first appears in English history in a statute of Henry VIII., and there it denotes not domination, but spiritual and temporal independence. \"It may fairly be stated,\" says Sir Charles Lucas, \"that at the present day British Empire connotes British liberty.\"\n\nTo freedom may be added justice in administration and loyalty to the pledged word; tolerance whenever possible of customs and modes of life, and, not least, reverence for other faiths. There is, too, in increasing measure, a humanitarian aspect of the spirit.\n\nWhat of the future? None dare predict, but all may feel that, because of to-day, to-morrow can never be again as yesterday. The British Empire is becoming a federation of free peoples, organic and not mechanical in its growth; a federation based on community of interests, finding unity in consent and strength in diversity.\n\n### SIR GEORGE PAISH ON HINDU IMMIGRATION\n\nWriting about Hindu Immigration to Canada, Sir George Paish, the eminent authority on finance, said in the London *Statist*: \"Remembering that the population of India amounts to 315,000,000 of human beings; that it is sunk in abject poverty; and that nobody who takes the trouble to enquire can doubt that it would be an immense help to India if there should be a large and successful emigration. We had hoped for broader views, for more prescience, and for a truer Imperial spirit on the part of the people of Canada. They themselves are all settlers from foreign lands, or the descendants of such settlers. We had fondly hoped that, knowing all this, they would recognize the consequent (Imperial) obligation upon them. We have been disappointed.\"\n\nAt a recent meeting of the General Board of Social Service and Evangelism of the Methodist Church, discussion took place as to the advisability of asking the powers that be to allow the families of the Sikhs domiciled in the Dominion to enter Canada. Dr. Watson spoke of the apparent unfairness that British subjects should be thus debarred.\n\nSir Reginald Craddock will lay on the table of the Imperial Legislative Council a statement showing the number of colonials employed in Government service in British India, in reply to a question by the Hon. Mr. Surendra Nath Bannerjea, of Calcutta.\n\nCapt. Mellish at the Anglican Synod, held here last month, speaking of the Hindus on the Pacific Coast, said they have been treated miserably. \"If we treated the Hindus rightly, we would find them splendid citizens.\" He felt that the recent immigration trouble on the coast was badly managed.\n\nRepresentative periodicals published in India are: \"*The Modern Review*,\" a monthly English magazine, issued from 210 Cornwallis Street, Calcutta, India. Enclose 15 cent stamps for a specimen copy.\n\"*The Bengalee*,\" an English daily, printed in Calcutta, India.\n\n## INDIA\n\nThou who dost charm the heart of all the world, \nThou land gleaming with the golden glory of the sun, \nThou mother of our fathers and mothers, \nThe soles of whose feet are washed by the waters of the blue sea, \nWhose green skirts are fluttered by the breeze, \nWhose forehead, the Himalayas, is kissed by the skies, \nWho wearest the diamond diadem of the snows; \nIt was in thy firmament that the first day dawned, \nIt was in thy hermitages that the first hymns were sung. \nWords of wisdom, religion, poetry, history, first \nWere preached in thy forest temples. \nThou art blessed, the eternal dispenser of good; \nThou dost distribute food from land to land. \nThe Ganges and the Jumna are the milk of mercy flowing from thy breasts.\n—Rabindranath Tagore.\n\n### THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS\n\nThe response of India in this crisis of the Empire has been so spontaneous that an account of the Nationalist movement in India may be of some interest. It was after the Government of India was taken over by the people of Britain from the hands of a mere trading corporation that real interest was manifested in India's affairs. The terrible days of the Mutiny were over, and soon after that the late Queen Victoria issued the famous proclamation giving certain rights to the people of India, amongst which it said: \"We hold ourselves bound to the natives of our Indian territories by the same obligations of duty which bind us to all our other subjects.\" This in India is truly called the Magna Charta, for by this the rights of Hindu subjects of the Crown are duly recognized. It is not a mere \"scrap of paper.\"\n\n### EARLY HISTORY OF THE REFORMERS\n\nFollowing the days of racial conflict, passions rose high, and that, too, in a country where the racial question is always more or less acute. It took nearly a generation for the Indians to adjust themselves to the new conditions. Raja Ram Mohun Roy, the great reformer, who early in the last century went over to England to represent India's cause, and who did so much for reforms, political, social, and religious, died in England. It was late in the seventies that the famous leader, Keshub Chunder Sen, accompanied by some students, paid a visit to England. He was cordially received, and three of these students, Romesh Chunder Dutt, Surendro Nath Banerjea, and Krishna Govinda Gupta, rose high in the service of the Motherland.\n\nBut it was in 1884, when the works of these great leaders and of the Swami Dayanand Saraswati, who preached pure Hinduism from one corner of India to the other and founded the Arya Samaj, that steps were taken to organize India politically. Up to that time, the people had not much to say in the administration of their own country. Their voice, if heard at all, was ignored. The bureaucracy in India was a law unto itself, and it was the famous Ilbert Bill controversy which set the ball rolling.\n\nHindus who had received education in the best colleges and universities of the West and the East, learned in law, medicine, business, and other professions, got together and formulated plans to have their opinions heard. The condition in India was like that of Canada in 1837 when, under the leadership of William Lyon Mackenzie in Upper Canada and Papineau in Lower Canada, the people of the then Canada asked for primary rights of self-government, and it was not till Lord Durham came out to Canada as Governor-General and sent his famous despatch that Canada really got what she wanted. The full result of this act received its final consummation in the Confederation of Canada in 1867, granting Provincial autonomy to the various Provinces.\n\n### THE FIRST CONGRESS IN BOMBAY\n\nIn India, things were very similar. The foreign bureaucracy was well entrenched. It scoffed at this microscopic minority in India who asked for their just rights. This great movement, known afterwards in world history as the Indian National Congress, met for the first time in Bombay in December, 1885. There were representatives from all parts of India, great scholars, judges, lawyers, and editors. Mr. W. C. Bannerji, a well-known barrister-at-law of Calcutta, presided. At this day, when a learned Indian is sworn of His Majesty's Privy Council in England, whilst there are two Indians in the Council of the Secretary of State for India in London, and another a judge of the Madras High Court, who has been recently appointed the Minister of Education for India, it seems the beginning of the Congress was auspicious. These were modest men, but they, on behalf of the people of India, asked the primary rights of citizenship granted in India's Magna Charta. India's service to humanity in matters spiritual is recognized over the wide world, but the desire of her sons to make her a nation, which she is geographically as well as racially and otherwise, was very disconcerting to the official class.",
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        "content_text": "April 27th, 1917.]\n\nThy will: through Jesus Christ Our Lord,\n\nSt George also stands for faith in God. Our forefathers in the 13th century selected a patron saint whose guiding principle was faith in God. It was because he believed in God that he tore down unjust edicts and attacked dragons. He bore upon his banner the Cross of Christ and in every representation of him we see that.\n\nEngland in the past has had many faults, but she has at any rate at least outwardly honoured God's name. Her greatest soldiers and sailors have been men who believed in God and were not ashamed to say so. To-day I trust as a nation we are not wanting in the virtues of our Patron Saint—courage, chivalry and self-sacrifice, but I must honestly say there is not as much sign of our faith in God as there should be. I know men shrink from appearing to parade their religion. I do not ask that we should be like the Kaiser, perpetually using the name of the Deity as a sort of National God. But I do say that we cannot afford to leave God out of our national, our colonial, or our individual lives. Faith in God should be the mainspring of all our actions. If this address has a text it is Daniel xi., 32. It is the people who know their God, that is, who believe Him, who serve Him and are loyal to Him, that \"shall be strong and do exploits.\" Let us seek Him with all our hearts. Let us confess our past neglect and boldly take up His banner before the whole world.\n\nThe Bishop, in conclusion, pointed out that there were dragons to be slain besides German materialism and ambition. There were the hideous dragons of intemperance and impurity.\n\nThere was a large congregation, and the collection amounted to $328.\n\nHONGKONG SCHOOLS.\n\nLACK OF EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES FOR FAMILIES OF MODERATE MEANS.\n\nA resident of Hongkong (says the N.-C. Daily News), who is on a visit to Shanghai, where he was formerly stationed, when asked how he liked the Crown Colony said that the outstanding drawback was the lack of educational facilities for the children of the man of moderate means who did not wish to send them home until they were 15 or 16 years of age. Because of this shortcoming many fathers have to live apart from their families much earlier than is the case in Shanghai. There are, we believe, three schools to which European children may be sent in Hongkong, namely, the Victoria, Kowloon and Peak schools. The first two have been in existence for a considerable time, but the Peak School was started a few years ago as a private venture by residents of the Peak who wished to keep their children in Hongkong until they were older. Government assistance was obtained for this school. All three are mixed schools. Considerable criticism has been heard of the curricula of the Victoria and Kowloon institutions, and, generally speaking, those parents who can afford to do so send their children to England to receive their education as they pass from the kindergarten to the lower forms. For the Chinese, there is a large number of schools at which a sound education is given, while students may pass on to the University. The view that Hongkong is no place for foreign children is not generally held to-day, and the time seems to have arrived for proper provision for their education.\n\nCHINA OVERLAND TRADE REPORT.\n\nST. GEORGE.\n\nWhen Edward struck for England\n\nIn glorious days of yore,\n\nWhen men made much of honour\n\nForth fared each noble warrior\n\nTo win renown,\n\nWon on the field of war,\n\nKeen-set to break a lance\n\nFor the honour of his lady\n\nWith the chivalry of France.\n\nLoud rang above the battle\n\nFrom every gallant knight :--\n\n\"St. George for Merrie England,\n\nAnd God defend the right!\"\n\nAnd with his son full many\n\nRode out to their devoir,\n\nAmong the Spanish passes\n\nOr 'twixt Bordeaux and Loire.\n\nSt. Ives for bold du Guesclin\n\nSt. James for gallant Spain!\n\nNor were the victors honoured\n\nAbove the knightly slain.\n\nBut over other war-cries\n\nRang clear from England's might:-\n\n\"St. George for Merrie England,\n\nAnd God defend the Right.\n\nIn later days of peril,\n\nBeneath St. George's sign,\n\nAgainst the proud Armada\n\nWe set our battle-line,\n\nFrom Plymouth to the Foreland\n\nIt proudly waved o'erhead,\n\nUntil, in dire confusion,\n\nThe lofty galleons fled.\n\nArgent, a cross gules waving\n\nAbove our naval might:-\n\n\"St. George for Merrie England,\n\nAnd God defend the Right.\"\n\nAnd so was formed our Empire,\n\nFour-square on honour set,\n\nBy those whose deeds we cherish,\n\nBy those whom we forget;\n\nFor one that we remember\n\nA thousand died unknown,\n\nThe Lion Race has grown.\n\nSelf was to them as nothing\n\nIf Britain's star shone bright:-\n\n\"St. George for Merrie England,\n\nAnd God defend the right!\"\n\nMen spoke of base disunion\n\nBy envy nursed or greed.\n\nWho strikes against old England\n\nMust reckon with her breed!\n\nClass-troubles, disaffection,\n\nThat seemed so passing sore,\n\nTo loyalty stood transmuted\n\nBy the alchemy of war.\n\nAnd though the words be diff'rent,\n\nThe spirit still flames white:-\n\n\"St. George for Merrie England,\n\nAnd God defend the right!\"\n\nTo-day the battle ranges\n\nAgainst a baser foe,\n\nWhose arms are fouled with murder,\n\nWho naught of honour know.\n\nAnd many give their life-blood,\n\nWhile some may give but gold,\n\nTo keep our honour stainless\n\nAs in the days of old.\n\nStill, still shall be our war-cry\n\nIn this, our sternest fight:-\n\n\"St. George for Merrie England,\n\nAnd God defend the right!\"\n\nApril 23rd.\n\nE. W. H.\n\n208\n\n347\n\nSINO-JAPANESE AMITY.\n\nCOUNT TERAUCHI ON CHINA'S NEED OF RAILWAYS.\n\nMr. Wang Fu-wei and suite were entertained to dinner at the Imperial Hotel, Tokyo, recently.\n\nCount Terauchi, the Japanese Premier, in a speech, said:\" From personal observation, I am convinced that the future development of China largely depends on the services rendered by the railways.\n\nChina, with her population of 400 millions, is endowed with inexhaustible sources of wealth. The efficient utilization of such a huge supply of labour and natural resources can only be realized by the extension of the railways in China. By solving several questions, political and economic, the through service of railways will benefit not only China but also Japan, because Japan will be able to obtain a supply of cheap raw materials and extend the markets of her manufacturers. The close relations between China and Japan are traceable not only to the inhabitants of the two countries being of the same race and using the same written characters, but also to the fact that Japan in the past owed a great deal to China in the development of her literature, religion, fine arts, etc.\n\nThe two countries have now relations in which the one supplies the other's wants with what itself has in abundance, but those who should be most friendly often disagree and dispute on account of their being too intimate. It is regrettable that China and Japan shared this experience, but recently well-educated people of both countries had come to understand well their common interests: We hear on all sides a demand for increasing amity between Japan and China. This phenomenon is a matter for congratulation, for the peace of the Orient and the welfare of the two countries. Amity between China and Japan only in words and letters is of no value unless put into execution. The desire to promote and maintain friendly relations must be translated into actions. Past experience shows that when mutual relations become closer disputes may arise. Intelligent observers in both countries must try to solve them in sincerity, kindness, and friendship, that nothing be left to rankle on either side.\n\nAmicability should not be limited to the relations between China and Japan. The same must be maintained towards the United States and Canada, which would be connected with them by the through traffic. When the Japan-China through traffic was extended to the Steamship Companies on the Pacific the railways of America would be connected indirectly with the railways of China and Japan by means of the Steamship Companies. The decision passed at the present Conference was expected to bring about such an extensive result. Japan is situated in the centre of such extended traffic, and the heavier burden will fall on our shoulders, but we will consider it a great honour to be the intermediary in through traffic over such an expanded area.'\n\nBaron Goto drank the health of Mr. Wang and the guests, and Mr. Wang and the Chinese Minister, Mr. Chang, replied in appropriate terms.\n\nThe meeting was marked with cordiality, which prevailed throughout.\n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211",
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        "title": "CO129-445 - Public Offices - 1917",
        "content_text": "17\n\n600\n\nThe Import Trade.-The following statement, abstracted from the Official Returns, shows the position of the Colony as a market for British and European goods since 1890, in thousands of pounds sterling.\n\n  \n    \n    1898-1900\n    1901-1905\n    1906-1910\n    1911\n    1912\n    1912\n  \n  \n    From United Kingdom\n    £2,981\n    £3,752\n    £4,012\n    £4,694\n    £5,380\n    £6,064\n  \n  \n    Continent of Europe and United States.\n    £1,553\n    £2,314\n    £2,208\n    £2,415\n    £3,144\n    £3,679\n  \n  \n    British Excess\n    £1,428\n    £1,438\n    £1,804\n    £2,279\n    £2,236\n    £2,385\n  \n  \n    Percentages of Total.\n  \n  \n    United Kingdom\n    65.7\n    61.9\n    64.5\n    66\n    63.1\n    62.2\n  \n  \n    Continent of Europe and United States.\n    34.3\n    38.1\n    35.5\n    34\n    36.9\n    37.8\n  \n\nIt will be noted that not only does Great Britain control the major portion of the trade, but she is maintaining her relative position, and has secured a full share of the increased business of recent years.\n\nThe principal imports from Great Britain are cotton textiles, machinery, and metals.\n\nThe Export Trade in Produce. The exports from the Colony during the year 1913 were divided as follows:-\n\n  \n    \n    £\n  \n  \n    To United Kingdom\n    10,745,000\n  \n  \n    British Possessions\n    14,117,000\n  \n  \n    Foreign Countries\n    20,513,000\n  \n  \n    Total\n    45,375,000\n  \n\nIt will be seen that the United Kingdom takes a considerable share of the exports of produce, but does not hold the same predominant position as in the import trade. The shipments to the United States of the two staple products of the Malay Peninsula, viz., tin and rubber, exceed those to the United Kingdom; and as the principal markets for copra are Marseilles, Hamburg, and Copenhagen, this trade is largely in the hands of German and Danish firms.\n\nGerman Competition. To obtain an accurate idea of the trend and strength of German competition, it is necessary to consider it under three distinct heads :-\n\n(1) The competition as a country supplying manufactured articles to the Straits and receiving produce in exchange;\n\n(2) The competition of local German merchant firms in Singapore and Penang with the British houses for the trade of the Colony; and\n\n(3) The competition (or rather the privileged position) of the German lines in the shipping services radiating from Singapore.\n\nAs a supplier of manufactured articles to the Straits, and as a consumer of Straits produce, Germany takes a very low place, and her competition is not serious. Inasmuch as many of the German shipments are made through Antwerp, Rotterdam, or Genoa, it is practically impossible to secure exact figures of the trade. In 1913, however, the direct imports from Germany and Austria amounted to less than 2 per cent. of the total imports, while the exports of produce to those countries were approximately 5 per cent. of the total. Great efforts were being made before the war to stimulate the export of produce to the Central Empires, and this would doubtless have been reflected before long in increased imports of manufactured goods.\n\nThe competition of local German firms in Singapore and Penang was, however, a much more serious factor, and they were becoming keen rivals of the British houses in the buying of produce and in the distribution of imported articles. The principal local firm, with branches all through the islands, was Behn, Meyer & Co., the agents for the Norddeutscher Lloyd, who controlled the steamers not only to Bangkok but also to British North Borneo and certain of the Dutch islands. This was the only firm of high standing, but there were also many other smaller houses, usually offshoots of the larger company, who were doing an increasing trade in produce and also in the distribution of British and Continental imports.\n\nThe reasons for the success of the German merchants were :-\n\n(a) The fact that many of the steamship services from Singapore, notably to Siam and Borneo, were run by German firms. The result was that the rice trade from Bangkok fell into their hands, and the return cargoes of piece goods and sundries were largely supplied by them. These advantages were reinforced by the secret rebates allowed to German shippers by the German Conference lines.\n\n(b) The more prominent of the German merchants established branches in Java and the Dutch islands, the Philippines, Siam, and the other commercial dependencies of Singapore, and they endeavoured to tap a certain amount of the trade at the source instead of buying from and selling to native dealers in Singapore. It is doubtful whether this policy of decentralisation would in the long run have proved a success, owing to the probable hostility of the native merchants.\n\n(c) These branches throughout the islands, however, gave them considerable experience of local conditions and increased their value as distributors, with the result that many valuable agencies of British manufacturers were granted to enemy firms.\n\n(d) In order to secure the trade in staple imports, such as piece goods, against their old-established British rivals, the German merchants were less strict in insisting on payments for goods, and gave extended credits. This probably increased their proportion of bad debts and so reduced their margins, but, as a rule, being desirous of working their way into a lucrative trade, they were prepared to sacrifice the profit in order to secure the large turnover.\n\n(e) There is little doubt that the average German assistant worked longer hours and applied himself to more laborious tasks than his British competitor. For evidence of this one has only to study the articles in which they competed the most keenly, and it will almost invariably be found that they commenced by developing the trade in fancy piece goods and sundries, which are sold in small lots, and entail a great amount of troublesome detail work in proportion to the value of the orders. The British assistant, on the other hand, as a rule prefers to confine his attention to the large staple lines, which give a maximum turnover for a minimum of detail. It may be contended that this is only natural, and that we can afford to allow our competitors to secure the less lucrative and more laborious branches of the trade, but it should be borne in mind that, having once secured a native connection for the fancy trade, it is a much easier matter to develop a staple trade, and there is little doubt that German houses would in the future have become keener competitors in the standard articles of import.\n\nThe German houses were securing a stronger hold on the produce export trade, inasmuch as many of the articles of export are consumed on the Continent rather than in Great Britain, and the German was more conversant than his British rival with the requirements of the European market and the peculiar needs of the buyers.\n\nWhile, it is true, the most lucrative portion of the trade was secured, before the war, by the British houses, the fact remains that they were beginning to feel the effect of the German competition, which was, each year, becoming more serious. The outbreak of war, however, put a complete check on enemy activities. The German members of the community were interned, their businesses were compulsorily liquidated, and many of their assets have been sold. There appears to be little doubt that the leading firm of Behn, Meyer & Co. were in very close touch with the Imperial Authorities in Germany, who encouraged their schemes for pacific penetration. The senior partner of the firm in Singapore-Herr Diehn-escaped at the time of the Sepoy mutiny last year, and the extent of the influence which had been secured by his firm is reflected by their representation on the boards of any of the most important local institutions, particularly the Tanjong Pagar Dock Board, which is the official Harbour and Dock Board of Singapore. The danger of allowing a potential enemy subject to become a member of such an institution in a great Imperial coaling station and...",
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    {
        "id": 469753,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-445 - Public Offices - 1917",
        "page_number": 627,
        "title": "CO129-445 - Public Offices - 1917",
        "content_text": "Own account.\n\n50\n\nA noteworthy feature of German competition in the Philippines has been the enterprise shown by young Germans of late years in commencing business on their own account. Whereas several such houses have begun trading in the past few years, I cannot trace a similar British house. This fact is probably due to the more liberal facilities accorded to them by the manufacturers and banks in their own country than has been the case in Great Britain. Credit must, however, be given for their undoubted industry and energy, and for the fact that many of them start, on the whole, better equipped with a sound commercial education than do their British contemporaries, who acquire their special knowledge haphazard in the service of established firms rather than in the schools.\n\nJapanese Competition.-The principal items of import from Japan in 1913 were:-\n\n£\n£\n\nCoal\n160,000 (210,000 in 1914)\n\nCement\n5,000 (25,000 in 1914)\n\nCotton Yarns, Grey\n11,000 (47,000 in 1914)\n\nCotton Cloth, bleached\n26,000\n14,000 in 1914\n\ndyed\n5,000 (11,000 in 1914)\n\nmercerised\n21,000 (30,000 in 1914)\n\nall other Wearing Apparel\n22,000\n\n21,000\n\n1,000\n\n60,000\n\nSince the outbreak of war, however, Japanese competition, particularly in textiles, has become more acute, and is being severely felt in underwear, umbrellas, yarns (40's), Turkey red cloths and other goods.\n\nJapanese shipping is only surpassed in total number of vessels and tonnage by the British. In 1914, of all shipping entered and cleared at Manila, the Japanese flag was flown on 132 vessels of a total net tonnage of 422,265. (British shipping for the same period-350 vessels, and 822,648 tons.)\n\nThe Mitsui Bussan Kaisha are established at Manila, and handle a steadily increasing import and export trade. The reason for the relative increase in imports from Japan may be explained in a sentence: cheap labour and geographical position.\n\nJapanese competition is undoubtedly increasing in severity, but it will be seen from the figures that it is not as yet really serious, and has not so far adversely affected local British interests to any appreciable extent.\n\nAmerican Competition. As we have seen, the United States supplies the major portion of the articles imported into the islands, a state of affairs entirely brought about by the Customs preference. I am informed that as the Philippines Government usually finds difficulty in raising revenue, it is possible that at some future time a small duty may be imposed on goods from the United States, but there is little hope that, in any event, foreign goods will be allowed to enter on the same terms as those from the United States so long as a virtual protectorate over the islands is continued.\n\nIn the local competition among merchants, American houses have not made the headway that might have been expected. Messrs. Macleod & Co. are strong competitors in hemp shipments, and transact a shipping agency business. Messrs. Macondray & Co. (in which there are British interests) do a considerable shipping and import trade. The American Trading Co., and several other smaller United States firms, are moderately active, particularly as regards engineering and hardware.\n\nBritish merchants, however, with their old-established connections and trade marks, and their strong financial position, are successfully maintaining their hold on the bulk trade.\n\nPage 51\n\nGeneral Methods of Business. The distribution of merchandise in the interior and throughout the islands is almost entirely in the hands of Chinese, who also act as merchants and brokers for the sale of produce to foreign exporters. Each foreign house in Manila, and elsewhere, employs a Chinese compradore for the transaction of its business, and he usually guarantees the accounts.\n\nThe usual credit terms granted by British houses on imported goods is from one to two months clear, and interest at the rate of 5-7 per cent. is charged after the expiry of this term. German firms frequently give 4-6 months credit, handing over the goods against promissory notes. Produce for export is paid for in cash upon delivery and after inspection, and this system has been found to work satisfactorily. In some cases advances are made, but this is not really necessary, and the custom is pernicious.\n\nShipping Facilities. In normal pre-war times direct shipping services were maintained between the United Kingdom and Philippine ports (Manila and Iloilo) by the Cia. Transatlantica and by Messrs. Alfred Holt & Co. The former line loaded at Liverpool and Glasgow, and called en route at Spanish ports and Singapore. This service has been suspended. The Blue Funnel steamers (Alfred Holt & Co.) load also at Glasgow and Birkenhead, and call at Penang and Singapore, but direct shipment has been suspended since the war, and cargo for the Philippines is transhipped at Hong Kong. Goods can also be shipped from London by the P. & O., Glen, Shire, and Nippon Yusen Kaisha lines with transhipment at Hong Kong, and occasionally a steamer loads at Middlesboro', taking Philippines cargo as far as Hong Kong. All these lines are members of the Eastern Shipping Conference, and a very efficient service was maintained.\n\nThe Trans-Pacific trade, prior to the war, was largely in the hands of the Pacific Mail S.S. Co., the Toyo Kisen Kaisha, and the Nippon Yusen Kaisha. The first-named company has now withdrawn its service owing to the operation of the La Follette Seaman's Bill, according to the terms of which 75 per cent. of the seamen on vessels entering United States ports must understand the language of their officers. This greatly-criticised measure has given a direct premium to Japanese shipping, which now largely predominates on the Pacific. In June 1914 the Canadian Pacific Steamship Company made Manila a port of call for its \"Empress\" boats on the outward voyage from Vancouver to Hong Kong, and this service will be fully maintained after the war. Messrs. Alfred Holt & Co. operated a service between Manila, Seattle and Puget Sound ports, and trans-Pacific connections were also maintained by steamers of the Barber, Dodwell, and Bank lines.\n\nIn 1914 an arrangement was made whereby three steamship companies, viz., the Ocean Steamship Co. (Alfred Holt & Co.) and two Dutch companies-Rotterdam Lloyd and the Netherlands-will in turn send one ship a month from New York via the Suez Canal, making Manila its terminus point after calling at Batavia and Macassar, and calling at Batavia, Colombo, and Gibraltar on the return voyage. The Indra line also run regular services from New York to the Far East via Suez.\n\nA very good local service between Manila and Hong Kong is maintained by the China Navigation Co. (Messrs. Butterfield and Swire), the Indo-China S.S. Co. (Messrs. Jardine, Mathieson, & Co., Ltd.), and numerous Japanese steamers.\n\nThe share of the principal flags engaged in the foreign trade of the islands will be seen from the following figures abstracted from the Consular Report, and showing the vessels cleared at Manila during 1913 and 1914-\n\nNationality\nVessels. 1913\nNet Tonnage\nVessels. 1914\nNet Tonnage\n\nBritish\n359\n827,246\n360\n822,648\n\nUnited States\n29\n204,582\n27\n193,049\n\nDanish\n10\n\n8\n997\n\nFrench\n81\n250,321\n61\n191,847\n\nGerman\n133\n402,496\n182\n422,265\n\nJapanese\n\n+\n5,117\n\nNorwegian\n8\n16,220\n45\n60,961\n\nPhilippine\n37\n$1,700\n\nt\n\nPortuguese\n1\n995\n207\n\nRussian\n13\n32,558\n12\n28,355\n\nSpanish\n2\n6,882\n2\n4,645\n\nSwedish\n\n669\n\nTotal\n1,791,203\n\n631\n1,721,931\n\nNOTE.-Coastwise vessels are not included in the foregoing table, only those entering and clearing Manila direct in foreign trade being mentioned here. The others appear in the Cebu and Iloilo returns according as they called at either of these ports before or after Manila.\n\nInterned German Shipping. Twenty-five German vessels entered Manila Harbour for safety after August 5th, 1914, of which seven put to sea again, but three ...",
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    {
        "id": 474963,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-445 - Public Offices - 1917",
        "page_number": 657,
        "title": "CO129-445 - Public Offices - 1917",
        "content_text": "Page 110\n\nThe following extract from the \"Far Eastern Review,\" July or August 1916, the facts of which have been authenticated, clearly shows the way in which the Japanese State-aided and directed national shipping policy operates to the advantage of Japanese trade and to the grave detriment of that of all other competing countries in the open market of China:—\n\n\"A new menace and an exceedingly serious hindrance to trade between China and foreign countries, especially concerning Great Britain and the United States, has recently developed and has created a situation in which the capture of China's entire export trade by Japan is imminent. It is imminent if it has not already come about.\n\n\"Knowledge of the situation first came to break upon the British and American merchants when, in response to recent cabled requests from London for prices, they submitted bids for the supply of certain Chinese commodities, which, instead of being accepted as in former times, were rejected with the comment 'Price too high.' This happened not only in some of the smaller lines of business, but in two of the great export products of China, vegetable oils and oil seeds, on which the particular merchants tendering were convinced they could quote as low prices as anyone.\n\n\"Refusal of first offers led some of them to quote new prices without commission, quoting the exact cost, insurance, and freight on the goods in question. Again the reply came back that the prices were too high. Closer enquiry elicited the information that Japanese houses, or British houses in London acting as agents for Japanese, were making much lower quotations. How they could do this the British and American firms failed to understand, since in some cases they know that slightly higher prices had been paid by Japanese for Chinese exports than they themselves were willing to offer.\n\n\"Then came a bombshell in the publication by the Japanese of revised schedules of freight from Kobe to the United Kingdom. By these schedules it was shown that Japanese steamers were taking ground-nut cargo, for example, at 48s. a ton from Kobe to Hull, whereas the Home Conference rate as published by that body was 190s. Since the rate from Shanghai to Kobe is about $6 Mexican a ton, or, at the then rate of exchange, about 11s., it appears that Japanese shippers can purchase China products in Shanghai or other ports, ship them to Kobe, and tranship to the United Kingdom for about 60s. a ton, plus the cost of transhipment. This gives the Japanese an immense advantage over shippers on British and other vessels charging the Homeward Conference rate of 190s. a ton.\n\n\"It is obvious that no firm compelled to pay the Conference rates can hope to compete in any product which the Japanese care to handle, and it also follows that the Japanese buyers of Chinese products are able to pay several Mexican dollars a picul more for China products, thus stifling all present competition in buying, although the ultimate effect of this monopoly probably will be not to raise prices, but to lower them, as the Japanese is a good business man and always pays as little as he can for any produce he desires,\n\nPage 44\n\n\"The question may be raised why the British and American shippers do not take the line of least resistance and avoid payment of the 190s. Conference rate by shipping through Kobe. This is impossible, since the Japanese have carefully closed this outlet to other nationalities, and their polite reply to merchants seeking cargo space for such shipments is that they have no room on their ships to accommodate the same. Whether this statement is actually according to fact at the time the space is requested or not does not matter since, even with the Japanese shipping and all the ships running under the Conference rates, there is still a sufficient deficit of cargo space, and the Japanese need only go out into the market in China to buy any amount of products needed to fill their holds.\n\n\"Thus far only the question of British and American trade with Great Britain has been dealt with, but it would also appear that those doing business with the United States, especially with the West Coast, are in a similar predicament as regards Japanese competition. The rate from Kobe to the West Coast is $8 gold per ton, according to the last advertised rates of the Japanese subsidised lines, whose maximum charges are regulated by the Japanese Government. Add to this the freight of $11 Mexican from Shanghai to Kobe, or about $5.50 gold, and it becomes evident that Japanese shippers can land Chinese products in San Francisco or Seattle for the freight charge\n\nPage 111\n\nof $13.50 gold, plus the cost of transhipment in a Japanese port, which probably runs less than 50 cents gold a ton, making a total freight and handling charge of $14. The Pacific Conference rates are $24 gold a ton, which gives the Japanese an advantage of $10 a ton, so that no American shipper or any other than Japanese can hope to compete.\n\nWhile the effect at present is evidently to restrict trade in China products to the Japanese, it must not be forgotten that when trade lines are once established in China they tend to persist, and Japan's monopoly of the field, to the exclusion of all other competitors, gives her an opportunity of securing a strangle hold on the China market, which may be difficult to shake off when normal conditions as regards shipping return.\n\n\"The noteworthy feature of this competition is that it is perfectly legitimate, and has come about through the fact that Japan has been handed the dominance of the Pacific by the enforced withdrawal of the Pacific Mail Lines and the general lack of American ships in Pacific waters. In fact, so greatly have the Japanese been aided in their policy of 'peaceful penetration' by the present shipping conditions, that their entire diplomatic attitude towards China shows signs of change. Their subconscious argument probably is, 'What is the necessity of force or threat of the same as displayed in the famous twenty-one demands, when the shipping situation has put us in a position simply to let economic advantages do their work and secure us that dominant place in the trade of China which we have so long contended was ours by right of proximity.'\n\n\"Be that as it may, other nations engaged in business in China are not viewing with complacency the advance of Japan's commercial place at their expense, especially now that efforts on their part to secure relief by lower rates on the China run have proved unavailing, and strong representations made to the British Government have failed to reduce the rates of the British-owned ships in the least. When it is considered that even the 48s. rate from Kobe to United Kingdom ports represents a considerable increase over conditions prior to the war and that Japanese subsidised lines are making money hand over fist, declaring unprecedented dividends, it would appear that this firm combination of Japanese merchants and shipowners is being enabled to build such a wall around the trade of China that even a sweeping slash in rates will fail to demolish it. Past experience has proved that the Japanese can run their ships on lower freight rates than those of other nationalities, so that it may take sterner competition than ever has occurred in the past to make a breach in the new economic wall which Japan has constructed around China, a wall in which no diplomatic representations can force an 'open door' since it is all so simple and above-board, being based on conditions over which diplomacy has no control.\"\n\nD. ACTIVE GOVERNMENT ENCOURAGEMENT OF FOREIGN TRADE. Japanese official policy with regard to foreign trade has many points in common with that of Germany. The Japanese Imperial Government realised at an early date that economic expansion and the creation of a large overseas trade, with its concomitant of economic penetration in the countries of the East, was the surest way to consolidate the political position as the leading Power in the Far East to which it aspired, and which it has attained in a remarkably short space of time.\n\nIndustry and foreign commerce have, therefore, been fostered and scientifically protected in every possible way. Shipping has been encouraged by means of large subsidies, the closing of the coasting trade to all but Japanese vessels, and the development of the shipbuilding resources of the country by placing Government orders for warships with private yards such as the Mitsu Bishi Dockyard at Nagasaki and the Kawasaki Company at Kobe.\n\nFinance has been stimulated by the Government support accorded to the Bank of Japan, the Yokohama Specie Bank, the Bank of Taiwan, and others; the two last-mentioned concerns have branches in almost all countries of the Far East and in India. I am informed by a British banker in Japan that State financial aid is afforded to the foreign trade of Japan to the extent of 2,000,000l. at 2 per cent. per annum, through the medium of the Yokohama Specie Bank, which does not refuse any Japanese applicant for accommodation, provided that his enterprise is reasonably sound, and he bears a good character, apart altogether from what his financial standing may be. Judged by results, this policy would seem to have been justified,\n\nPage 04\n\n652",
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    {
        "id": 482348,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-458 - Public Offices & Others - 1919",
        "page_number": 396,
        "title": "CO129-458 - Public Offices & Others - 1919",
        "content_text": "copy of letter Lent to Fr. Lloyd George\n\nL &\n\nC.O\n\nISSION CORDONNE 36907\n\n38, Rue de Châteaudun, PARIS (9) REC\n\nSir,\n\nREG 2 2 JUN JO by 12\n\n382\n\nIda t\n\nOT BAUMA\n\nI have the honour to submit for your perusal a copy of the claim of the Korean People and Petition for liberation from Japan, which my Delegation has filed with the Peace Conference.\n\nThe claim has been cast in the form of a Petition, with a Memorandum attached setting forth a series of facts and views in support of our claim for the reconstitution of Korea as an independent state. Sections 1 and 15 are a summary — with the exception of the important foot-notes on pages 2 and 5 — of the principal points developed in the Memorandum, the rest of the Petition deals with matter untouched in the Memorandum.\n\nIn a letter to President Wilson, Sections XVIII and XIX of the Memorandum would be found to summarise and re-state current views in the Far East which ought to be, I ventured to suggest, of interest to the President both as an American statesman and as one who thinks of and for the future.\n\nMay I be permitted, Sir, also to suggest that those views should prove equally interesting to you as a political leader whose aim and purpose must look to the security of England as an Asiatic power and to the maintenance and consolidation of British power and influence on the Pacific?\n\nThis point will be better understood if I transcribe here the concluding sentences of my letter to the President:\n\n\"Lest the urgencies of the moment should prevent you from glancing at those sections of the Memorandum, I am hoping to tempt your intellectual curiosity by a quotation from Section II which briefly indicates, in the course of a definition, a policy of empire unmatched in its sweep of conception since the crumbling of Rome: Continental policy aims, first, at the seizure of the hegemony of Asia through the DOMINATION AND CONTROL OF THE MAN-POWER AND NATURAL RESOURCES OF KOREA, the continental point d'appui of Korea, possible only by the Japanese possession of the 'stepping stones' to Korea as the sole means of forcing an entrance for Japan; and, next, at the mastery of Japanese egress into the rich lands of the Australias and the Pacific seaboard of the United States.\"\n\n\"I hope the reader will note that this policy is a reality.\"\n\nI may add that the Memorandum shows that Japan's Continental Policy has received its latest expression in the \"Japanese possession of the 'Southsea Islands north of the Equator'\" which brings JAPAN NEARLY TWO THOUSAND MILES CLOSER TO AUSTRALIA and gives the Japanese Navy a base which dominates, practically, the entire land-areas of the Pacific.\n\nI have the honour to be,\n\nSir, Your most obedient,\n\nhumble servant,\n\nFor the Korean Delegation.\n\n(Signé) John KIM Kyu-sic (or alternatively, Kwang-soo or other possible renderings, but sticking to the most likely) or more likely: (Signed) John KIM Kyu-sic\n\nRight Honourable\n\nDavid Lloyd George, M.P.\n\netc. etc.\n\n23, Rue Nitot, Paris.",
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    {
        "id": 482351,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-458 - Public Offices & Others - 1919",
        "page_number": 399,
        "title": "CO129-458 - Public Offices & Others - 1919",
        "content_text": "# sion of the Treaty of August 22, 1910, whereby the then Emperor of Korea purported to cede \"completely and permanently to His Majesty the Emperor of Japan all rights of sovereignty over the whole of Korea\", with her then population of more than fifteen million Koreans.\n\n## THE KOREAN PROTEST\n\n5. Against this extinction of Korean sovereignty and the incorporation of their Country as a province of Japan, the Korean People and Nation have strenuously protested and do still protest.\n\n6. This protest is renewed and is strengthened daily owing to the methods applied by Japan in the administration of Korea. In ruthlessness and efficiency these methods exceed those practised by Prussia in her Eastern Provinces, in Schleswig-Holstein, in Alsace-Lorraine.\n\nNot only in name but in reality, Japan is determined to turn Korea into a Japanese province. And she is trying to do this by a pitiless attempt to extirpate the great roots of patriotism—love of the soil, language of the people and the history of the nation—and also to \"control\" the two means which might render futile this organised attempt to destroy Korean patriotism, i.e., education and wealth.\n\n## JAPANESE “CONTROL\" OF KOREAN EDUCATION AND WEALTH\n\n7. Any and every department of modern education calculated, if pursued beyond a certain point, to encourage what Count Terauchi—the Japanese proconsul who annexed Korea—calls \"dangerous thoughts\" is either forbidden or taught in an emasculated sense in the schools of Korea under Government control. And the Korean student is absolutely prohibited from going to Europe or the United States to seek a modern education even at his or her expense.\n\n8. Nearly every wealthy Korean is obliged to have a Japanese overseer at his house, controlling his properties and finances.\n\nAnd Koreans with deposits in the Banks—which are all Japanese institutions—cannot withdraw large amounts at one time without disclosing to the Banks the purpose or purposes for which the money is to be used.\n\n## JAPAN AND CHRISTIANITY\n\n9. Every effort is made by the Japanese Authorities—particularly through their police agents—to discourage and obstruct Christian missionary work in Korea which is envisaged as opposed to vital Japanese interests in the Peninsula.\n\nIs not the gravest indictment of Japan's work in Korea to be read in the fact that Christianity is seriously regarded as a force hostile to the success of the Japanese system of Government in the Country?\n\n## KOREA FOR THE JAPANESE\n\n10. The Japanese Authorities claim that \"reforms\" have been introduced into Korea. But it is well to remember that most of these reforms, valuable as they are, may be found in a well-regulated penal colony (\"The Korean Conspiracy Case: New York) and all of them have been effected or introduced at the expense of the Korean taxpayer in the interest and for the benefit of the Japanese Settler for whom the Japanese Authorities are bent on making Korea an attractive field of colonisation.\n\nA rigid spy system is inaugurated (in Korea). Everyone must be registered and is given a number, which is known to the police. Every time he leaves his village or town he must register at the police station and state fully the business he intends to transact and his destination. The policeman phones to this place and if his actions are in any way at variance with his report he is liable to arrest and mistreatment. A strict classification is kept on the basis of a man's education, influence, position, etc. As soon as a man begins to show ability or qualities of leadership he is put in class **a**, detectives are set on his trail, and from thenceforth he becomes a marked man, hounded wherever he goes. Even children are watched or bribed for information. If a man escapes the country his number is traced, his family or relatives arrested and perchance tortured until they reveal his whereabouts. A man is likely to disappear any day and perhaps not be heard of again. It is a very efficient Prussianism which thus aims to crush the spirit of a people.\n\nThis policy is carried out in the educational system by forbidding the teaching of Korean history or geography... by excluding all European history or literature..... by forbidding any Korean student to go abroad for an education; in fact, by forbidding them to leave the country............ by forbidding them to entertain or express Korean ideas or aspirations. One student was put in jail for three months and fined three hundred dollars because he was caught singing the Korean national anthem.\" From a paper recently published in the United States by J. E. Moore, an American born in Korea.\n\n## JAPAN AGAINST THE WORLD\n\n12. In addition to these reasons connected directly with the fate of the Korean People, the vital interests of the world—especially the Asiatic interests of France and the Asiatic and Pacific interests of Great Britain and the United States—demand the dis-annexation of Korea and the liberation of her People from Japan.\n\n13. In trade and commerce, Japan is gradually eliminating the Western trader and merchant in Korea and transferring to the exclusive hands of her own people trade interests which have had their origin in the series of treaties of peace and commerce concluded between Korea and the foreign Powers.\n\nIn this elimination of Western competition, Japan continues true to that instinct for exclusion which, in the past, found expression in her rigidly guarded isolation and which, to-day, expresses itself in the menacing attempt to exclude Western Influence in Far Asia through the application of a debased Monroe Doctrine for the Far East.\n\n## JAPAN'S CONTINENTAL POLICY\n\n14. It is, however, in the far-reaching political aims of Japan—realisable eventually through her continued annexation of Korea—that France as well as Great Britain and America must be vitally interested.\n\nThe danger to the non-Japanese world, including specially the three Latin and Anglo-Saxon Powers, lies in Japan's unfettered prosecution of her Continental Policy.\n\nThis policy aims, first, at the seizure of the hegemony of Asia through the Domination and Control of the Man-Power and Natural Resources of China—possible by the Japanese possession of the continental point d'appui of Korea—and, next, at the Mastery of the Pacific as the Sole Means of Securing Unrestricted Entrance for the Japanese Immigrant into Australasia and the United States.\n\n## THE POLICY IN OPERATION\n\n15. Japan's Continental Policy has already found expression—\n\n(a) in two successful wars which have made her the greatest military power in Asia in much the same way that Prussia's two wars made her the greatest military power in Europe;\n\n(b) in the annexation of Korea;\n\n(c) in the gradual substitution of Japanese for Chinese authority in South Manchuria and Eastern Inner Mongolia;\n\n(d) in the attempt now being made to secure from the Peace Conference the succession of Japan to German holdings and privileges in the Chinese province of Shantung, including Kiaochow;\n\n(e) in the growing subjection of China, with her incalculable man-power and resources, to Japanese domination by and through the same set of methods which made the annexation of Korea a \"political necessity\": and\n\n(f) in the Japanese possession of the \"South Sea Islands north of the Equator\" which brings Japan nearly two thousand miles closer to Australia and gives the Japanese Navy a base which dominates, practically, the entire land-areas of the Pacific.\n\nPage 385\n\n1",
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    {
        "id": 482469,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-458 - Public Offices & Others - 1919",
        "page_number": 517,
        "title": "CO129-458 - Public Offices & Others - 1919",
        "content_text": "22\n\ncould only be made after conference with the Dominion authorities. A valve station could be erected in the United Kingdom to communicate with a similar station in Canada, at an approximate distance of 2,500 miles, the capital cost (apart from residences) of the two complete stations (subject to any percentage increase in cost and salaries in Canada) being about £250,000, and the annual charges, including amortisation, about £90,000. For such an efficient service a load of some 4,000,000 words per annum might reasonably be expected at the existing wireless rates, which for ordinary traffic are two-thirds of the cable rates, though for deferred and other cheap-rate traffic there is only a difference of a halfpenny a word. This traffic would give a revenue of about £50,000 a year for the two stations, and it would doubtless increase in the near future at a fairly rapid rate. But the value of the wireless service as an adjunct to the Imperial cable, and as a relief in case of interruption of the latter, would be considerable, and would justify a certain loss upon it in the earlier years.\n\nIf the Dominion authorities desire it, a similar pair of stations might give wireless communication between Eastern Canada and Vancouver (say, 2,500 miles), but a Canadian station on the Pacific, from an Imperial point of view, involves consideration of a high-power Australian station.\n\n42. The Australian Government has made an official request for information regarding the type and power of a station, to be situated south of latitude 30° S., recommended for communication with any station situated south of latitude 30° N. This specification, however, gives insufficient information regarding the maximum range desired, since the shortest distance between these parallels of latitude would be due north and south, along a meridian of longitude, namely, 4,140 statute miles, whereas in a north-easterly or north-westerly direction the distance would be very much greater.\n\nThe specification of communication with a station in latitude 30 N. rules out Vancouver, which is situated in latitude 50° N., and in any case, as already stated, we regard an efficient and economical commercial wireless service over this distance, say, to Brisbane, 7,864 miles, as outside present possibilities. Taking 6,000 miles, however, as the maximum range envisaged in the above-mentioned inquiry, which would be about the distance from Poona to Brisbane, the latter being near the position of a station contemplated south of latitude 30 S., it is possible that a station might be erected there to give a more or less efficient service, at least by night, over this distance. The smallest arc transmitter to be considered for the purpose would be one of 750 kilowatts. The cost of the duplicated power plant, namely, two 850-kilowatt turbo-generators, three water-tube boilers, and all auxiliary plant and buildings, erected in Australia, would be £97,000. The costs of the rest of the station (English prices plus a suitable addition) would be: pair of arc-transmitters, £52,000; eight steel masts 820 feet high and aerial system, £160,000; wireless plant building, £10,000; roads and fences, £3,000; receiving station, £12,000; contingencies, £22,000; making an approximate total capital cost of £356,000, to which must be added cost of site and residences. The annual costs would be, for generating, supervision, interest and depreciation, say £75,000, and for operating, £16,000, making a total approximate annual charge of £91,000. There can be no certainty, however, that this power would suffice. The most experienced makers of these arcs give less than 6,000 miles as the maximum range for an all-year service, and so far as we know there is nowhere a 750-kilowatt arc operating under efficient conditions from which its performance may be judged. Therefore, it would probably be thought desirable to install 1,000-kilowatt arcs for this service, at a considerably greater cost. Still less, however, is known of arcs of this extreme capacity, since one has never yet been erected, and, as before stated (see section 11 (b)), we should regard it as an unwise adventure to incur such expense before awaiting the results obtained from the 1,000-kilowatt arc shortly to be completed by the French Government near Bordeaux.\n\nIn view of the foregoing considerations the Australian Government would be well-advised, in our opinion, to be content for the next few years, which may well bring striking developments in long-range wireless telegraphy, with the communication from northern Australia to Singapore by the employment of the valve station we recommend, the more so since emergency strategic needs appear likely, as explained later, also to be met by this scheme.\n\n43. The same considerations apply to the construction of a Pacific super-station by the Canadian authorities for communication with Australia. If the Australian Government decides not to erect a station of very high power, and the Canadian Government should hesitate to erect a Pacific station which, in that event, would be used entirely for communication with a foreign country, namely, Japan, it might be\n\n23\n\n503\n\nwell for them to allow the Canadian Marconi Company to do so, under suitable conditions, in accordance with a proposal recently made by that company to the Canadian Government. The telegraphic facilities between Canada and Japan are at present bad and the rates are very high, and communication between the United States and Japan also leaves much to be desired. Any estimate of traffic must be guess-work - out an initial load of 1,500,000 words might fairly be expected, producing an income for the Canadian station of, say, £75,000.\n\n44. Communication with the West Indies is being independently considered by a Sub-Committee of the Imperial Communications Committee. If this should decide in favour of a wireless system, probably £100,000 to £150,000 would be required for reconstructing the existing stations and providing the necessary new stations.\n\n45. The provision of a station at Singapore for communication with Australia does not in every respect fulfil the strategic requirements of the Admiralty (see Section 81). This criticism, however, may perhaps be met by the following considerations. It is necessary to bear in mind the vital distinction between a satisfactory commercial service, and a means of strategic communication. The former postulates continuous, high-speed, duplex signalling, with a small percentage of repetitions, during practically twenty-four hours a day. The latter demands only the passage of single messages, which may be repeated several times if necessary. We have received, through his Excellency the Governor-General, extracts from the official diary of Radio-Awarua Station, New Zealand, in which it is stated that the signals of Horsea are read there frequently, at medium strength, only a single-valve receiving apparatus being employed. Now, if Horsea, with 25 kilowatts in an aerial 420 feet high, is read in New Zealand with a one-valve receiver, it would appear that the English valve stations, and still more, of course, the Egyptian and Indian valve stations, with 120 kilowatts (see Section 11 (d)) in an aerial 656 feet high, would certainly be read in Australia with multi-valve reception. And conversely, that the corresponding valve station in Australia would be read in India, in Cairo, and probably in England. We do not mean, let us repeat, that a commercial service is possible in this manner; we merely point to the experience of the New Zealand station, to show that emergency strategic messages might be expected to be transmissible to and from Australia, by the Imperial scheme we recommend, even if the station of Singapore were for any reason unavailable.\n\n46. It will have been observed that when a balance is struck between the above estimates of annual cost and annual revenue, the working of the Imperial wireless scheme shows a net yearly loss for the opening years of £100,000, after allowance for interest on capital at 6 per cent., and full amortization of plant and buildings. This loss might have been expected to prove greater. It was not to be thought that a world-wide scheme of this kind, involving the growth of much new telegraphic traffic, could be established to yield an immediate profit. Our estimates of cost are carefully conservative, but we believe we have devised the most economical method in which a scientific, satisfactory Imperial wireless service can be secured in the shortest possible time. Though our proposals are modest, we are convinced that they will link together the far-flung communities of the Empire by quick and trustworthy communications, and that the natural growth of traffic and the certain increase of wireless signalling speed will in due course wipe out the initial loss, and reduction of rates will then be possible. This has been the history of cable communication. The State-owned Pacific cable showed a heavy loss during the first ten years of its working; to-day it pays handsomely. An annual loss of £63,000 by the Imperial Government, of £4,000 by the Indian Government, of £20,000 by the Australian Government, and of £13,000 by the Government of South Africa - losses which there is every reason to believe will decrease year by year until in ten years they will have disappeared - is a small price to pay for the gain to commerce, to social intercourse and to national defence throughout the Empire. We have had evidence that the overseas communities are eager and impatient for these Imperial links to be forged. It would be a false economy at this moment, in our opinion, to think more of a few thousand pounds than of many nations.\n\n47. In considering the erection of wireless stations it should be borne in mind that the greater part of the material is a matter of ordinary commercial manufacture. Buildings, power plant, transformers, condensers, switchboards, batteries, high tension lines, telegraph lines, masts, aerial wires and earth connections, insulators, &c., which represent more than three-quarters of the total cost of a station, would be subject to competitive tender by many manufacturing firms. The manufacture of valves on the\n\n[3569]\n\nE 2",
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    {
        "id": 484829,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-463 - Governor Sir Stubbs - 1920 [10-12]",
        "page_number": 207,
        "title": "CO129-463 - Governor Sir Stubbs - 1920 [10-12]",
        "content_text": "Council \n\ncriticise their methods. Representing as I do British interests, I contend we cannot fulfil our part, either in China or at home if we do not realise that we must provide sufficient funds to establish and maintain an educational link which will be inseparable from our home universities, so that we shall have a succession of British students returning, who will believe that the first engineering works in the world are British, that the finest products are British, and that the finest public schools are British. There is room for competition between us all and we must work, if I may say so, with friendly rivalry and in a spirit of co-operation. It was for this reason, Sir, we welcomed very particularly, as a beginning, the grant to Holy Trinity College, Canton, which we will vote and which is the beginning of such an outline of education as I have emphasised. I am quite certain that the burden is too great for either China or Hongkong and must be supported by Imperial grants. Subscriptions will be raised, but I am firmly convinced that the Imperial Government will also come to our assistance.\n\nYou, yourself, sir, have referred to the fact that the schools here are seriously understaffed and that so far it has been impossible to find suitable candidates to fill the vacancies. We should like to know whether it is not a fact that this is not entirely due to war conditions, but to the fact that the salary offered is not sufficiently conducive to attract suitable candidates. We impress upon you the necessity for filling these vacancies at the earliest moment.\n\nIn connection with the Police Department, we have noticed with interest the proposal to establish a training school in connection with the new gaol in the Kowloon Reclamation site. We should like to impress upon the Government the importance of training Police officers who can satisfactorily handle the traffic of this place, which is of growing importance. Anyone who has been to the North, in Peking or Shanghai, comparing the system of traffic control we have in force here with that which obtains even in Peking to-day, will recognise that the system which obtains here is yet in its infancy, and that we have much to learn.\n\nWe welcome the vote made under the heading of Government House extensions. I myself have previously referred to the condition of Government House in this Council, but owing to war conditions it was not possible then to ask for a vote. We are glad that it is possible now to bring Government House more into conformity with the dignity of the Colony. Personally speaking I would like to see added to your garage a suitable limousine for the conveyance of your guests in a manner worthy of the dignity of the Colony.\n\nI now come to the question of finance in regard to public works. I am well aware that the Colony is free of debt and that for years past great works have been carried on out of current revenue. But I do contend, and as you have learnt from the Senior Unofficial Member, we are agreed that necessary works have been held back in the past by this policy which, we contend, is not sound. I suggest for your consideration that large public works which are necessary to the growing development of this Colony—the best days of which, in my opinion, are yet to come—we must take large views of the future, in connection with dock developments on the other side of the harbour and the harbour developments which will possibly be recommended by the expert, Sir Maurice Fitzmaurice, whom we welcome amongst us to-day. These works should be carried out on the principle of debenture loans raised locally and redeemable in part year by year, and possibly by premium loans with which our Chinese friends are well acquainted. By such means development would take place more rapidly than it otherwise would.\n\nI have looked in vain for any reference in the estimates to the wireless station for Hongkong. This subject was also discussed at the conference at Shanghai. It has long been felt by the Chamber of Commerce here that the facilities we have in Hongkong are quite inadequate, compared with the facilities in Manila and Shanghai, and is only at our disposal through the courtesy of the Admiralty, for any commercial purpose. We have had to rely on occasions upon Manila for current prices of stocks and commodities wirelessed from the Pacific board via Honolulu, and we feel we cannot too strongly emphasise the importance of having a powerful wireless station in a Colony like this where shipping is the life-blood. We must have a wireless station which can pass on messages to reach London within a reasonable space of time. We hope, sir, you will make these representations to the Imperial Government in connection with the Imperial wireless scheme under consideration and urge prompt action.\n\nIn conclusion, I would like to refer to the impending retirement of the Director of Public Works, because this is the last occasion of a budget debate at which he will be with us.\n\nI do not feel competent myself to refer to the many years of loyal and distinguished service he has rendered to this Colony. Many of the magnificent buildings which must impress everyone who lands on these shores, and the roads, which are unequalled in any part of the world, are standing testimonials to him. In parting, we would wish him all the happiness and health in the retirement to which he is justly entitled. I also wish to thank the Colonial Secretary and the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, who are going on leave, for their invaluable services to the Colony. The Chamber of Commerce especially in its relations with the Colonial Secretary's Department has appreciated his untiring efforts, and zeal, often under trying conditions, and great courtesy. This Colony is grateful, and we wish to show it by a tribute to their services. We wish then a pleasant voyage and holiday at home.—(Applause.)\n\nHON. MR. PARR.\n\nThe Hon. Mr. E. V. D. PARR said:- Following the remarks of my unofficial colleagues, I think the most striking feature of the Budget is the proposed expenditure, exceeding the estimate for the current year by some $3,500,000 in spite of the expected decline of some $2,000,000 in the opium\n\nPage 265",
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    {
        "id": 485334,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-464 - Public Offices - 1920",
        "page_number": 276,
        "title": "CO129-464 - Public Offices - 1920",
        "content_text": "265\n\nPending delimitation of boundary no building or dredging operations or placing of buoys shall take place in disputed territories on land or water with the exception of work absolutely essential and necessary for keeping harbour open for passage of steamers, for determining of which a delegate (one group undecipherable) shall be sent to Macao by Canton Government.\n\n2. Chinese warships shall not be troubled with formalities of signing (port) papers.\n\nChinese authorities will issue proclamation emphasizing the pacific character of the recent reinforcement (of troops).\n\nThese proposals are being referred by both sides to their respective Governments and it is hoped to hold another Conference to-morrow or the day after.\n\nYou will note that there would appear to be little ground in common and I have accordingly suggested that Macao endeavours to demonstrate urgency to Chinese delegates and avail itself of phrase \"absolutely necessary etc.\" actually to carry on work whilst nominally suspending same, pending Convocation of Commission.\n\nSituation is gravely complicated by fact that little if any control can be exercised by Southern Government over Military Governor; who commands the troops, is obstinate and ignorant in extreme, and professes contempt of international law and obligations. It is therefore to be feared that he may at any moment create a serious situation.\n\nI should accordingly be grateful for an immediate indication by Your Lordship of length to which His Majesty's Government are prepared to go in supporting Portuguese; and also for instructions as to language which I am to use in the event of trouble arising.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-464 - Public Offices - 1920.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 488922,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 70,
        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "# Agenda for the China Consortium Meeting\n\n1. Resolution clarifying the phrase \"Government guarantee.\"\n\n5. Completion by signature of the agreement establishing the consortium which was initialled by the delegates at Paris on the 12th May, 1919.\n\n6. Application of a Belgian group for inclusion in the consortium.\n\n7. Application of an Italian group for inclusion in the consortium.\n\n8. Consideration of existing old four-Power group business.\n   (a) What is position of Russian bankers under loans in which they participated?\n\n9. Consideration as to whether formation of Chinese group should be encouraged. Explanation by Mr. Lamont as to attitude taken by him, with approval of Peking group representatives, on this matter on his recent trip to China.\n\n10. Tabling of all existing agreements and options to be pooled in accordance with the minutes of the 11th May, 1919.\n    N.B. The British group has submitted a summary giving the particulars required, drawn up in a suitable form, which should be adopted by all the groups.\n\n11. Consideration of the financial requirements of China for general purposes, having regard to--\n    (a) Attitude of Chinese Government with regard to German issued bonds.\n    (b) Pacific Development Corporation loan and wine and tobacco revenue.\n        (1) Additional advance, if option is extended.\n    (c) Currency reform.\n    (d) Land tax. Consideration of land tax as additional security, under supervision of a foreign inspector on lines of Salt Administration.\n\n12. Railway policy of the consortium, having regard to--\n    (a) Unification of China's railways.\n    (b) Relative importance of, and priority of treatment for, different trunk and branch lines of railway.\n    (c) Standardisation of equipment and equality of open tender.\n    (d) Conference of railway engineers.\n\n13. Chinese Eastern.\n\n14. Hukuang Railway.\n    (a) Issuance of second series of loan.\n    (b) Proposal of the 28th April, 1920, made by group representatives at Peking to Minister of Communications.\n    (c) Abolition of sections.\n    (d) Silver loan for local expenditures.\n\n15. General.\n    As bearing upon ability of consortium to function effectively, latest information should be made available to the conferees upon the following points:--\n    (a) Unification of north and south.\n        (1) Disbandment of troops.\n        (2) Adoption of constitution.\n        (3) Election of representative Parliament.\n    (b) Establishment of adequate fiscal system.\n    (c) Proposed abolition of likin.\n    (d) Budget for ensuing twelve months.\n    (e) System for the supervision of expenditures from loan funds.\n\n## THE CHINA CONSORTIUM\n### Minutes of a Meeting held in the Executive Committee Room of the New York Chamber of Commerce on October 11, 1920.\n\nRepresenting the British group--\nSir Charles Addis. Mr. S. F. Mayers.\n\nRepresenting the French group--\nM. R. Thion de la Chaume. M. Georges Picot.\n\nPresent: \nRepresenting the Japanese group--\nMr. Kimpei Takeuchi. Mr. Reitaro Ichinomiya.\n\nMr. R. C. Witt.\nM. Henri Mazot.\nMr. C. F. Whigham,\nMr. J. Ridgely Carter.\nMr. Burnett Walker.\n\nRepresenting the American group--\nMr. Thomas W. Lamont. Mr. Mortimer L. Schiff. Mr. Charles H. Sabin. Mr. Albert H. Wiggin. Mr. Frederic W. Allen. Mr. John Jay Abbott.\n\nIn Attendance: \nMr. F. W. Stevens.\nMr. Jeremiah Smith, Jr. Mr. A. M. Anderson.\nMr. Robert I. Barr.\nMr. L. L. Strauss.\n\nI. Chairman.\nUpon the proposal of Sir Charles Addis it was unanimously agreed that Mr. Thomas W. Lamont take the Chair.\n\nII. Secretary.\nMr. W. E. Leveson and Mr. J. Ross Tilford were appointed joint secretaries to the meeting.\n\nIII. Minutes of the Paris Meetings.\nThe Minutes of the Paris meetings of the 11th and 12th May, 1919, were confirmed, subject to the following three amendments:--\n1. Government Support.--The words \"and are entitled to the exclusive diplomatic support of their respective Governments\" were deleted and the following substituted:\n   And whereas their respective Governments have undertaken to give their complete support to their respective national groups the parties hereto in all operations undertaken pursuant to the agreement hereinafter contained and have further undertaken that in the event of competition in the obtaining of any specific loan contract the collective support of the diplomatic representatives in Peking of the four Governments will be assured to the parties hereto for the purpose of obtaining such contract.\n\n2. Chinese Government Guarantee.--The words \"or to companies having Chinese Government or Chinese Provincial Government guarantees\" were deleted and the following substituted:--\n   or to companies or corporations owned or controlled by or on behalf of the Chinese Government or any Chinese Provincial Government or to any party if the transaction in question is guaranteed by the Chinese Government or Chinese Provincial Government.\n\n3. Preamble. The following addition to the recitals to the agreement was adopted:--\n   And whereas the said national groups are of the opinion that the interests of the Chinese people can in existing circumstances best be served by the co-operative action of the various banking groups represented...",
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    {
        "id": 488923,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 71,
        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "## Minutes of an Adjourned Meeting held in the Executive Committee Room of the New York Chamber of Commerce on October 13, 1920.\n\nRepresenting the British group- \nSir Charles Addis. \nMr. S. F. Mayers. \n\nRepresenting the French group- \nM. R. Thion de la Chaume. \nM. Georges Picot. \n\nRepresenting the Japanese group- \nMr. Kimpei Takeuchi. \nMr. Reitaro Ichinomiya. \n\nRepresenting the American group— \nMr. Thomas W. Lamont. \nMr. Mortimer L. Schiff, \nMr. Charles E. Mitchell. \nMr. Albert H. Wiggin. \nMr. Frederic W. Allen. \nMr. John Jay Abbott. \nMr. Burnett Walker.\n\n### Preamble\n\nsenting the investment interests of their respective countries in procuring for the Chinese Government the capital necessary for a programme of economic reconstruction and improved communications \n\nAnd whereas with these objects in view the respective national groups are prepared to participate on equal terms in such undertakings as may be calculated to assist China in the establishment of her great public utilities and to these ends to welcome the co-operation of Chinese capital\" \n\n### IV-Consortium Agreement\n\nIt was resolved to print the agreement as initialled in May 1919, with the foregoing three amendments in readiness for signature on Wednesday, the 13th October. \n\n### V.-Belgian Group\n\nWith reference to the application of a Belgian group for inclusion in the consortium it was resolved to welcome such inclusion subject to the approval of the respective Governments of the parties to the consortium. \n\nIt was further resolved that the share offered to the Belgian group be one-ninth, the shares of each of the existing groups being in such event two-ninths. \n\n### VI-Italian Group\n\nWith reference to the Italian application for inclusion in the consortium, having regard to existing circumstances, it was resolved to postpone the matter for further consideration. \n\n### VII.-Chinese Group\n\nIt was resolved to welcome the co-operation of a Chinese group forming a representative national unit and prepared to undertake the obligations involved, and that the Peking representatives of the consortium be instructed to convey the terms of this resolution to the Ministries of Finance and Communications. \n\n### VIII-Conditions of Pooling\n\nIt was resolved that loan agreements when pooled shall be deemed to be assigned to the consortium during the life of the consortium, after which, should no action have been taken under them or in connection with them, they shall revert to the original concessionaires. \n\nFor and on behalf of the British group: \nC. S. ADDIS. \n\nFor and on behalf of the French group: \nTH. DE LA CHAUMË. \n\nFor and on behalf of the Japanese group: \nK. TAKEUCHI. \n\nFor and on behalf of the American group: \nTHOMAS W. LAMONT.\n\n### In Attendance\n\nMr. R. C. Witt. \nMr. F. W. Stevens. \nM. Henri Mazot. \nMr. C. F. Whigham. \nMr. J. Ridgely Carter. \nMr. Jeremiah Smith, Jr. \nMr. Robert I. Barr. \nMr. L. L. Strauss.\n\nThe minutes of the meeting of the 11th October were read, confirmed and signed. \n\n### IX.-Currency Reform\n\nIt was resolved that the Peking representatives be instructed to apply for a renewal of the Currency Loan Agreement for a further six months from the 14th October, 1920. \n\nIt was further resolved that the groups ask their respective Governments to enquire of the Chinese Government as to the present situation of the currency reform question, particularly with reference to the proposed establishment of a mint at Shanghai. \n\n### X.-Existing Agreements and Options\n\nThe following agreements and options were offered for pooling by the groups concerned :- \n\n| Group(s) | Agreement/Option |\n| --- | --- |\n| British, French and American groups | Hukuang Railways Loan, 1911, second series and further loan. |\n| British, French and Japanese groups | Reorganisation Loan, 1913, further loan. |\n| British and French groups | Currency Reform and Industrial Development Loan, 1911. |\n| British group | Pukou-Sinyang Railway Loan, 1913. Nanking-Hunan Railway Loan, 1914, |\n| Japanese group | Jehol Taonan Railway Preliminary Agreement. Tsinan-Shunteh, Kaomi-Hsuchou Railway Preliminary Agreement. |\n| American group | Chinchowfu-Aigun Railroad, 1910. Hengchowfu-Nanning Railway Fengcheng-Ninghsia Railway Ninghsia-Lanchowfu Railway 1916. Chungchow-Lu Kwei Railway Hangchow-Wenehow Railway Grand Canal Improvement Contract, 1917. Continental and Commercial Trust and Savings Bank Loan, 1919. Pacific Development Corporation Loan, 1919. |\n\nThe following reservations were noted :— \n\nThe American group stated that the negotiations for pooling the 1916 Railway Agreements and the Grand Canal Improvement Contract were still incomplete but that of their successful issue there was little doubt. \n\nThe Japanese group stated that technical difficulties still required arrangement in regard to the Shantung railways. \n\nThe British group reserved the rights of the concessionaires under article 22 of the Pukou-Sinyang Railway Loan to the commutation of net profits. \n\n### XI-Land Tax\n\nReferring to the minutes of the Inter-Group Conference of the 30th January, 1917, on the subject of land tax, it was resolved that the consortium note this source of security for consideration later should occasion arise. \n\n### XII. Silver Loan\n\nIt was resolved that the consortium instruct its banking representatives to report as to the prospects of issuing a Chinese silver loan in China to be treated...\n\nPage 69",
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    {
        "id": 488928,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 76,
        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "## Reorganisation Currency and Hukuang Loans\n\nDiscussion followed on the various reservations made regarding the reorganisation currency and Hukuang loans, after the replies had been received. Those of the Japanese and American groups drew attention to the fact that their negotiations with the holders were technically not quite complete, while that of the British group referred to the sum of £120,000 due to Chinese Central Railways (Limited) in terms of article 22 of the Pukow-Sinyang Agreement of the 14th November, 1913. This, it was explained to the meeting, was in commutation of a share in the net profits of the railway which it would not be equitable to surrender to the consortium. No objection was taken to this reservation, or to those of the other groups.\n\n## Messrs. Pauling and Co. and Messrs. Erlanger\n\nIn reply to an enquiry of the French representatives as to why the Loan Agreement of Messrs. Pauling and Co. was not included in the British list, Sir Charles Addis explained the offer he had made to Messrs. Erlanger, the bankers to Messrs. Pauling and Co., viz., that in consideration of surrendering the Pauling contract to the British group, Paulings as regards the industrial part and Erlangers as regards the financial part should be placed in the same position as if they had issued their loan and executed their contract themselves. Their agreement contemplated a loan of £10,000,000 for the construction by contract of the Shasi-Singyi Railway, and the effect of this offer would be that if and when the consortium issued this loan, the benefits arising from the industrial share of the British group, at present one quarter, would enure entirely to Paulings, and as subsequent loans for other railways were made, the British group's share of such subsequent loans would similarly enure to Paulings up to a total of £10,000,000, and that the British group would use its best endeavours to secure for Paulings a preference in any future construction by contract. Furthermore, that Erlangers should share in the issue of the Pauling loan and that their name should appear on the prospectus. This offer evoked only the counter-proposal that Erlangers should be admitted as members of the British group, and when this was rejected, Erlangers asked for an assurance that should the British group be extended at any future time, Erlangers should be given a preference. Sir Charles Addis had replied that this assurance could not be given, and the negotiations terminated without result.\n\n## Agreements Pooled\n\nAfter this explanation, the French representatives specifically asked the American and Japanese representatives whether they held or controlled any agreements or options other than those tabled. The American and Japanese representatives replied in terms that the agreements they had tabled included all they held or controlled.\n\n## Land Tax\n\nThe question of the land tax as a possible security for future loans was not discussed in detail, the Japanese representatives showing a disinclination to consider the subject, while the French held the view that foreign supervision of the land tax would not be practicable and intimated that in their opinion, a suitable source of revenue to form security for future loans would be the stamp duty under foreign supervision.\n\n## Silver Loans\n\nThe prospect of issuing silver loans in China was reviewed, and the opinion of the meeting was unanimous in considering that the policy of the consortium should be to facilitate by every means in their power the raising of money from Chinese sources and to endeavour to create a Chinese investing public. With exchange at its present high level, it was regarded as indispensable for the purposes of railway construction that the capital required for expenditure in China on native labour, salaries, land purchase, building, &c., should be raised in silver, leaving only the balance required for rolling-stock and equipment to be raised abroad in gold.\n\n## Final Meeting: Removal of Difficulties regarding Pooling of Agreements\n\nThe final meeting of the conference was held on the 15th October, by which time the French representatives had received authority from Paris to accept the conditions of pooling laid down by the British group after consultation with His Majesty's Ambassador. The necessary resolution recording these conditions was unanimously passed.\n\n## Signature of Consortium Agreement\n\nThereupon the Consortium Agreement, the signature of which had stood over meanwhile, was duly executed, and the chairman congratulated the representatives on the successful issue of their deliberations.\n\n## Pacific Development Corporation Loan: Railway Policy of the Consortium\n\nThe reports of the sub-committees previously appointed to deal with the questions of the Pacific Development Corporation Loan and the railway policy of the consortium were next considered.\n\n## Appointment of Sub-Committees\n\nThese sub-committees consisted, in the case of the former, of Messrs. Abbott, Mayers, Mazot, Stevens, and Wiggin, and in the case of the latter, of Messrs. Mayers, Mazot, Stevens, and Takeuchi.\n\n## Reports of Sub-Committees\n\nThe substance of their reports is embodied in the resolutions printed in the minutes, and the outcome of their deliberations has been that the American group, with the concurrence of the other groups, authorised its representative in Peking to inform the Chinese Minister of Finance that they will be prepared to consider an early issue of bonds for the completion of the Hankow-Canton Railway, provided (a) China recognises her liability for payment of the German-issued Hukuang Railway coupons without distinction, (b) that a separate security other than the revenues of the railway, such as, for example, the wine and tobacco revenue hypothecated to the Pacific Development Corporation, is given to cover the contemplated new issue, the amount of which is estimated at 100,000,000 dollars gold, to be issued in series, (c) that the Ministry of Communications will accept the consortium conditions for foreign supervision of the railway. This tentative offer, the full terms of which appear in the telegram of the 27th October, 1920, annexed hereto (`Appendix 2`), is not likely to prove acceptable to the Chinese Government, but it seemed inexpedient to discourage any tendency on the part of the American group to make an offer on their own conditions, which would demonstrate the preparedness of the consortium for immediate action.\n\n## Hukuang Railway, German Issue\n\nAs regards the German-issued bonds of the Hukuang Railway, the attitude of the British group had been to regard this question as of relatively minor importance so far as their own market is concerned, but they saw no reason to dissent from the views strongly urged by the American group and therefore concurred in the resolution to be communicated to the Chinese Government.\n\n## Chinese Eastern Railway\n\nAs soon as the question of a loan to the Chinese Eastern Railway was reached, the Japanese representatives entered an objection on the ground that the instructions of their Government precluded their considering it, as well as on the ground that such business was outside the defined scope of the consortium's activities. The latter objection was dissented from by the other groups on the ground that it was within the competence of the consortium to determine from time to time what business it would undertake. In these circumstances, it was decided that all the consortium could do was for the groups to inform their Governments of their readiness to consider a loan for the requirements of the Chinese Eastern Railway upon the conditions laid down in the minutes. At the same time, the paraphrase of a telegram dated the 13th October, 1920, and communicated by the State Department (`Appendix 3`) was read, from which it appeared that the Russo-Asiatic Bank and the Chinese Government had recently made an agreement to meet the immediate financial requirements of the railway.\n\n## Central Agency\n\nThe resolution as to the central agency was primarily intended by the British group to preserve the central agency of the consortium in London and to insure that... \nPage 15 \n... \nPage 74",
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    {
        "id": 489206,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 354,
        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "# Resolutions of the Associated British Chambers of Commerce in China and Hong Kong\n\n## XII. Opium and Morphia\n\nThat this conference welcomes the intention of His Majesty's Government, as evidenced by the Dangerous Drugs Act of 1920, to control the traffic in opium and its derivatives, but fears that these efforts will to a great extent be nullified unless the Chinese Government and the foreign Powers are prepared to co-operate effectively in preventing the cultivation, import, or sale of these drugs in any part of the country.\n\n## XIII. Crown Leases\n\nThat this conference deplores the prolonged delay in arriving at a satisfactory decision regarding the extension of Crown leases in the British concessions at Canton, Hankow, and Tien-tsin, which is seriously affecting British trade interests, and urges His Majesty's Government to effect an early settlement of this important question; and, further, that the terms of this resolution be communicated by cable to His Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.\n\n## XIV. The Famine\n\nThat this conference expresses its deep sympathy with the Chinese people in the sufferings occasioned by the famine now afflicting so large an area of North China.\n\n## XV. Support of British Educational and Medical Mission Work in China\n\nThat, in view of the importance from a national standpoint of ensuring the adequate maintenance and development of British educational and medical work in China, this conference urges upon British merchants the necessity for unified effort to that end. As a means of supplying the above principle, the conference recommends the adoption of the following proposals:\n\n1. That the Associated Chambers shall entrust to a central committee the work of formulating proposals for the support of British educational institutions and hospitals in China, and of allocating such funds as may be contributed for the purpose.\n2. That, prior to the issue of an appeal to members of the Associated Chambers for contributions towards the above objects, the said committee shall submit a statement showing the accounts which it considers to be urgently needed under each head, together with proposals as to the basis on which contributions placed at its disposal should be apportioned.\n3. That a central fund be opened at Shanghai, into which funds to be placed at the disposal of the above committee shall be paid.\n4. That, in view of the impossibility of dealing in an adequate manner with every phase of educational and medical work in China, the committee's efforts shall be concentrated on the following lines:\n   - (a) The support of British schools giving a high-class secondary education to Chinese students.\n   - (b) Assistance to British medical missions in their present financial difficulties, due to unfavourable exchange rates and other causes, which threaten to interfere seriously with their philanthropic work in China.\n5. That a certain proportion of the funds contributed be set aside as a reserve fund from which contributions may be made for such charitable purposes, other than educational or medical work, as may seem to have a specially strong claim to the sympathy and assistance of British merchants in China.\n\n## XVI. Railways in China\n\nThat, in view of the inability of the principal railways of China to handle satisfactorily the volume of cargo awaiting transport, which inability is due in part to faults in organisation, and in part to lack of material, this association desires to support the efforts of the railway authorities to:\n1. Improve their organisation in respect of prevention of fraud, more regular running of trains, and direct handling of cargo without recourse to transportation companies; and\n2. Obtain sanction for the expenditure necessary for the purchase of additional rolling-stock, the building of more goods sheds, and the double-tracking of certain sections of the lines.\n\n## XVII. Railway Standardisation\n\nThat, in view of the vast potentialities of railway development in China, and with special reference to the efforts now being made by the Chinese Government, with the assistance of an international advisory committee, to standardise the national railway system, this conference regards it as a matter of primary importance that British engineering and technical skill, as applied to railway construction and equipment, should be adequately represented in this country, and commends this view to the careful consideration of manufacturers in the United Kingdom.\n\n## XVIII. Mail Service\n\nThat, whilst gladly recognising that there has recently been some improvement in the mail service between China and the United Kingdom, the conference desires to call attention to the fact that it is still subject to frequent delays and is deplorably irregular, and urges the responsible authorities to make every effort to put the service on a satisfactory basis.\n\n## XIX. The Consortium\n\nThat this conference welcomes the formation of the new consortium, and especially the proposal to invite Chinese financial co-operation in its workings, which, it believes, will meet the criticism that the new consortium only represents foreign financial interests. That this conference believes that, while China's financial re-establishment lies in her own hands, and cannot be entirely effected from without, the new consortium should be of the greatest service to the Chinese people and foreign trade.\n\n## XX. Definition of the term \"Shipment\"\n\nThis conference is of opinion that, in view of the utmost importance attaching to \"shipment,\" every effort should be made to obtain unanimity of opinion on this point, not only amongst chambers of commerce throughout the East, but also, if possible, in all countries.\n\nWith this object in view, this conference recommends that a special committee be appointed by the Associated British Chambers of Commerce in China and Hong Kong, consisting of one representative of each of the shipping, banking, and merchant interests (with power to add to their number) to enquire into and make recommendations to this association on all questions relating to the term \"shipment,\" also responsibilities of shipowners in connection with bills of lading.\n\n## XXI. The Famine and Surtaxes\n\nThis Association of British Chambers of Commerce in China and Hong Kong agrees to the proposed 10 per cent. surtax on customs import dues for famine relief for a definitely limited period of twelve months, provided that the distribution of the funds as raised be made subject to adequate foreign supervision and publication of detailed accounts, and protests in principle against the recent imposition of numerous surtaxes now being levied, which have been imposed without adequate notice being given or time stated.\n\n## XXII. The term \"Shipment\"\n\nThat Messrs. Scott, Arnhold, Beytagh, and a representative of the Canadian Pacific Ocean Services (Limited), together with the secretary of the Shanghai British Chamber of Commerce, be appointed to act as a committee immediately to enquire into and endeavour to arrive at an equitable and early settlement of the difficulties that have lately arisen in connection with the financing of bills of exchange due to the non-acceptance by foreign banks of bills of lading bearing certain clauses regarding shipment; that this committee have power to add to their number and of substitution; and that, in view of the extreme importance attaching to an early settlement, the ...\n\nPage 352",
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        "series_id": 27,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "page_number": 476,
        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "# \nthe Allied Governments, very keenly desire that, for the peace of the world and the common welfare of humanity, the United States will see its way clear to join its efforts with the other nations for the realisation of the lofty aim of the League, \n\nAlthough the efforts of the League for the past twelve months have mainly been devoted to the perfecting of its organisation and the strengthening of its foundation, it has also exerted itself for the enforcement of the Peace Treaty and for international finance, economics, labour, communications, sanitation, statistics and like cultural work. The League is as yet at its initial stage of development, and, moreover, the international political situation has not quite recovered permanent equilibrium since the war. It is to be expected, therefore, that the League should still leave something to be desired both in organisation and working, and that each one of the member States may be dissatisfied in one respect or another. It is, indeed, inevitable that an international undertaking of the magnitude of the League of Nations should fail to attain perfection in a single day, but all the nations of the world should feel it pointedly incumbent upon them to see to the future development and eventual perfecting of the League. \n\n## \nThe functions of the League are performed by the Council, the Assembly, the Secretariat and various expert commissions. The Council met eleven times in the course of last year, at Paris, London, Rome, San Sebastian, Brussels and Geneva. The Assembly was in session for a month from the 15th November last year, at Geneva, the seat of the League. At each of these meetings good work has been done, and what is worthy of special note is that at these sessions of the Council and the Assembly the representatives of the member States have evinced willingness throughout to put forth their efforts for the common cause of the League, instead of confining their attention wholly to the interests of individual nations they represented. It is principally due to the spirit of concert and harmony manifested on these occasions that the League now has a fair promise of life and development. \n\nIn regard to the curtailment of armament, provided for in the Peace Treaty, the Military Commission of the League, since its organisation last May, has been making investigations into the practical phases of the question. As a matter of principle, disarmament is to be welcomed for the general welfare of the human race, and the Japanese Government are paying special attention to the question. The matter, however, has very important and complex bearings for each nation, and it is to be apprehended that the realisation of this end may be found impossible unless all the nations act in one accord and in good faith. \n\nThe project of the International Court of Justice was resolved upon both by the Council and the Assembly, chiefly on the basis of the original draft adopted by the Conference of International Jurists held last year at The Hague. The plan is now being submitted to the several Governments for approval, and the Court is expected to be established at no distant date. The passing of this resolution is the most important of the results achieved at the first session of the League Assembly. That international conflicts should to as great a degree as possible be settled by peaceful means is of course highly desirable, and the decision to establish an international court for that end is most welcome. \n\nThe questions of amending the League Covenant, of economic blockade as the principal means of punishment by the League, and of mandates to be exercised on behalf of the League have each been assigned to expert commissions which have been appointed as auxiliary organs of the League Council. The field of activities of the League will thus gradually be enlarged with time. \n\nBefore passing on to another theme, I may be permitted to state that the aim of the League of Nations, which lies in the securing of world peace and the promoting of international co-operation, is quite consistent with the policy followed throughout by Japan, and that it is her intention, as one of the five great nations, invariably to make endeavours, in hearty co-operation with the other Powers, for the attainment of that lofty aim of the League. \n\n## \nNext the question of mandate calls for a few words. Under the Peace Treaty, which is based on the principle of non-annexation, the former German possessions in Africa and the South Pacific, together with the territories in Asia which belonged to the former Turkish Empire, have been placed under administration by mandate. So far as the former German possessions are concerned, the mandatories and their assigned territories were decided upon at the Supreme Council of the 7th May of last year. On that occasion the whole group of former German islands lying north of the Equator was assigned to the Administration of Japan as mandatory. When, at a later date, the terms and formulæ of the mandates came up for determination, a difference of views arose between the Japanese and British Governments in the construction of the treaty stipulation relating to the terms and formulæ of the mandate over the former German colonies lying south of the Equator. Agreement could not be reached for a long time. A frank exchange of views, however, between the Japanese and British representatives who attended the first session of the League Assembly happily resulted in a composition of the difference. \n\nWhile agreeing to the terms of the mandate of the C class as proposed by the British Government, the Japanese Government came to a full understanding with the British Government that Japan should make a declaration to the effect that the acquired right of the Japanese in the former German colonies south of the Equator should be fully respected, and that their agreement to the terms of mandate over these islands should not be taken to signify acquiescence on the part of Japan in any discriminatory and unfavourable treatment of her nationals in the said islands. Accordingly, when the terms of the class C mandate were decided upon on the 17th December last, at a meeting of the eleventh session of the League Council, the Japanese representative made a declaration on the lines of the above understanding and reserved for Japan a right to resume negotiations with the British Government concerning the treatment of Japanese subjects in those territories. The terms and formulæ of the mandates over the former German possessions in the South Pacific having now been determined, the Japanese Government are about to enter upon formal control and administration, in pursuance of those terms of mandate, over the group of islands assigned to Japan. \n\n\"Gentlemen, I am happy to be able to state that it is the determination of the Japanese Government to spare no efforts in the discharge of this noble mission of civilisation, in promoting the welfare and development of the people of these territories, thus fully to deserve the trust that the League members have placed in Japan. \n\nAs to the revision and renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Agreement of Alliance, the Japanese Government had been giving careful consideration to the question, with a view especially to its relation to the Covenant of the League of Nations. They entered into conference with the British Government and a frank exchange of views on this matter took place both in London and Tokyo. In view of article 6 of the existing agreement of alliance, it was decided to address to the League of Nations a joint notification to the effect that the Governments of Japan and Great Britain had come to the conclusion that the Anglo-Japanese Agreement of the 13th July, though in harmony with the spirit of the Covenant of the League of Nations was not entirely consistent with the letter of that Covenant, and that they accordingly recognised the principle that if the said agreement was to be continued after July 1921 it must be in a form not inconsistent with the Covenant. The notification was conveyed in a note dated the 8th July, 1920. The principle to guide the Japanese Government in revising the agreement is at present a subject of serious study, regard being had to the articles of the League Covenant, as declared in the joint notification, and to the many important changes which have taken place in the aspect of affairs since the conclusion of the present agreement. \n\nThat this agreement of alliance has contributed largely and distinctly to the peace, stability and welfare of the entire Far East is fully realised by both nations, and not only is the continuance and preservation of the wholesome spirit of this alliance for a long time to come desired by the most thoughtful of the two peoples, but it is, I am sure, in perfect harmony with the high ideals of the League of Nations. \n\nConcerning the organisation of the new consortium looking to financial aid to China, I had the privilege at the last session to state before you how a clear understanding was reached between the respective banking groups and Governments concerned, and how the new organisation was fast taking shape. Last October the representatives of the various banking groups met in conference at New York, signed the final agreement, and discussed the policy of the consortium and other details of practice, thus bringing to completion the organisation of the new consortium. While the activities of the consortium in the future are necessarily dependent upon negotiations and co-operation between the organisation itself and the Chinese Government, it may not be out of place, now that the consortium has been completed, to make a remark on its mission. The object of the consortium is purely economic: in other words, what it aims at is to assist and facilitate the economic development of China and thereby to contribute to the happiness and interest of the Chinese people, on the one hand, and to afford equal opportunity for the private enterprise of the nations concerned on the other. \n\n`[5870 h-3]`\n\nPage 4\nPage 5\n473",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "page_number": 496,
        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "# \nthe wording of the resolution be left and brought up for consideration at some other time? \n\nOn the following morning an amendment in the wording which appears at the head of this report, was proposed, seconded and carried unanimously. \n\n## THE MAIL SERVICE. \n\n### The Suez and the Pacific Routes, \n\nIt was unanimously agreed: \n\nThat, whilst gladly recognising that there has recently been some improvement in the mail service between China and the United Kingdom, the conference desires to call attention to the fact that it is still subject to frequent delay and is deplorably irregular, and urges the responsible authorities to make every effort to put the service on a satisfactory basis.' \n\nIn moving this resolution on behalf of Shanghai, Mr. Massey (Reiss and Co.) said: \n\nI have taken some pains to ascertain whether there is any radical change that could be effected which would bring about the desired expedition of our mail service via Suez, but unfortunately, after studying the schedule and conferring with the agents of the different steamship lines concerned, I have reluctantly come to the conclusion that the Government is doing almost all that lies in its power to do, and that until the conditions of travel are so improved as to bring us back towards what we were accustomed to in pre-war days very little can be achieved in the desired direction. \n\nIt is true that nowadays 90 per cent. of business is conducted over the wires, but notwithstanding this a prompt and regular mail service is a very necessary complement thereto. Those of us who are engaged in the import trade know what great inconvenience has been caused both to importers, steamship agents, banks and the customs service through the erratic way in which our advices of shipments and documents come forward. Sometimes we have had two or even three steamers of one line in harbour, without a single document relating thereto having been received. We occasionally see an instance of a fast freighter making the voyage out to China in what we would have considered excellent mail time in pre-war days, and at one period the Government were criticised for not making regular use of these opportunities, but unfortunately a service like this is not to be relied upon for continuity. Further, in the nature of their trade these big freight steamers cannot guarantee to maintain a settled itinerary and the economic speed of the different vessels of the same fleet varies very considerably, thus making such a service, if it was availed of for mails, irregular in the extreme. \n\n\"Without wishing to minimise the difficulties with which the London officials of the Post Office are concerned, it is, however, thought that if these officials kept in closer touch with the various steamship lines trading with the East, they could inform themselves more accurately as to when the various vessels might be expected to reach Hong Kong and/or Shanghai, with considerable advantage to the mails. I hope that representations of this fact may be made to the responsible authorities at home and that they will see fit to act upon it. \n\n\"At present the mails are coming out mostly via Bombay, whence they proceed overland to Negapatam, and from there a regular service is maintained to the Straits. The next stage is that they are sent forward as opportunity offers to Hong Kong and further up the coast, but there have been instances where good judgment has not been exercised as to the on-carrying vessel. The Hong Kong Chamber has kept a keen watch on this point, and it may be hoped and expected that the representations made by it through the Hong Kong Government will lead to the non-recurrence of such instances. It is at the instance of the Hong Kong Chamber that mails are now forwarded from Penang to Singapore by rail, which means the saving of at least twenty-four hours, and might mean the saving of several days by being able to take advantage of the earliest fast sailing from Singapore to Hong Kong. The weak link in this chain is that the mails do not always arrive in Bombay in fourteen days, as scheduled, thus dislocating all the connection. We may hope that with an improvement in the P. & O. service such incidents may be eliminated. \n\n## \n\nWhat I have said up to now refers particularly to the Suez route, and this route must ever remain the principal one for our friends in the South of China. But for those of us in the Yangtze district and the more northern ports, the Pacific route affords an excellent opportunity for communicating quickly with the Homeland. It is not difficult to imagine, therefore, with what consternation we learnt last July that a dispute had arisen between the Canadian Government and the Canadian Pacific steamers with regard to the subsidy for carrying mails, with the result that a large consignment of mails, which were already on board one of the big Empresses at Vancouver, was unloaded at the last moment and had to come along by slower vessels, entailing a delay of at least two weeks. \n\n\"It was naturally thought at the time that a way would soon be found out of the impasse that had arisen, but here we are four months later and, as far as one can find out, there is no immediate prospect of this particular service being resumed. I think you will all agree with me in urging on His Majesty's Government the great value there is to this not unimportant British community in the Far East that arrangements should speedily be concluded for the resumption of the carriage of mails from England by the Empress boats. By this route we can at least expect one or more fast mails per month, and though this is by no means the ideal for which we are striving, it is at any rate a very desirable step to achieve. \n\n\"It is understood here that the dispute arose upon refusal of the Canadian Government to pay the increased subsidy required by the Canadian Pacific Ocean Services. I have been privileged to see a letter dated the 30th August, written by the Department of Trade and Commerce to Dr. Ross, the Canadian Trade Commissioner here, on this subject and it would appear therefrom that the Post Office Department claim that they could get done for 10,000 dollars what the Canadian Pacific Railway ask 400,000 dollars for. The Canadian Pacific Railway then offered to take whatever the regular postal rates were, but the Post Office Department stated that under the International Postal Union, if they put any mails on the Canadian Pacific Railway at all, they would be obliged to carry all other foreign mails for all countries within the Postal Union. The letter concludes with the statement that the matter is now engaging the attention of the Government. \n\nAs such a small part of the mail which should be taken by these steamers emanates from Canada itself, the bulk being mail in transit for the United Kingdom, it is perhaps a not unreasonable attitude for the Canadian Government to take up. But we would urge on the Imperial Government seriously to consider whether it is not in a position to take on its own shoulders the extra subsidy required, in recognition of the big service it would thus do to British commercial interests. Should it be necessary and feasible I am quite sure that merchants would be only too glad to pay an extra fee for letters routed via Vancouver, when the connections are suitable.\" \n\nIn seconding the resolution on behalf of Chefoo, Mr. Railton said:— \"Mr. Massey has left very little for me to say in seconding this resolution unless it may be to bring forward a couple of instances to prove that very serious blunders or mistakes have been made by the authorities somewhere between London and Chefoo. In the first instance copies of five different letters reached us earlier than the originals whereas the originals were posted a week before the copies. A friend of mine left London on the 11th April on the 'Delta', and seeing advices that there was a mail for China on the 3rd April he posted a letter to his people in North China on the 1st April. He came straight through and landed in Chefoo after spending a fortnight in Shanghai. And he waited two weeks before the mail which he posted on the 1st April reached its destination.'' \n\n## \n\nMr. L. E. N. Ryan (Canadian Pacific Ocean Services (Limited)), said:— \"There is one point which Mr. Massey mentioned in his speech and that is that the Canadian Pacific Ocean Services had asked for an increased subsidy. increased subsidy was asked for but it was finally decided to ask the Canadian Government to renew the subsidy at the same figure which it was fixed at five years ago. When that was fixed the Siberian route was open and most mail matter went that way. During the war we got a great deal of mail which used to go through Siberia and the subsidy was not a profitable one during that time. I think you can hardly blame the Canadian Pacific Ocean Services for asking for the subsidy to be at the same rate as before the war despite the fact that a great deal of mail is still coming out that way.\" \n\nPage 493",
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    {
        "id": 489852,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 343,
        "title": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "# CHINA\n## POLITICAL\n\nThis Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government, and should be returned to the Foreign Office if not required for official use.\n\n**AMENDED DISTRIBUTION**\n\n342  \n45338  \n10 P  \n\n**Decode**\n\nSir B. Alston (Peking)\n\nD. 1st September, 1921  \n10.30 p.m. 1st September, 1921  \nR. 10.5 a.m. 3rd September, 1921\n\nNo. 343.  \n**(R)**  \n**Intelligence report**\n\nThe resignation of Military Governor of Hupei was accepted on August 9th and one of Wupuifu's generals appointed to succeed him, Wupuifu being nominated Inspector General of Hunan and Hupei. This did not satisfy forces attacking Hupei (see my telegram No. 305) who have now been ejected from the province by Wupuifu. Letter has refused to accept his appointment and has issued a circular telegram to all provinces condemning both Peking and Canton Governments and inviting a national conference to meet at Lushan (a happy inspiration owing to its associations) with a view to the formation of a united Government, revision of the constitution, and appointment of delegates to the Pacific Conference. The situation on the Yangtze has caused Chang Tao Lin to abandon all idea of invading Mongolia, and negotiations between him and the representative of the Far Eastern Republic have since been broken off. His position has, at any rate temporarily, undergone a set-back vis-à-vis that of Wupuifu, whose star appears to be...",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921.txt",
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    {
        "id": 489946,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 437,
        "title": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "# [This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government, and should be returned to the Foreign Office if not required for official use.\n\n**NO DISTRIBUTION**\n\n**Decode.**\n\nSir B. Alston (Peking)\n\n29th September 1921.\n\nBit of homemeter Di \n\nD.\n\n3.40 pm. 29th September 1921,\n\nR.\n\nNo. (369)\n\n3.20 p.m. 30th September 1921,\n\n(R).\n\nYour telegram No. 307.\n\nI have communicated the substance of Canton telegram of September 27th to Portuguese Minister who is prepared to proceed to Macao on learning from His Majesty's Consul General that there is reasonable prospect of a modus vivendi being satisfactorily arranged.\n\nI am consulting His Majesty's Consul General, as suggested in the penultimate paragraph.\n\nPrevious to receipt of telegram from Canton, Portuguese Minister had consulted me with regard to the instructions he had received from Lisbon to suggest Chinese Government re-opening negotiations for the delimitation of Macao. Portuguese Minister and I had agreed that in the present state of affairs here and of the relations between Peking and Canton such suggestion would be futile.\n\nReuter telegram announces that Portugal is to be invited to Pacific Conference and as an expert on Macao, Portuguese Minister thinks he ought to go. This would provide excuse for his visit to Macao on the way.\n\nRepeated to Canton.\n\nPage 436",
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    {
        "id": 489958,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 449,
        "title": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "# \n14\n\n[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government, and should be returned to the Foreign Office if not required for official use.]\n\n**NO DISTRIBUTION**\n\n**Decode.**\n\nSir B. Alston (Peking)\n29th September 1921.\n\nD.\n5.40 pm. 29th September 1921.\n\nB.\nNo. (369)\n3.20 p.m. 30th September 1921.\n\n(R).\n\nYour telegram No. 307.\n\nI have communicated the substance of Canton telegram of September 27th to Portuguese Minister who is prepared to proceed to Macao on learning from His Majesty's Consul General that there is reasonable prospect of a modus vivendi being satisfactorily arranged as suggested in the penultimate paragraph.\n\nConsulting His Majesty's Consul General, I am continuing.\n\nPrevious to receipt of telegram from Canton, Portuguese Minister had consulted me with regard to the instructions he had received from Lisbon to suggest Chinese Government re-opening negotiations for the delimitation of Macao. Portuguese Minister and I had agreed that in the present state of affairs here and of the relations between Peking and Canton such suggestion would be futile.\n\nReuter telegram announces that Portugal is to be invited to Pacific Conference and as an expert on Macao, Portuguese Minister thinks he ought to go. This would provide excuse for his visit to Macao on the way.\n\nRepeated to Canton, `448`",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 490143,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 634,
        "title": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "## \n\nIt is reported that General Wu P'ei-fu has issued a circular telegram inviting a conference to meet at Lushan, a place in the Kiangsi hills not far from Kuling, noted for its College of Literature and its associations with great men of past times. This conference is to consist of two sections: a people's convention, consisting of representatives selected by the Provincial Assemblies and public bodies of all China, and a military convention, representative of China's military leaders. The decisions of the latter are to be subject to the approval of the former. The object of the people's convention is to be the formation of a united government, the determination of its powers and the revision, if deemed necessary, of the present Constitution. Wu P'ei-fu's desire is that the convention should meet forthwith and should appoint the delegates to represent China at the Pacific Conference. The military convention is to take decisions upon the strength of the army, the disbandment of troops and military administration, and it is proposed that it should have the duty of appointing a person to safeguard the national conference while in session and to ensure the carrying out of its decisions, which are declared to be sacred and inviolable.\n\nIt cannot yet be said whether this circular telegram, of which I have the honour to enclose translation, will re-establish Wu P'ei-fu's reputation as that of the man destined to remove governing powers in this country from the hands of the military, and to assist in forming a democratic civilian Government. The scheme is a development of that propounded by Wu Pei-fu after the Anfu war of last year and then quashed by Chang Tso-lin and other militarists. Whether it is possible to carry it out now or not depends on whether Wu P'ei-fu, the military forces behind him and those who will support him, and the weight of public opinion are sufficient to overcome the keen opposition still existent.\n\nIn Shensi, Ch'en Shu-fan evacuated the provincial capital and took refuge with a certain amount of his troops in the south-west of the province, where he still is, guerrilla warfare having taken place, but nothing more. General Yen Hsiang-wen was able to embrace within his sphere of government rather more of the province than his predecessor succeeded in doing. On the 25th August, however, apparently overcome by the difficulty of his position, he committed suicide, and General Feng Yu-hsiang, known to foreigners as “China's Christian general,\" has been appointed to succeed him.\n\nIn Manchuria, General Chang Tso-lin, who had begun to move his troops northwards with a view to recovering Urga for China and himself, decided on the 26th July, in face of the news reaching him from Hankow, to abandon the expedition. Needless to say, he has made no offer to return the considerable sums of money extorted by him from the bankrupt Government at Peking on the pretence that he was about to invade Mongolia.\n\nIt is too early as yet to say whether Chang Tso-lin's influence has begun definitely to decline. He has recently had troubles with military subordinates in Manchuria, he has been unable to overcome the opposition of the aged military Lieutenant-Governor of the Jehol territory to his exercising within that region the powers given him by Presidential mandate, and now he has seen the rise to a position equal to his own of his opponent Wu P'ei-fu. Events will show whether Wu is able to maintain that position, and to obtain general acceptance for his schemes of civilian government, in which case Chang Tso-lin will have to confine himself in the future to his original satrapy of Manchuria.\n\n(Copies to Tokyo, Hong Kong, Admiral, Yunnan (under Flying Seal to Canton) Hankow (under Flying Seal to Nanking and Shanghai))\n\nI have, &c.\n\nB. ALSTON.\n\n## Enclosure in No. 1.\n\n### Translation of General Wu P'ei-fu's Circular Telegram.\n\nSince the Hunan-Hupei war arose the country has been filled with consternation and excitement, and the hope of unification has been rendered very remote, and all the attention of the friendly Powers has been concentrated upon this country. Alas, our soldiers, who are the guardians of the country and peace, have suddenly become puppets, while the lives and property of the four hundred million people have become pawns in the political game. Who is responsible for all this?\n\nSince confusion was made of the system of law, the North and South have been fighting each other, neither being willing to yield. The North says that if unification is effected it must be effected through itself, while the South contends that reforms, if they take place, must proceed according to its ideas. The South accuses the North of having violated the Constitution, and the North accuses the South of creating disorder. While both sides are engaged in mutual recriminations, neither has shown signs of compromise. If the North claims that it alone should have the right to effect unification, its claim appears to be despotic. On the other hand, the Southern contention that reforms should be instituted in accordance with its ideas savours of something arbitrary. While each is claiming that it has the country's interest at heart, the fact is that by representing their own views as those of the people and insisting on their own policies as being best for the country both sides are obstacles to peace. There is now no treasure left, the people are poverty-stricken, and bankruptcy is imminent. The Pacific Conference is close at hand, but the measures to be taken towards it have not yet been formulated, and international control stares us in the face. If the people are content to see their country disappear from the earth, I have nothing more to say to them. But if they wish to save their country from its present troubles, it is imperative for the authorities to husband what remains to us, discard their political differences, and give the people and soldiers a chance to exercise their right of self-determination. The people and the soldiers should make a grand resolve to stop all political strife, and devote themselves at once to finding a means of exercising their right of self-determination. They should boldly follow the example set by the thirteen colonies of America and call a national conference at Lushan to clear away dissensions that belong to the past, put a stop to the present fighting, and open an era of reconstruction in the country. But, as the matter is a very important one, it is essential to the success of the convention that certain definite principles of agreement should first be laid down. I therefore take the liberty to suggest the following:\n\n| No. | Proposal |\n| --- | --- |\n| 1 | The conference shall be known as the Lushan National Conference, and its object shall be to obtain expression of the nation's sentiments, for which purpose the locality is eminently suitable. |\n| 2 | The decisions of the conference shall be sacred and inviolable. |\n| 3 | The conference shall be divided into two sections, one called the people's convention and the other the military convention. The people's convention shall be formed of plenipotentiary representatives elected, three for each province or administrative territory, by the Provincial Assemblies and public bodies conjointly, which shall issue credentials to the persons elected. Mongolia, Tibet, and Chinghai shall also be allowed to send one delegate each. The object of the convention shall be to solve all legal questions, to work out the details for forming a Central Government and the principles of government which it should follow, assign provisionally to the Central and Local Governments their respective powers, and to amend the Provisional Constitution, should this prove necessary, with a view to its use as a basis for fixing of the national form of government. |\n|  | The military convention shall be composed of the delegates of the army and navy. The military in each province or territory shall be entitled to send three delegates, who shall be given credentials by the commanding military officers of the province or territory in question, but in those provinces where there is an inspector-general the credentials shall be issued by the Inspector-General and the Military Governor conjointly. There shall be six naval delegates and they shall be elected by the whole navy, their credentials being issued by the commander-in-chief of the fleet. The divisions and brigades under the direct control of the Central Government shall be entitled to send six delegates whose credentials shall be issued by the Minister of War. The military convention shall discuss such questions as the size, organisation, and distribution of the Chinese army, the disbandment of troops, and regulations governing the employment and discharge of soldiers and officers. |\n| 4 | The decisions of the military convention must be approved by the people's convention. Should the latter veto a decision, the former may support it by giving reasons, but on a second rejection the proposal must be amended. |\n| 5 | The military convention shall appoint a person who shall use the national troops to safeguard the dignity of the two conventions and ensure the enforcement of their decisions, but who shall not have the right to interfere with their deliberations. The title of this person and his duties shall be determined by the convention, and his tenure of office shall expire on the establishment of a united Government. |\n| 6 | In view of the world situation, the conference shall be called before the assembling of the Pacific Conference. |\n\nPage 633",
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    {
        "id": 490144,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 635,
        "title": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "## 1921 \n## HONG KONG \n## 634 \n\n7. The delegates to attend the Pacific Conference shall be chosen by the people's convention. \n\n8. The decisions of both the people's convention and the military convention shall be promulgated and carried out by the former. \n\n9. The conference shall be convened when the approval of the majority of the provinces and areas shall have been secured. \n\n10. The rules governing the procedure of the conference shall be promulgated when approved by a majority of the delegates thereto. \n\n11. The officials of the locality where the conference is to be held shall be entrusted with all arrangements therefor. \n\n12. The expenses of the convention shall be borne by the various provinces, &c. \n13. If found necessary, these regulations may be amended after the conference has opened. \n\n14. These principles of agreement, after being passed by the conference, shall be considered its legal resolutions. \n\nWhat I have said represents my personal opinion, but at a time when the life of the country hangs by a thread, I see no means, other than this, for the salvation of this country and people. I love my country, and who does not? It is sincerely hoped that my fellow-countrymen will give me the benefit of their opinions upon these suggestions, addressing them by telegraph to my office at the Liu Chia Hua Yuan, Hankow.\n\n## FROM \n## 30 \n## FOR CIRCULATION :- \n\n| Name |\n| --- |\n| Mr. Afr. |\n| Mr. Beckett |\n| Mr. Grindle |\n| Sir H. Lambert |\n| Sir H. Read |\n| Sir Maston Smith |\n| Mr. Wood |\n| Mr. Churchill |\n\n## DATE \n## 10 Nov. \n## SUBJECT \n## Situation in China \n\nC \n56261 \nNOV 21 \n& copy cores between the Junk lesung & Consul Geve, Canton, resp. Kwangchowwan by Anking troops.\n\n| Code | Date | Reference |\n| --- | --- | --- |\n| 56187 | 12/11 | ? |\n| 58593 |  | (0) (877309) WG, 4710/19 Gp. 163 |\n\n40000 8-21 W&N LAL \n60000 \" \" JITYSSAG \n4.5.18.11 \n& come",
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    {
        "id": 490165,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 656,
        "title": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "`GR12/222/23`\n\n**Tokyo, 20th February 1931**\n\nRepeated to Washington No.660.\n\nPlease repeat to Peking.\n\nIn connection with the examination of the Far Eastern Problem in the newspapers and elsewhere, a great point is invariably made of the absolute necessity of Japan securing an outlet for expansion, of the uncompromising attitude of America and the British Dominions bordering on the Pacific with regard to immigration, and of the resulting contention put forward by Japan that she should be allowed an outlet for expansion on the Asiatic mainland.\n\nI shall be obliged if you will enable a detailed account of the facts and of your opinion thereon, with particular reference to the point as to whether the contention referred to above is borne out by the degree of rapidity of the increase of the population of Japan, and as to whether, in your opinion, Japanese would under any circumstances be able to compete successfully with the Chinese from an economic point of view, assuming that conditions are equal.\n\nI shall repeat your answer to British Ambassador Washington, who will communicate it to our delegates at the Conference. It is likely that this phase of the Far Eastern question will have special stress laid on it at the Conference.",
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    },
    {
        "id": 490253,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 744,
        "title": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "# H.H. Consul General to H.B.M. Consulate-General, Canton, September 30th, 1901\n\nDear Mr., \n\nMy firm conviction is that the outlet have been working very busily on large issues in connection with the house pending dispute concerned question.\n\nThe outturn is as follows. Whilst territorial delimitation can wait, it is of imperative necessity that some impartial authority in ordinary arrange a modus vivendi with regard to the harbour waters and the regulations governing junks visiting Lappa.\n\nThe Governor of Macao, who has rejected a Lisbon proposal suggesting for this purpose a tribunal consisting of one member of the Kwangtung Government, one member of the Macao Government and a third party to be designated with a casting vote, has submitted to Lisbon arbitration by a foreign Consul at Canton or another high official, nominated by Lisbon's consent.\n\nThe Portuguese Minister at Peking, who may have proceeded to Washington for Pacific Conference, is ready to come to Canton at once, if by so doing a modus vivendi as to harbour waters, etc., can be arranged. He incidentally endorses the views to which I gave expression the other day, as to moral and technical right.\n\nThese are the Portuguese suggestions which I pass on to you.\n\nYours sincerely,\nCANTON.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921.txt",
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    {
        "id": 491708,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-474 - Governor Sir Stubbs - 1922 [1-4]",
        "page_number": 249,
        "title": "CO129-474 - Governor Sir Stubbs - 1922 [1-4]",
        "content_text": "No seamen or officer of the Seamen's Union in Hongkong shall be banished for any charge, which has no proof.\n\nOn the 27th January, the following telegraphic reply was sent:-\n\n\"For Civil Governor, Canton. Your despatch 26th January. Proposal that Seamen should only be employed through the Union, and agreements should have no effect unless Union has been a witness makes any discussion useless.\" \"Requirements of the Merchant Shipping Law would in any case make it impossible to accept these conditions to say nothing of international questions arising in cases of foreign owned ships.\n\nProposal to arbitrate at Canton cannot in any case be considered.\" \"The ostensible grounds for strike are solely questions of wages.\n\nOwners are still prepared to refer these to arbitration by Board appointed by my Government and suggest that Union should employ delegates to confer with them here to settle preliminaries.\n\nSTUBBS.\n\nBetween the 4th and the 7th February certain Hongkong Guilds came forward with proposals that they should assist in the negotiations with the seamen in Canton, and their offers were at once accepted.\n\nOn the 7th February the following telegraphic correspondence took place:\n\nFrom H.M. Consul-General, Canton, to Governor, Hongkong, dated 7th February.\n\n\"Urgent. Your telegram 4th February. Leaders of movement through Commissioner of Foreign Affairs inform me that they are prepared to proceed to Hongkong to confer with owners on condition that offices of Union reopened again, and on guarantee of freedom from arrest. They state that they are not responsible for intimidation in the Colony, and to appear at a conference as members of an outlawed society would place them in a false position. Please telegraph reply.'\n\nFrom Governor, Hongkong, to H.M. Consul-General, Canton, dated 7th February,\n\nDelegates will be given safe conduct, but Union cannot be re-opened. Point in last sentence need not arise if delegates come as representatives of seamen in Canton and not of Union. Intimidation is undoubtedly rife here, and in Canton and Sheklung. Are the Union authorities, in view of their statement, prepared to issue public repudiation of intimidation and to make it clear that men who wish to return to work need not fear the consequences?\n\nOn the 9th February the shipowners, on the suggestion of the Government, renewed their offer which had been withdrawn on the 18th January; and the Government thereupon issued the following notice in Chinese, emphasising the point that the offer was not finally binding on either side, but was subject to revision by the arbitrators.\n\nAt the suggestion of the Governor, the shipowners are willing to reinstate their former offer of increased wages to take effect from the day on which the seamen return to work. This scale of wages is merely a temporary scale pending arbitration and is on no account to be taken as a basis from which the arbitrators will work. Addition to it or subtraction from it are alike within the sole discretion of the arbitrators. The scale offered is repeated below:-\n\nChinese River Steamers.25%\nOther Chinese Steamers up to 1000 D.W. Tons.- Canton, Hongkong and Macao Steamboat Co.'s Steamers15%\nOther British Companies River Steamers, taking the scale of Canton, Hongkong and Macao Steamboat Co. as base.**25%\n *15%\nCoasting Steamers.\nJava Lines.24%\nPacific Lines.12%\nEuropean Lines7½%\nAustralian Lines.7½%\n10%\n\nIn the meantime the Committee of the Tung Wa Hospital had proposed to the Government that they should use their good offices in bringing about a settlement. Other leading members of the Chinese Community were subsequently associated with them, and on the 8th February the Tung Wa Hospital, as representing the Chinese of the Colony, telegraphed to Canton asking the seamen to send delegates to discuss a settlement with them. The delegates arrived on the 12th February and on the following day at a meeting at the Tung Wa Hospital they declared that they could not carry the matter further until the settlement of the question of the re-opening of the Seamen's Union, which had been closed by the Government on the 1st February as being an unlawful society. The matter was accordingly referred on the 14th February to the Government, who on the 15th February issued a proclamation in Chinese in the following terms:-\n\nOn instructions from the Government, the Secretary for Chinese Affairs has communicated the following decision to the seamen's representatives:--\n\n1. The Seamen's Union was closed because it exceeded its legitimate bounds and broke the law of Hongkong, not because it asked for an increase of wages.\n\n2. The Governor absolutely requires proof of freedom from unlawfulness before he can change his present attitude.\n\n3. If it is desired to give proof of freedom from unlawfulness, all seamen and all workmen whom they involved in the strike must return to work and Hongkong resume its normal condition, before it can be considered that proof of freedom from unlawfulness has been furnished.\n\n4. If all come back to work first on the conditions offered by the shipowners and await the award of the arbitrators, the Governor will cancel the proclamation closing the Union.\"\n\nThe delegates returned to Canton on the 15th February, and they came back to Hongkong on the 17th February with certain suggestions which were considered by the shipowners on the 19th February. The shipowners' decision was conveyed to the delegates on the 20th February by the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, and the delegates left for Canton on the 21st February. On the 24th February a letter was handed to the Secretary for Chinese Affairs stating that the seamen were not prepared to accept the proposals made.\n\nOn the 22nd February a telegram had been received from H.M. Consul General at Canton, suggesting that there were good grounds for believing that an all-round increase of some 2% on the owners' original offer would be accepted. On the 24th February the Engineers' Society came forward with a similar suggestion and offered to negotiate for a settlement on this basis.\n\nThe Government informed the shipowners of these proposals, and suggested that, as it seemed likely that the offer of such an increase would bring the men back immediately to work and would prevent a general strike, it would be wise to add some 2% to the figures shown in the notice of the 9th February which is quoted above. That notice still stood. It pointed out clearly that the shipowners' offer covered only the immediate present, and that the scale would be increased or lowered in the sole discretion of the arbitrators. The shipowners added 2¼% to their previous figures, and on the 24th February this information was telegraphed to Canton and was communicated to the Engineers' Guild. The seamen refused the new terms.\n\nOn the 28th February, H.M. Consul-General telegraphed that he had information to the effect that, if a meeting between the shipowners and the seamen's delegates could be arranged, there was every prospect of a settlement. On the 1st March a reply was sent by the Hongkong Government that the shipowners were willing to meet the seamen's delegates. It was added that, in order to avoid further abortive proceedings, the Government considered it to be highly desirable that the delegates should be fully empowered to make a settlement.",
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    {
        "id": 491875,
        "series_id": 27,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-474 - Governor Sir Stubbs - 1922 [1-4]",
        "page_number": 416,
        "title": "CO129-474 - Governor Sir Stubbs - 1922 [1-4]",
        "content_text": "No seamen or officer of the Seamen's Union in Hongkong shall be banished for any charge, which has no proof.\n\nOn the 27th January, the following telegraphic reply was sent :-\n\n\"For Civil Governor, Canton. Your despatch 26th January. Proposal that Seamen should only be employed through the Union, and agreements should have no effect unless Union has been a witness makes any discussion useless.\" \"Requirements of the Merchant Shipping Law would in any case make it impossible to accept these conditions to say nothing of international questions arising in cases of foreign owned ships.\"\n\n\"Proposal to arbitrate at Canton cannot in any case be considered.\"\n\nThe ostensible grounds for strike are solely questions of wages. Owners are still prepared to refer these to arbitration by Board appointed by my Government and suggest that Union should employ delegates to confer with them here to settle preliminaries.\"\n\nSTUBBS.\n\nBetween the 4th and the 7th February certain Hongkong Guilds came forward with proposals that they should assist in the negotiations with the seamen in Canton, and their offers were at once accepted.\n\nOn the 7th February the following telegraphic correspondence took place :-\n\nFrom H.M. Consul-General, Canton, to Governor, Hongkong, dated 7th February.\n\n\"Urgent. Your telegram 4th February. Leaders of movement through Commissioner of Foreign Affairs inform me that they are prepared to proceed to Hongkong to confer with owners on condition that offices of Union be opened again, and on guarantee of freedom from arrest. They state that they are not responsible for intimidation in the Colony, and to appear at a conference as members of an outlawed society would place them in a false position. Please telegraph reply.'\n\nFrom Governor, Hongkong, to H.M. Consul-General, Canton, dated 7th February.\n\nDelegates will be given safe conduct, but Union cannot be re-opened. Point in last sentence need not arise if delegates come as representatives of seamen in Canton and not of Union. Intimidation is undoubtedly rife here, and in Canton and Sheklung. Are the Union authorities, in view of their statement, prepared to issue public repudiation of intimidation and to make it clear that men who wish to return to work need not fear the consequences?\"\n\nOn the 9th February the shipowners, on the suggestion of the Government, renewed their offer which had been withdrawn on the 18th January; and the Government thereupon issued the following notice in Chinese, emphasising the point that the offer was not finally binding on either side, but was subject to revision by the arbitrators.\n\n\"At the suggestion of the Governor, the shipowners are willing to reinstate their former offer of increased wages to take effect from the day on which the seamen return to work. This scale of wages is merely a temporary scale pending arbitration and is on no account to be taken as a basis from which the arbitrators will work. Addition to it or subtraction from it are alike within the sole discretion of the arbitrators. The scale offered is repeated below:-\n\n  \n    Chinese River Steamers.\n    -\n    25%\n  \n  \n    Other Chinese Steamers up to 1000 D.W. Tons.\n    -\n    25%\n  \n  \n    Canton, Hongkong and Macao Steamboat Co.'s Steamers.\n    -\n    15%\n  \n  \n    Other British Companies River Steamers, taking the scale of Canton, Hongkong and Macao Steamboat Co. as base.\n    -\n    15%\n  \n  \n    Coasting Steamers.\n    -\n    12%\n  \n  \n    Java Lines.\n    -\n    74%\n  \n  \n    Pacific Lines.\n    -\n    71%\n    7+%\n\n  \n  \n    European Lines\n    -\n    10%\n  \n  \n    Australian Lines.\n    414\n  \n\nIn the meantime the Committee of the Tung Wa Hospital had proposed to the Government that they should use their good offices in bringing about a settlement. Other leading members of the Chinese Community were subsequently associated with them, and on the 8th February the Tung Wa Hospital, as representing the Chinese of the Colony, telegraphed to Canton asking the seamen to send delegates to discuss a settlement with them. The delegates arrived on the 12th February and on the following day at a meeting at the Tung Wa Hospital they declared that they could not carry the matter further until the settlement of the question of the re-opening of the Seamen's Union, which had been closed by the Government on the 1st February as being an unlawful society. The matter was accordingly referred on the 14th February to the Government, who on the 15th February issued a proclamation in Chinese in the following terms :--\n\n\"On instructions from the Government, the Secretary for Chinese Affairs has communicated the following decision to the seamen's representatives :--\n\nI. The Seamen's Union was closed because it exceeded its legitimate bounds and broke the law of Hongkong, not because it asked for an increase of wages.\n\n2. The Governor absolutely requires proof of freedom from unlawfulness before he can change his present attitude.\n\n3. If it is desired to give proof of freedom from unlawfulness, all seamen and all workmen whom they involved in the strike must return to work and Hongkong resume its normal condition, before it can be considered that proof of freedom from unlawfulness has been furnished.\n\n4. If all come back to work first on the conditions offered by the shipowners and await the award of the arbitrators, the Governor will cancel the proclamation closing the Union.\"\n\nThe delegates returned to Canton on the 15th February, and they came back to Hongkong on the 17th February with certain suggestions which were considered by the shipowners on the 19th February. The shipowners' decision was conveyed to the delegates on the 20th February by the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, and the delegates left for Canton on the 21st February. On the 24th February a letter was handed to the Secretary for Chinese Affairs stating that the seamen were not prepared to accept the proposals made.\n\nOn the 22 February a telegram had been received from H.M. Consul-General at Canton, suggesting that there were good grounds for believing that an all-round increase of some 2% on the owners' original offer would be accepted. On the 24th February the Engineers' Society came forward with a similar suggestion and offered to negotiate for a settlement on this basis.\n\nThe Government informed the shipowners of these proposals, and suggested that, as it seemed likely that the offer of such an increase would bring the men back immediately to work and would prevent a general strike, it would be wise to add some 2% to the figures shown in the notice of the 9th February which is quoted above. That notice still stood. It pointed out clearly that the ship-owners' offer covered only the immediate present, and that the scale would be increased or lowered in the sole discretion of the arbitrators. The shipowners added 2½% to their previous figures, and on the 24th February this information was telegraphed to Canton and was communicated to the Engineers' Guild. The seamen refused the new terms,\n\nOn the 28th February, H.M. Consul-General telegraphed that he had information to the effect that, if a meeting between the shipowners and the seamen's delegates could be arranged, there was every prospect of a settlement. On the 1st March a reply was sent by the Hongkong Government that the shipowners were willing to meet the seamen's delegates. It was added that, in order to avoid further abortive proceedings, the Government considered it to be highly desirable that the delegates should be fully empowered to make a settlement.",
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        "title": "CO129-475 - Governor Sir Stubbs & Acting Governor Claud Severn - 1922 [5-7]",
        "content_text": "236\n\nTHE HONGKONG WEEKLY PRESS &\n\nNEWS.\n\n[September 3rd, 1921.\n\nCABLE MYSTERIOUS CHINESE AFFRAY AT\n\nFRENCH LINER NOT LOST.\n\nUnder the present scheme of allotting the FAR EASTERN Valley for different games at different times golf is not dangerous and accidents should not happen. The only difficulty at the moment is the two tennis courts used by members of the Army, but I am certain that the golfers and tennis-players can settle this little question in a friendly spirit, provided outsiders do not interfere.\n\nThere is a suggestion afoot to start a library of books on golf, and if any members have any such books that they have finished with Mr. A. B. Stewart will be pleased to receive them. Of course no details have been fixed, but I hear the idea is to have the books at Fanling. This, to my mind, would be a mistake. Very few golfers would have time to study them out there. The only people to benefit by them would be those who stay over the week-end—a very small proportion. It appears to me that members would like to take books of this description home to read during the week, and therefore it would be far more beneficial if the books were kept at a central depot in Hongkong.\n\nThe Committee are at present compiling a small booklet of revised local rules, bye-laws, etc., for each course. The booklet will also contain a facsimile of the medal cards for each course, giving the names of each hole, with, of course, the length and bogey. The names for the old course at Fanling will remain as they stand, but the new course, Happy Valley and Deep Water Bay are receiving brand new names. At the time of writing the only new names available are those for Happy Valley, which I give below:\n\n1st hole, \"The better 'ole\"; 2nd, \"The Gap\"; 3rd, \"The Corner\"; 4th, \"Black rock\"; 5th, \"The Monument\"; 6th, \"The Turn\"; 7th, \"The Long hole\"; 8th, \"Mile end\"; 9th, \"The Hut.\"\n\nA well-known firm in Hongkong are having a thousand copies of the rules and etiquette of golf, amended up to date, printed, and these they are generously presenting to the Golf Club, so I presume that every member will be supplied with a copy. There will be no excuse, then, for the indiscretions which are far too numerous on the Hongkong course!\n\nThey are making great headway with the new verandah at Deep Water Bay; and I hear that some of this course's patrons have offered to build an additional one on top of the one at present under construction. This will greatly add to the comfort of players during the hot weather, and further relieve the congestion.\n\nThe re-constructed fourth hole on this course is now finished and is a great improvement on the old one.\n\nI believe the Committee are busy trying to draft a scheme to simplify the booking of times at Fanling. It is a difficult problem and one which will never be solved to the satisfaction of everybody. Personally, I do not envy them their job, and I doubt very much whether they will be able to do anything at all without a deal of extra expense, which is the one thing they are trying to avoid. If the railway had electric trains to carry 20 people only, ran one every forty minutes, and would issue tickets for specified trains beforehand, I think the problem would be solved! But will the Railway do it?\n\nSHANGHAI, August 26th. The French liner Cordillere marvellously righted herself late on Wednesday night and the captain, officers, and crew were enabled to go aboard. The rudder was broken by the bumping she got. Her previous list was to starboard. Early yesterday morning the list was ten degrees to port. She is still in a dangerous position, as are also the Glaucus and Hendrik. The Glaucus is on her maiden trip from Liverpool.\n\nSeptember 2nd.\n\nThe Glaucus got off this forenoon.\n\nY.M.C.A. IN SHANGHAI.\n\nSHANGHAI, August 30th. The national war-time council of the Y.M.C.A. in America has donated three hundred thousand gold dollars for the club and property acquired in Shanghai. Work begins soon.\n\nTORONTO, August 29th.\n\nFour Chinese crew of the Dominion Coal Company's steamer Maskinonge were killed, and 2 wounded, by revolver shots in the forecastle of the steamer, which had anchored near Quebec. No weapon was discovered. The surviving Chinese refuse to throw light on the affray.\n\nORIENTAL LABOUR IN CANADA.\n\nTORONTO, August 29th. The Dominion Trades and Labour Congress has passed a resolution in favour of the exclusion of all Oriental immigrants permanently.\n\nCHINESE LABOUR IN UNITED KINGDOM.\n\nLONDON, August 31st. That a capitalist boss was behind the importation of Chinese into Canada and the United Kingdom was the opinion expressed by a Magistrate at Pontypridd, to-day, when three Chinese were charged with landing in the United Kingdom without permission of the immigration officer at Liverpool; and were ordered to be detained in custody in the second division for a month, with a view to arranging for their deportation.\n\nA SHANGHAI BANKRUPTCY.\n\nMr. Cecil Humphreys, merchant of Shanghai, yesterday underwent a public examination for bankruptcy before Judge Grain in the British Supreme Court. The Magistrate declared that a great amount of money was given for securing the services of Chinese on the Pacific coast and along the coasts here. A huge business was being done in this way in British Columbia, and certain Chinese were making fortunes very rapidly by getting young Chinese into England. The petitioning creditor was the Bank of China. Mr. P. W. Goldring represented the debtor. A statement of affairs places the assets at $2,050 and the estimated liabilities at $520,000. Mr. Humphreys attributed his losses to bad judgment, the tremendous fall in exchange, and general bad trade conditions. His original capital, he said, approximated $150,000. The examination was adjourned.\n\n[THROUGH REUTER'S AGENCY.]\n\nMARSHAL JOFFRE'S VISIT TO JAPAN.\n\nPARIS, August 24th (delayed.) Marshal Joffre has postponed the start of his voyage to Japan until the end of the year.—Havas.\n\nYAP DISPUTE SETTLED.\n\nLONDON, August 29th.\n\nThe protracted dispute between the United States and Japan, as regards the mandate given to the latter by the League over the Island of Yap, to which the United States objected, is now settled.\n\nAccording to the Morning Post's Washington correspondent, the United States has accepted the Japanese offer to concede cable facilities and control, instead of agreeing to the proposed internationalisation of the island.\n\nNEW FRENCH AMBASSADOR TO JAPAN.\n\nPARIS August 27th (delayed). M. Paul Claudel, the new Ambassador to Japan, will sail on September 2nd. In an interview with the Excelsior, M. Claudel expressed himself as proud and sincerely pleased to represent France in the country of an allied nation, whose civilisation he greatly admires and in whose destiny he firmly believes. The new Ambassador states that all his efforts are to be devoted to rendering still more intimate the intellectual bonds between France and Japan.—Havas.\n\nPACIFIC CONFERENCE AND SOUTH CHINA'S APPLICATION.\n\nLONDON, August 31st. Advices from Washington indicate that the pressing application of South China to be admitted to the disarmament conference is not likely to find favour with the American Administration, which is disposed only to recognise the established Government.\n\nTHE PRINCE OF WALES TO VISIT HONGKONG.\n\nLONDON, September 1st. According to the present arrangements, H.R.H. the Prince of Wales concludes his tour in India, approximately, on March 17th, and is calling at Singapore, Hongkong, and, possibly, Penang en route for Japan.\n\nFAMINE COMMITTEE AND A BANK FRAUD.\n\nA Peking message says:-The United International Famine Relief Committee has asked H.E. President Hsu Shih-chang to aid that organization in recovering $80,000 lost through the Yu Feng Bank, which closed its doors the day after the Society had deposited $150,000 for transmission from Peking to Sianfu for use in relieving famine there.\n\nThe petition, signed by members of the committee, charges that the bank officials knew when the money was accepted that the bank was to close its doors and that the act of receiving the money was fraud and that all of the funds should be returned.\n\nThe petition further says that the Society has been able to get $70,000 from the officials, but asks the President to use his influence with the police and other authorities to see that the remainder of the money is returned.\n\n178",
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        "title": "CO129-475 - Governor Sir Stubbs & Acting Governor Claud Severn - 1922 [5-7]",
        "content_text": "216\n\njust as she will not recede Shantung without negotiations; and there being no one in Siberia strong enough to negotiate with, the evacuation is postponed again and again. If the other Powers object to the Japanese occupation of Siberia, they have only themselves to blame, since it was on their invitation Japanese troops were sent there, a fact which Japan is not backward in pleading.\n\nAs to what line Japan will take at the Conference, it seems very probable that she will seek to utilise it in the same way as she utilised the Peace Conference, that is to get her “rights” confirmed. Whether the racial equality motion will again be introduced as a camouflage to cover what she really wants remains to be seen. There were reports that it would not be used again. But in this case Japan has plenty of other questions of a like general nature to fall back upon. Thus, there is the question of Japanese immigration. She does not believe that the United States and the British Dominions will agree to unrestricted Japanese immigration, but by pleading for it very earnestly and making it the chief plank in her programme, she may very well assuage her inconsolability at having her immigration demand refused by a confirmation of her \"rights\" in Shantung, or a general mandate to do what she likes in Manchuria and Siberia. It is, therefore, almost certain that, whether directly or indirectly, Japan will seek to get the Conference to confirm all her \"rights\" in China, Manchuria, Mongolia and Siberia. Whether she will be so successful with Yap is doubtful. All the present indications show that America is determined to secure Yap, and this is not altogether to Japan's disadvantage, since it gives her something to bargain with. Only what she obtains in return must be the price, and this price can only be obtained at the expense of some other country. The Conference, therefore, as far as Japan is concerned, is considered as an opportunity for bargaining, and for hard bargaining too. Whether the peace of the Pacific can be established by this method is not a matter which is deemed worth studying. At any rate, a redistribution of \"rights\" will keep all parties satisfied for a year or two, and this is all that can be hoped for.\n\nTHE CENTRAL YANGTSZE\n\nThe Hongkong Weekly Press says that General WU PEI-FU, one of the Northern troops which have been sent to Hupeh by the Inspector-General for Chihli, Shantung and Honan (TSAO KUN), has been negotiating with the commanders of what may be conveniently called the Constitutional forces of Hupeh and Hunan which are co-operating in the insurrection, but negotiations appear to have been broken off by General Wu because the Constitutionalists refuse to pledge themselves to acknowledge the authority of the Government at Peking and also because their demands are preposterous.\n\nTSAO KUN has ordered the immediate dispatch of reinforcements to the Chihli forces in Hupeh, and General WU PEI-FU has personally taken over the command of the Chihli army in the Central Yangtsze, leaving a new Tuchun to preserve the peace in the Wu-Han cities (Wuchang, Hanyang and Hankow). This is interpreted as a signal for the resumption of the civil war between North and South, and important developments are expected. TSAO KUN is represented as prepared to allow General Wu a free hand in the prosecution of his \"grand programme for the reunification of the whole country either by peaceful methods or force.\" It is reported to be the intention of the Government and TSAO KUN to place 40,000 Northern troops at the disposition of General WU PEI-FU to enable him to organise a big military expedition into Hunan, with Canton as its final objective if the situation requires it.\n\nThe Peking-Hankow railway has been commandeered for the dispatch of these troops from the North to the capital of Hupeh. A very serious difficulty which General Wu PEI-FU has yet to overcome is the reluctance of the people of Hupeh to provide the necessary funds for this expedition. \"It is feared,\" says a Chinese news agency, \"that in order to get funds for meeting his urgent military expenses, that is to say, to feed and pay the armed Chinese coolies who are fighting battles for the sake of the Super-Tuchuns and Tuchuns, WU PEI-FU, who has been well-known as the champion of the Chinese people, will be forced to adopt harsh and extreme measures for squeezing money from the Wuchang and Hankow commercial guilds.\"\n\nFurther reports from Wuchang say that nearly all the wealthy and prominent merchants and bankers, including the Chairmen and Vice-Chairmen of the Chambers of Commerce, have taken refuge in the foreign concessions, chiefly because they say they dare not advance money to the Northern commanders to fight against their own fellow-provincials, adding that the crushing of the KIANG TSO-PIN movement means the destruction of the ideals of the Hupeh people for self-government or political autonomy for their native land and the victory of disorganised militarism or Tuchunism.\n\nThere have been no striking developments in the situation in the Yangtsze Valley since WONG CHAN-YUAN resigned the Super-Tuchunship and quitted the Wu-Han cities for the more peaceful region of Tientsin. A couple of weeks ago it seemed not unlikely that the trouble in the Yangtsze region would result in the setting up of a third Government, and in political circles in Canton it was felt that such a development would not be inimical to the existence of the Government at Canton, but, on the contrary, the identity of aims would lead to co-operation in overthrowing the Government at Peking. The latest reports, however, by no means support this prediction.\n\nIt is very doubtful if the local forces in Hupeh, supported as they are by an army from Honan, are powerful enough to stand against the large Northern army which is now being concentrated in the province, and General Wu's success would not bring any comfort or satisfaction to Canton if it is true that the main object of this \"champion of the people\" is to hold the province for Peking. At all events, it looks as if a decisive struggle is now impending. The present informal truce bears a resemblance to the lull before the storm. Hupeh residents in Shanghai, in a circular telegram to the provinces, fit to the situation a Chinese proverb about a wolf entering by the back door as the tiger departs by the front door—the tiger in this case being WONG CHAN-YUAN and the wolf HSIAO YAO-NAN, who has been appointed to succeed him as Tuchun. There will be no peace in the Central Yangtsze region, they say, until Hupeh is allowed complete self-government and both the Hunan and the Chihli armies are unconditionally withdrawn from the territory of Hupeh.\n\nTHE BRITISH IN SOUTH CHINA.\n\n(Daily Press, September 2nd, 1921). A \"mild sensation,\" we learn from our London correspondent, has been caused by an article recently contributed to the New Republic by Mr. JOHN DEWEY, a distinguished American professor of philosophy, who was on a lecturing tour in China earlier in the year. A double purpose was apparently intended to be served by the article, viz., to extol the Government in Canton as altogether the most promising one in China, and, secondly, to proclaim that in this part of China the British occupy much the same position of suspicion and dread which is held by the Japanese in the North.\n\nHe tells his readers that the cause of this alleged popular attitude of bitterness, suspicion and dread towards the British is \"the history of the CASSEL collieries.\" Professor DEWEY happened to be in Canton at the moment that a little discussion was going on regarding this contract, and at the same time there was a feeling of bitterness in government circles in Canton produced by certain public notices issued by the Secretary for Chinese Affairs in this Colony. These two circumstances gave the distinguished American philosopher the impression that the British in South China were regarded with the same suspicion and dread as the Japanese in the North.\n\nFrom a philosopher with an international reputation to protect, a more critical examination of the position might have been expected than the article discloses. The information purveyed by such an authority that there is a British menace in Kwangtung is so new and startling that it has received an amount of attention altogether disproportionate to its value. It was but a passing phase. The people of South China are well assured that they have nothing to fear from the policy of the British Government in China, which is not one of aggression.\n\nThe CASSEL agreement does not merit all the condemnation which Professor DEWEY's analysis suggests, but there is no justification for fastening upon a nation responsibility for whatever sins a small group of its nationals may be said to have committed. Professor DEWEY apparently was told that an official of the Hong-kong Government had told an official of the Canton Government that the Hong-kong Government stands behind the enforcement of the contract, and that Kwangtung province is a British hinterland. That is the sort of tale that one marine may retail to another; no sensible person will believe it, nor that a Hongkong official made any such statement to a Kwangtung official.\n\nThe simple truth about the CASSEL concession is that it is a private enterprise, which is receiving the backing such that private enterprises of this character usually receive from any Government whose nationals are concerned.\n\n188 [September 3rd, 1921.\n\nThe answer given by the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs showed entire innocence of anything in the nature of a British menace. He does not read the enforcement as being monopolistic; he sees that the concession is being sought by a Sino-British Company \"formed on lines which have proved mutually beneficial elsewhere in China,\" and in saying that the British firms interested include those of the highest standing in the Far East, he says in effect that the ...",
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        "content_text": "September 3rd, 1921.]\n\nCHINA OVERLAND TRADE REPORT\n\nJAPANESE \"AGGRESSION\" IN CHINA.\n\n(Daily Press, August 27th, 1921.) In an article headed: \"Wanted a Far Eastern Concert,\" the Nation and Athenaeum observes: It is childlike on our part to say that we do not undertake in advance to support Japan with arms against America. What America wants to know is whether we mean to go on giving diplomatic support to Japanese aggressions in China. For as long as we cover them with our moral support, they will go on. They will stop the day that we join America in opposing them round the table of the Concert.\"\n\nWhat is the evidence that Great Britain has given diplomatic and moral support to Japanese aggression? No particular act of aggression on Japan's part is ever stated unless it be her occupation of Tsingtao, which she holds for the present on certain defined conditions by a right of conquest acknowledged by the Versailles Treaty and previously by a Treaty entered into with China. We should like to learn precisely what grounds exist for the allegation that Great Britain has been giving diplomatic or moral support to Japanese aggressions in China, and in what respect the attitude of America has hitherto differed from that of Great Britain.\n\nNo Foreign Power has a greater interest than Great Britain in seeing that the integrity of China and the principle of equal opportunity for the trade and commerce of all nations in China—to which every nation interested in China, the Japanese nation included, is definitely pledged—maintained and observed. It is America's interest as much as it is Great Britain's. Quite recently, indeed, Mr. HUGHES, the American Secretary of State, in a letter to the Chinese Ambassador at Washington wrote:-\n\n\"Your reference to the principle of the open door affords me the opportunity to assure you of this Government's continuance of its whole-hearted support of that principle which it has traditionally regarded as fundamental both to the interests of China itself and to the common interests of all the Powers in China and as indispensable to the free and peaceful development of the commerce of the Pacific ocean. The Government of the United States has never associated itself with any arrangement which sought to establish any special rights or privileges in China which would abridge the rights of subjects or citizens of other friendly States; and I am happy to assure you that it is the purpose of this Government neither to participate nor to acquiesce in any arrangement which might purport to establish in favour of foreign interests any superiority of rights in respect to commercial economic development in designated regions of the territories of China, or which might seek to create any such monopoly or preference as would exclude other nations also from undertaking any legitimate trade or industry, or from participating with the Chinese Government in any category of public enterprise.\"\n\nThe Chinese Government undertook to recognise whatever Germany agreed to in the Treaty of Peace regarding the disposition of her rights and interests in China; Japan has offered to return Kiaochow to China. China, however, repudiating the Treaty of 1915 as having been extorted from her under diplomatic circumstances of force majeure, refuses to treat with Japan on the subject. How the Conference may be expected to adjust this difficulty we cannot imagine.\n\nIt would be easier to solve if so many enterprising Japanese had not, during the Japanese occupation of the territory, seized the opportunity to buy up every hold of commercial value they could get, so that, whatever becomes of Kiaochow under any diplomatic agreement, it will remain to all intents and purposes a Japanese port.\n\nUnder the Treaty of 1915 which China is trying to repudiate, the Chinese Government engaged to open of their own accord, as early as possible, suitable cities and towns in the Province of Kwangtung for the residence and trade of foreigners. The very propinquity of the territory to Japan, and the large number of Japanese settlers already in the Province clearly point to such trade and residence becoming virtually a Japanese monopoly. There is nothing in the agreement to exclude other foreigners, but it is improbable that Japan had any altruistic purpose in view in making these demands, for it was a foregone conclusion that the foreigners who would go to the cities and towns in the interior to be opened to foreign trade and residence would be preponderatingly Japanese, even to a greater extent than the foreign population of the port of Kiaochow.\n\nSuch considerations must have been in the mind of Mr. LANSING with whom Baron ISHII in 1917 exchanged the famous diplomatic Notes which recognised that Japan has \"special interests in China, particularly in the parts to which her possessions are contiguous.\" It was carefully explained, however, that notwithstanding this recognition of \"special interests\" the territorial sovereignty of China remained unimpaired, and the Government of the United States had every confidence in the repeated assurances of the Imperial Japanese Government that while geographic position gives Japan such special interests they have no desire to discriminate against the trade of other nations or to disregard the commercial rights hitherto granted by China to other Powers.\n\n215\n\nJAPAN IN CHINA AND SIBERIA.\n\n(Daily Press, August 29th, 1921). A very interesting diplomatic Note which Japan has recently communicated to the Government of the United States on the subject of the Pacific Conference will be found in another part of to-day's issue. Japan is facing the Conference with a divided air. On the one side she is willing enough to join in a conference with the other Powers, if only to show her equality with them; but on the other she fears lest questions should be raised at the Conference which she will find it awkward or impossible to discuss.\n\nIt is for the latter reason that there have been so many manœuvres on her part to discover what the Conference is to be about—more particularly that part of it which is to deal with Pacific problems. Are the questions which were decided at the Peace Conference at Versailles to be again raised? Japan regards as faits accomplis—things done and finished with beyond control. America, however, as she has not signed the Peace Treaty, by no means regards such questions as settled.\n\nThe difficulty is that America is calling the Conference and is arranging the programme. Various suggestions have been made as to the settlement of all outstanding questions before the Conference meets, and there have been numerous messages flying around, propaganda stating practically that the Yap problem was settled, that China was now willing to negotiate on the Shantung question, and that the evacuation of Siberia was now on the point of consummation.\n\nBut the Yap negotiations continue to drag on, America disputing the whole question of the mandates and refusing to be pacified with possession of the cable. As for the Shantung question, China refuses to listen to the voice of the charmer, the fact being that the Peking Government, especially in view of the civil commotions, would not last long if it attempted to open any negotiations.\n\nOn the other hand, there is every evidence that China is preparing most assiduously to bring before the Conference not only this case, but also all other cases where infringements on her sovereignty have been made by foreign Powers. China, it has been pointed out, has not been invited to attend the Conference: only to send representatives to it. This is a somewhat subtle distinction which may mean that China is to have no voice in its decisions.\n\nIf this be the case, China will remain the outcast among nations. It is probable, however, that no such exclusion is intended, but that the difference in wording \"cleared Japan had of the diplomatic atmosphere of the suspicions which had been so carefully spread by German propaganda.\" We are inclined to think, however, that suspicions of Japanese aggression will endure so long as the number of Japanese settlers in China—the Northern part of China especially—so overwhelmingly predominate over all other foreigners, and so long as there is the same preponderance of Japanese capital for investment there.\n\nThis is but reiterating pledges which are twenty years old, adopted and endorsed in diplomatic agreements by every Power interested in the commerce or economics of China. In this communication America is evidently talking at Japan. Unquestionably while making a show of acting up to the letter of the agreement Japan has pursued a policy in Shantung which defeats the spirit of the pledge.\n\nThen there is the Siberian question. The repeated assertions that the civil authorities in Japan have put their foot down and are determined on evacuation, however much the military authorities may object, has been made too often to allow of other than cynical suggestions as to the exact nature of the co-ordination of the firm of SPENLOW and JORKINS.\n\nThis shifting of responsibility is not too old a trick to prevent its effective use, and the military party can always point to the disturbed state of the country and the absence of any stable Government to carry on negotiations with, while itself doing its best to see that no stable Government has a chance of coming into existence. Japan, of course, will only retire from Siberia after negotiations;",
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        "document_key": "CO129-475 - Governor Sir Stubbs & Acting Governor Claud Severn - 1922 [5-7]",
        "page_number": 230,
        "title": "CO129-475 - Governor Sir Stubbs & Acting Governor Claud Severn - 1922 [5-7]",
        "content_text": "The Hongkong Weekly Press\n\nVOL. XCIV.]\n\nAND\n\nChina Overland Trade Report.\n\nCONTENTS.\n\nFar Eastern News\n\nHongkong\n\nMui Teai in Hongkong\n\nHONGKONG, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 3RD., 1921.\n\nPAGE 213 ........ 213 ..... 214\n\nThe Sanitary Board................................................................................ ..... ... 214\n\nLeading Articles :-\n\nRandom Reflections\n\n215\n\n215\n\n,216\n\n.216\n\n....217\n\n.... 217 ....218 219 .........227\n\nHongkong and the Water Carriage System........... 227\n\nHongkong Book-keeper's Sharp Sentence\n\n......... 228\n\n228\n\n229\n\n....230\n\nJapanese \"Aggression\" in China\n\nJapan in China and Siberia\n\nThe Central Yangtsze Situation\n\nThe British in South China\n\nWedding in Kowloon......\n\n\"Hongkong Daily Press\n\nHongkong Legislative Council....\n\nRoyal Dutch Petroleum Company\n\nCorrespondence :-\n\nAn Inaccurate Report\n\nSuspected Arson\n\nChamber of Commerce\n\nThieves Still Busy\n\nThe Cassel Mining Agreement..\n\nWhat Kansu's Earthquake Cost the Province ...230\n\nSt. Joseph's College\n\nBank of East Asia\n\n281\n\nThe Bank of China\n\nMr. Stevens's Kidnapper\n\nThe Law Courts..\n\n231 231 232\n\nThe War in Hapeh\n\n234\n\nFar Eastern Cable News...\n\nWireless Telegraph Communication with China 234\n\nLocal Sport\n\n235\n\n236\n\nFamine Committee and a Bank Fraud\n\n...236\n\nRepublicanism\" in China\n\n237\n\nFiring on Ships on the Yangtsze......\n\n..238\n\nCompany Meeting :-\n\nHongkong Hotel Co., Ltd. ..\n\nShipping\n\n..239\n\nThe Upper Yangtze Trade\n\nCommercial....\n\nBIRTHS.\n\n239\n\n239 .240\n\nCARTER.-At Shanghai, on August 21st, to Mr. and Mrs. D. CARTER, a daughter.\n\nCHAPEAUX.-At Shanghai, on August 26th, to Mr. and Mrs. ALBERT CHAPEAUX, a son.\n\nMOONEY REED.-At Shanghai, on August 19th, AUSTIN JAMES MOONEY to ANNE CONSTANCE REED.\n\nNICHOLLS-INWOOD --At Shanghai, on August 13th, HARRY CHARLES THOMAS NICHOLLS, of Shanghai and Bristol, to EMILY INWOOD, of Shanghai and London.\n\nDEATHS.\n\nBONE.--At Studley, Warwick, England, on the 26th August, Mrs. C. BONE, beloved wife of the Rev. C. Bone (formerly Pastor, Wesleyan Methodist Church, Wanchai). By cable.\n\nHARDY. At the Victoria Nursing Home, Shanghai, on August 24th, HERBERT JOHN HARDY (Shanghai Gas Co., Ltd.), aged 47 years.\n\nRegistered as a Newspaper at the General Post Office in the United Kingdom.\n\nNo. 10\n\nBy order of the Canton Government 140,000 taels of opium, worth $400,000, which had been confiscated by the customs and police authorities from Smugglers, were publicly destroyed by fire on August 27th on the East Parade Ground.\n\nAdvices from Washington state that Mr. Stanley K. Hornbeck, author of \"Contemporary International Politics,\" has been invited to serve as an adviser on Far Eastern affairs to the American State Department for the Pacific Conference. Mr. Hornbeck, who has been travelling in China, Japan and the Philippine Islands for the past 18 months, will return to Washington next week.\n\nMr. W. S. Fleming, the American Attorney, who has been very prominently in the limelight lately at Shanghai, sailed, last week, for America, but sent to the Press a parting letter in which he wrote:- \"There is no reason to camouflage my purpose in leaving China, as I am going straight to Washington, D.C., in response to telegraphic advices I have received to be there in connection with an investigation I initiated in the Department of State early in March of this year. Lest certain evil-disposed persons should misrepresent the purpose of my departure I would ask you kindly to publish this at an early date.\"\n\nJENNER. At Shanghai, on August 22nd.\n\nELI WILLIAM JENNER, of Kent, England, aged 28 years.\n\nLINN.-At the General Hospital, Shanghai, on August 24th, CATHERINE, daughter of Mr. and Mrs. C. E. Linn, aged 7 weeks.\n\nRAWLINGSON.-At Shanghai, on August 26th. Captain W. J. RAWLINGSON, of Shanghai.\n\nHongkong Weekly Press.\n\nHONGKONG OFFICE: 10A, DES VOEUX ROAD C LONDON OFFICE: 131, FLEET STREET, E.C.\n\nFAR EASTERN NEWS.\n\nLANE. At Tientsin, on August 13th, to Mr. and Mrs. R. W. LANE, a daughter.\n\nRecent floods not only interrupted traffic on the Tientsin-Pukow Railway by washing away the tracks, but washed away a bridge on the Peking-Mukden Line, near Shanhaikuan.\n\nMURPHY.-At Cork, on August 13th, to Mr. and Mrs. J. J. MURPHY, of Shanghai, a son.\n\nPRITCHARD.-At Yunnanfu, on August 18th, to Mr. and Mrs. E. A. PRITCHARD, a daughter.\n\nREIS.-In Manila, on Sunday, the 21st inst., at 8.40 a.m., to Mr. and Mrs. F. A. REIS, a son, PEDRO FAUSTINO.\n\nMARRIAGES.\n\nOLIVER-KAY.-At the Abbey Hotel, Jedburgh, Scotland, on July 19th, by the Rev. Stewart Burns, M.A., St. Mary's, Hawick, MICHAEL OLIVER, China Navigation Co., Hongkong, eldest son of Mr. and Mrs. William Oliver, 20. Slitrig Crescent, Hawick, to AGNES ROBSON, eldest daughter of Mr. and Mrs. A. Kay, Hill View, Jedburgh.\n\nSir Arthur Whitton Brown, the Transatlantic airman, who paid a visit to China on behalf of Messrs. Vickers, a few months ago, has undergone an operation for appendicitis since his return to England.\n\nThe late Admiral Sir James Andrew Thomas Bruce, K.C.M.G. (75), who saw service in Nigeria and was second in command in China at the time of the Boxer outbreak, formerly A.D.C. to Queen Victoria, left estate of the gross value of £20,957.\n\nAfter a full day's proceedings, investigation of the charge against J. G. Gardiner, alleged to have stolen 50 barrels of cement, the property of Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, was completed at H.M. Police Court at Shanghai, on Aug. 24th, before Mr. G. W. King, when the defendant was discharged.\n\nCertain Chinese now in London, says a London paper, are demanding that the value of two sacred golden bells taken from the Temple of Heaven in Peking during the Boxer rising shall be restored to the temple authorities. It is stated that the bells were found under piles of rubbish, and that one of them was taken by British troops to Delhi and there melted down, the gold being sold for £25,000. The interested Chinese now point to the special clause in the Versailles Treaty whereby the ancient astronomical instruments looted by the Germans during the capture of Peking were returned to China, and demand that the sacred bells, or their value, shall also be restored to the Temple of Heaven.\n\nHONGKONG.\n\nOwing to the recent heavy rains the road from Laichikok to Castle Peak is closed.\n\nIt has been decided to admit women to Hongkong University and the first girl student has already been registered.\n\nMr. Percy Smith, who has been taking the waters at Marienbad, is expected to return to Hongkong in the middle of October.\n\nMr. B. Tanner, Head Master of Queen's College, who has been home on leave, returned to the Colony on August 31st by the Kamo-maru.\n\nOn one day last week seven opium raids produced 45 defendants in the dock at the Magistracy and a haul of thousands of taels of opium.",
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        "id": 492585,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-475 - Governor Sir Stubbs & Acting Governor Claud Severn - 1922 [5-7]",
        "page_number": 515,
        "title": "CO129-475 - Governor Sir Stubbs & Acting Governor Claud Severn - 1922 [5-7]",
        "content_text": "800\n\n- 2\n\nNo seamen or officer of the Seamen's Union in Hongkong shall be banished for any charge, which has no proof.\n\nOn the 27th January, the following telegraphic reply was sent :-\n\n\"For Civil Governor, Canton, Your despatch 26th January. Proposal that Seamen should only be employed through the Union, and agreements should have no effect unless Union has been a witness makes any discussion useless.' \"Requirements of the Merchant Shipping Law would in any case make it impossible to accept these conditions to say nothing of international questions arising in cases of foreign owned ships.\"\n\nFL\n\nProposal to arbitrate at Canton cannot in any case be considered. ' \"The ostensible grounds for strike are solely questions of wages.\n\n\"\n\nOwners are still prepared to refer these to arbitration by Board appointed by my Government and suggest that Union should employ delegates to confer with them here to settle preliminaries.\n\nSTUBBS.\n\nBetween the 4th and the 7th February certain Hongkong Guilds came forward with proposals that they should assist in the negotiations with the seamen in Canton, and their offers were at once accepted.\n\nOn the 7th February the following telegraphic correspondence took place:\n\nFrom H.M. Consul-General, Canton, to Governor, Hongkong, dated 7th February.\n\n\"Urgent. Your telegram 4th February. Leaders of movement through Commissioner of Foreign Affairs inform me that they are prepared to proceed to Hongkong to confer with owners on condition that offices of Union be opened again, and on guarantee of freedom from arrest. They state that they are not responsible for intimidation in the Colony, and to appear at a conference as members of an outlawed society would place them in a false position, Please telegraph reply.'\n\nFrom Governor, Hongkong, to H.M. Consul-General, Canton, dated 7th February.\n\nDelegates will be given safe conduct, but Union cannot be re-opened. Point in last sentence need not arise if delegates come as representatives of seamen in Canton and not of Union. Intimidation is undoubtedly rife here, and in Canton and Sheklung. Are the Union authorities, in view of their statement, prepared to issue public repudiation of intimidation and to make it clear that men who wish to return to work need not fear the consequences?\n\nOn the 9th February the shipowners, on the suggestion of the Government, renewed their offer which had been withdrawn on the 18th January; and the Government thereupon issued the following notice in Chinese, emphasising the point that the offer was not finally binding on either side, but was subject to revision by the arbitrators.\n\nAt the suggestion of the Governor, the shipowners are willing to reinstate their former offer of increased wages to take effect from the day on which the seamen return to work. This scale of wages is merely a temporary scale pending arbitration and is on no account to be taken as a basis from which the arbitrators will work. Addition to it or subtraction from it are alike within the sole discretion of the arbitrators. The scale offered is repeated below:-\n\nChinese River Steamers.\n\n25%\n\nOther Chinese Steamers up to 1000 D.W. Tons, Canton, Hongkong and Macao Steamboat Co.'s Steamers.\n\nOther British Companies River Steamers, taking the scale of Canton, Hongkong and Macao Steamboat Co. as base.\n\nCoasting Steamers.\n\nJava Lines.\n\nPacific Lines.\n\nEuropean Lines\n\nAustralian Lines.\n\n15%\n\n25%\n\n15%\n\n12%\n\n7½%\n\n7½%\n\n10%\n\nIn the meantime the Committee of the Tung Wa Hospital had proposed to the Government that they should use their good offices in bringing about a settlement. Other leading members of the Chinese Community were subsequently associated with them, and on the 8th February the Tung Wa Hospital, as representing the Chinese of the Colony, telegraphed to Canton asking the seamen to send delegates to discuss a settlement with them. The delegates arrived on the 12th February and on the following day at a meeting at the Tung Wa Hospital they declared that they could not carry the matter further until the settlement of the question of the re-opening of the Seamen's Union, which had been closed by the Government on the 1st February as being an unlawful society. The matter was accordingly referred on the 14th February to the Government, who on the 15th February issued a proclamation in Chinese in the following terms :-\n\n\"On instructions from the Government, the Secretary for Chinese Affairs has communicated the following decision to the seamen's representatives :-\n\n1. The Seamen's Union was closed because it exceeded its legitimate bounds and broke the law of Hongkong, not because it asked for an increase of wages.\n\n2. The Governor absolutely requires proof of freedom from unlawfulness before he can change his present attitude.\n\n3. If it is desired to give proof of freedom from unlawfulness, all seamen and all workmen whom they involved in the strike must return to work and Hongkong resume its normal condition, before it can be considered that proof of freedom from unlawfulness has been furnished.\n\n4. If all come back to work first on the conditions offered by the shipowners and await the award of the arbitrators, the Governor will cancel the proclamation closing the Union.\"\n\nThe delegates returned to Canton on the 15th February, and they came back to Hongkong on the 17th February with certain suggestions which were considered by the shipowners on the 19th February. The shipowners' decision was conveyed to the delegates on the 20th February by the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, and the delegates left for Canton on the 21st February. On the 24th February a letter was handed to the Secretary for Chinese Affairs stating that the seamen were not prepared to accept the proposals made.\n\nOn the 22nd February a telegram had been received from H.M. Consul-General at Canton, suggesting that there were good grounds for believing that an all-round increase of some 2% on the owners' original offer would be accepted On the 24th February the Engineers' Society came forward with a similar suggestion and offered to negotiate for a settlement on this basis.\n\nThe Government informed the shipowners of these proposals, and suggested that, as it seemed likely that the offer of such an increase would bring the men back immediately to work and would prevent a general strike, it would be wise to add some 2% to the figures shown in the notice of the 9th February which is quoted above. That notice still stood. It pointed out clearly that the shipowners' offer covered only the immediate present, and that the scale would be increased or lowered in the sole discretion of the arbitrators. The shipowners added 2% to their previous figures, and on the 24th February this information was telegraphed to Canton and was communicated to the Engineers' Guild. The seamen refused the new terms.\n\nOn the 28th February, H.M. Consul-General telegraphed that he had information to the effect that, if a meeting between the shipowners and the seamen's delegates could be arranged, there was every prospect of a settlement. On the 1st March a reply was sent by the Hongkong Government that the shipowners were willing to meet the seamen's delegates. It was added that, in order to avoid further abortive proceedings, the Government considered it to be highly desirable that the delegates should be fully empowered to make a settlement.",
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        "document_key": "CO129-476 - Acting Governor Claud Severn & Governor Sir Stubbs - 1922 [8-12]",
        "page_number": 315,
        "title": "CO129-476 - Acting Governor Claud Severn & Governor Sir Stubbs - 1922 [8-12]",
        "content_text": "306\n\nTHE HONGKONG TELEGRAPH.\n\nTHE BLUE FUNNEL LINE\n\nREGULAR AND FAST FREIGHT AND PASSENGER SERVICE.\n\nLONDON\n\nTEIRESIAS PELEUS ANTILOCHUS HYSON\n\nSERVICE (Direct)\n\n25th Sept. London, Amsterdam & Antwerp 2nd Oct. London, Rotterdam & Hamburg. 9th Oct. London, Amsterdam & Antwerp 16th Oct. London, Rotterdam & Antwerp\n\nLIVERPOOL SERVICE (Direct or via Continental Ports)\n\nKT. TEMPLAR TYDEUS OVESTES\n\n4th Oct. Marseilles, Havre & Liverpool 20th Oct. Genoa, Marseilles, Liverpool & Glasgow.\n\n4th Nov. Havre, Liverpool & Glasgow.\n\nPACIFIC SERVICE (via Kobe and Yokohama)\n\nTYNQAREUS PROTESILAUS\n\n17th Oct. Victoria, Seattle & Vancouver 7th Nov.\n\nNEW YORK SERVICE (via Suez or Panama)\n\nANTILOCHUS AGAMEMNON TEUCER TERESIAS PYRRHUS PYRRHUS\n\n5th Oct. via Suez 25th Oct. via Suez 15 Nov. via Suez\n\nPASSENGER SERVICE\n\n25th Sept. for Singapore & London 1st Nov for Shanghai & Japan 4th Nov. for Singapore & London\n\nFor Freight and Passage Rates and further information apply to :-\n\nBUTTERFIELD & SWIRE (JOHN SWIRE & SONS, LTD.) AGENTS.\n\nTHE EAST ASIATIC CO., LTD., COPENHAGEN.\n\nRegular Freight and Passenger Service for Bangkok, Hongkong, Swatow and return.\n\nS. S. \"BAKA\" Due S. S. \"BINTANG\" Will leave for Bangkok via Swatow\n\nSubject to change without notice.\n\nFor further particulars please apply to:-\n\nJOHN MANNERS & CO., Agents. CONSIGNEES.\n\nNOTICE TO CONSIGNEES.\n\nTHE ADMIRAL LINE.\n\nThe Steamship \"PRESIDENT MCKINLEY\" having arrived from Manila P. I on Sep. 21 consignees are hereby notified that their cargo is being landed at their risk into the Hazardous and/or Extra-Hazardous Godowns of The Hongkong and Kowloon Wharf & Godown Co., at Kowloon, and stored at consignees' risk.\n\nConsignees of cargo must produce an Import Permit signed by the Superintendent of Imports and Exports, Hongkong, before Bills of Lading will be counter-signed.\n\nFRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1922.\n\nEARLIER TELEGRAMS. (Continued from Page 3)\n\nTHE ALLIES AND TURKEY.\n\nParis, Sept. 21.\n\nAn account of the proceedings of the Foreign Ministers' Conference yesterday is contained in the semi-official statement which says that Lord Curzon expressed great astonishment at the fact that while the British had decided to reinforce her troops at Chanak, both France and Italy had resolved to withdraw their contingents from the south side of the Sea of Marmora.\n\nLord Curzon considered that the Franco-Italian decision hardly conformed with the agreements of 1915 and 1918, providing for partial Inter-Allied occupation of Turkish territory.\n\nM. Poincare regarded the agreements as being at present inapplicable, as no conflict was feared when the allocation of troops was provided thereunder. He added that French opinion would not permit French troops to act with the Greeks and he argued that if Chanak was held, the whole of the southern shore of the Sea of Marmora ought equally to be occupied.\n\nKemalists would entertain peace proposals.\n\nSignor Sforza, agreeing with M. Poincare, believed that the discussions on the acceptable basis of agreement cabled last night and which just then arrived.\n\nThe Conference decided, in principle, to hold a Peace Conference at Venice, but pointed out that Russia had not been invited as she was not directly interested, the Soviet-Angora Treaty specifically excluding Russian decisions affecting the sovereignty of Turkey and the security of Constantinople.\n\nM. Poincare further pointed out the military objection to the Allies fighting with their backs to the sea. He also pointed out the undesirable effect upon the Islamic world if Britain adopted an uncompromising or bellicose attitude.\n\nIt is semi-officially declared that the problem cannot be referred to the League of Nations as urged by Dr. Nansen and Dominion representatives, as it is a Government matter.\n\nThe document states that the Foreign Minister's decision marks a big step on the road to peace.\n\nAll broken, chafed and damaged cargo is to be left in the Godowns, where it will be examined at 10 a.m. on 26th inst., by the Company's Surveyors, Messrs. Anderson & Ashe.\n\nAll claims must be presented within thirty days of the steamer's arrival here, after which they cannot be recognized.\n\nNo claims will be recognised after the goods have left the Godowns, and cargo undelivered on and after Sept. 27th will be subject to rent.\n\nNo Fire Insurance whatever will be effected.\n\nConsignees are requested to send in their Bills of Lading for counter-signature immediately.\n\nPACIFIC STEAMSHIP CO., United States Shipping Board Emergency Fleet Corporation, No. 4. Des Voeux Road, Managing Agents, THE ADMIRAL LINE. Hongkong, 21st. Sept., 1922.\n\n\"For the Blood is the Life.\"\n\nSufferers from Bad Legs, Abscesses, Ulcers, Piles, Glandular Swellings, Eczema, Boils, Pimples and Eruptions, Gout, Rheumatism, must realise that the only sure way to complete and lasting relief is to free the blood of the poisonous waste matter, the one cause of such troubles.\n\nClarke's Blood Mixture contains ingredients which soon overcome and expel the impurities, that's why so many lasting cures stand to its credit.\n\nTHE EAST ASIATIC CO., LTD. COPENHAGEN.\n\nThe M. S. \"INDIEN\" will be loading for Dunkirk, Antwerp, Rotterdam, Amsterdam, Hamburg, Copenhagen & other Scandinavian Ports, about 1st October.\n\nFurther Sailings:-Expected on or about 4th October M. S. \"ASIA\" 15th October M. S. \"PANAMA\" 26th October M. S. \"MALAYA\" Subject to change without notice.\n\nFor further particulars please apply to:-\n\nJOHN MANNERS & CO., LTD. Agents. Hongkong, 22nd September, 1922.\n\nMRS. SEKAI MASSAGE\n\nTHE CANTON BANK, 2nd Floor, No. 2, DUDDELL ST. HONGKONG.\n\nSAVARESSE'S SANTAL CAPSULES\n\nFrom all Chemists The best internal treatment. Specially made in a way that prevents sickness or nausea. Physicians recommend them.\n\nTHE GRECO-EGYPTIAN TOBACCO CO. 12a, Queen's Road, Beg to announce to the general public the arrival of their new coffee roasting machine for the best quality Mocha and Java coffee, which can be had at the above address, Fresh Coffee roasted daily.\n\nA PERSIAN PROVERB: \"A cup of hot coffee without an Egyptian cigarette is like meat without salt.\"\n\nSimla, Sept. 21.\n\nTwenty-five Moslem Members of the Legislature have submitted their views on the Near East situation to the Viceroy, most earnestly and with the greatest moderation drawing his attention to the points on which it is considered Turkish peace ought to be based and which formed the subject of the Government of India's famous telegram of March 8, the unauthorised publication of which resulted in Mr. Montagu's resignation of the Secretaryship of India.\n\nThe Viceroy promised to lay their views before the Imperial Government.\n\nParis, Sept. 21. A message from Angora reports that the Turks altogether captured 60,000 Greeks.\n\nWellington (N.Z.), Sept. 21. There has been an immense response to the proposal for service in the Straits. Ten thousand New Zealanders yesterday alone offered themselves.\n\nConstantinople, Sept. 21. Hamid Bey, the Kemalist representative here, has informed a British correspondent that the Turks intend to cross the Dardanelles and enter Thrace, but will not fire on the Allies in crossing unless first attacked.\n\nWashington, Sept. 21. The Near East policy of the United States has been outlined at the White House.\n\nIt is stated that the United States will stand aloof in the event of trouble, except to provide adequately for the relief of American citizens endangered by the Turkish advance and to participate in any general programme of relief adopted by the European governments.\n\nTHE NEW AMERICAN TARIFF BILL.\n\nWashington, Sept. 21. The Treasury experts estimate that the new tariff under the Fordney-McCumber Bill, the measure when enacted, will yield about $100,000,000 annual revenue, half of which will be derived from the following sources, viz., sugar, $37,000,000; raw wool, $63,000,000; tobacco, $35,000,000; laces and embroideries, $15,000,000; while the average ad valorem rates will be slightly higher than the Payne-Aldrich Tariff.\n\nThey will in actual operation show an average slightly lower because some of the new duties will be inoperative owing to their height or the absence of imports of commodities they cover.\n\nPerhaps, the most notable feature of the Bill is the power given to the President, after investigation by the Tariff Commission, to increase or decrease any rate in the Bill by 50 per cent. if necessary, in order to set off the difference in the cost of production at home and abroad.\n\nThe President may also declare American valuations as the basis of an assessment of ad valorem duties.\n\nIt is estimated that this will automatically increase the rates about 100 per cent.\n\nAfter such declaration the President could reduce any duty by 50 per cent. but could not increase it.\n\nAlmost all infantile troubles arise in the first place from stomach and bowel troubles.\n\nTo remedy these conditions use Baby's Own Tablets.\n\nThese Tablets stand in a class by themselves, being especially made for children's use, pleasant in taste and guaranteed absolutely harmless.\n\nThey quickly reduce simple fever, cure indigestion, check diarrhoea, allay teething pains, expel worms, relieve croup and colds, quiet the nerves and promote health-giving, restful sleep in a natural way.\n\nBaby's Own Tablets are sold by chemists, or at 60 cents the vial, post free, from the Dr. Williams' Medicine Co., 96 Szechuen Road, Shanghai.\n\nVisitors always welcome a VICTROLA No Home complete without one.\n\nMCUTRIES:-Sole Agents.\n\nAIRSHIPS SUPPLANT CRUISERS.\n\nLondon, Sept. 21. The Admiralty has decided that the use of the airship in wartime shall become the first consideration of British airship policy, and its employment for Imperial communications the next.\n\nThis decision was influenced by figures in comparison with the cruiser, showing that the airship costing £250,000, compared with £900,000, is cheaper to navigate and able to cover seven times more area.\n\nSIAMESE TEAK TRADE.\n\nLondon, Sept. 21. As the May meeting of the Anglo-Siam Corporation is forthcoming, the issue of 22,000 ordinary shares of £50,000, 7%, preferences is announced.\n\nThe chairman's review considered the Siamese Government was insufficiently considering the interests of the teak trade in Siam.\n\nYEE SANG FAT CO. Just Arrived \"SWIMEASY\" Worsted and Wool BATHING SUITS for Ladies, Gentlemen and Children. Practical and Dressy Style Large Assortment of WATER WINGS Price $1.25 a pair\n\nGOLDEN STATE BUTTER From CALIFORNIA CREAMERIES. Sold by all the leading dealers in one pound cartons (FRESH)-and 1 lb. tins. SOLE AGENTS:--GEIZ BROS. & Co. of the Orient Ltd. PROVISION DEPT.\n\nTAI LEE CHAN Established 1884. SUNDRY HARDWARE and METAL GOODS Telephone Central 1993. 119. Jervois Street\n\nFRECKLES AND HIS FRIENDS\n\nBY BLOSSER",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-476 - Acting Governor Claud Severn & Governor Sir Stubbs - 1922 [8-12].txt",
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    {
        "id": 493271,
        "series_id": 27,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "page_number": 179,
        "title": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "content_text": "2\n\nrefuse to recognise the decisions of the Pacific Conference!\" &c.; some are even stated to have shouted \"Kill the foreigners!\" Three days later thousands of country roughs came into the city and threatened to burn the mission station next day. At the last moment energetic action was taken, which, at any rate for the time being, prevented trouble; but it may be noted that this action was not taken by Shensi's Christian Tuchun. The agitation has spread throughout the province, and according to the same informant students together with a number of local rowdies broke into and looted a Swedish up-country mission of which the occupants were fortunately absent, while at another town students and soldiers attempted to set fire to the English Baptist Mission, and were only prevented in the nick of time by the prompt action of the general in command. From the same informant I learn that on the 17th and 18th January messengers went from house to house in Sian-fu and in district cities as distant as 60 miles east and west of that place and called upon the people to rise and exterminate foreigners and their followers. Representations addressed to the military governor appear on this occasion to have resulted in effective action by him. Direct connection between this movement and the student agitation of the 21st December is not alleged, but under conditions existing in the less accessible parts of China the transition from a student movement calling for the expulsion of foreigners to a massacre of foreigners by roughs is an obvious one.\n\nWhile the tone of student agitation elsewhere called into being in connection with the Washington Conference has not equalled in violence that in Szechuan and Shensi, minor demonstrations have occurred, and it would only require a word from those who play upon the feelings of the students and make capital out of their agitation to cause a movement which might have serious consequences from end to end of the country.\n\nI have the honour to enclose copies of two reports by Brigadier-General Pereira, retired, who was formerly military attaché to this Legation and is now travelling for purposes of sport in Western China. These reports enlarge upon the danger to China arising out of the interference of the student classes in politics, a danger which in his opinion is even greater than that caused by the brigand-soldiers with whom the country is overrun. Both dangers spring from the loosening of the bonds which have in the past held together the Chinese body politic. But while the soldier evil is one without a spark of good intention to redeem it, it should not be forgotten that the student movement contains within itself the seeds of hope. Even if it be admitted that its immediate outcome may be only evil, the fact that it is the first outcome of a widespread interest among the Chinese people in their administration is a sign of good to come. There are grounds for the hope that, after a period of disturbance caused or strongly assisted by the student movement perhaps lasting for years and incidentally causing great injury to foreign interests, the effect of the movement may ultimately be to render impossible the government of the country by illiterate ex-brigands or an oligarchy of corrupt and incompetent mandarins.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nB. ALSTON.\n\nEnclosure 1 in No. 1.\n\nReport by Brigadier-General G. Pereira of November 29, 1921.\n\nThe Present State of China.\n\nPROBABLY the two provinces that are in the greatest state of chaos at the present time are Shensi and Szechuan. Both provinces are torn by contending factions, especially Szechuan, which is hopelessly broken up into countless parties. Brigands are rife in both, though the European traveller generally should have no difficulty if he takes the trouble to warn officials of his proposed routes and uses an intelligent discrimination in accepting their statements as to what routes are safe. The fever of gambling is probably more fully developed in Szechuan. The chief difference between the two provinces is that whilst the students were kept in subjection under the late Tuchun of Shensi (Ch'en Shu-fan) the soldiers were more aggressive in that province. Whilst I have had no trouble from the soldiers in Szechuan, I have found from all accounts that the students in it are far more troublesome.\n\n3\n\nFormerly I considered the want of discipline and unnecessary number of soldiers was China's chief trouble; I have now come to the conclusion that the students are an even greater evil, certainly from the point of view of the foreigner.\n\nThe student, usually a wretched half-baked creature, who argues like a small child without fear of correction, has no solid base of education to help him. He picks up a smattering of foreign learning which enables him to pose without difficulty as a superior being among his own people, who therefore fear him, whilst before the foreigner he realises his inferiority, causing him a loss of face and turning him to anti-foreign feelings at heart.\n\nIf the students were under a strong foreigner, not afraid of him, the foreign-trained student in China would, no doubt, benefit, but when he is under weak foreigners, afraid to stand up to him in a fight to a finish, the student gets the upper hand and the prestige of the foreigner sinks. He judges that all foreigners are weak in the same way, and the more this feeling takes root the more anti-foreign and dangerous he becomes.\n\nUnfortunately from my own experience by far the greater number of foreign teachers I have met, in native or foreign-run schools and universities, have proved to be weak. They are handicapped by being generally poor and dependent on their salaries from Chinese officials or foreign societies. If they put up a fight to a finish in a Chinese-run institution they will probably be forced to give up their jobs, whilst in the foreign-run institution there is the danger of the students going out in a body, with the onus on the teachers of being made responsible for the collapse of the school.\n\nThe Chinese are past masters in the art of asserting themselves by combination, and, as a result of successful strikes and threats in the past, they have gradually got to realise their own strength and the weakness of Chinese officials and foreign teachers in the face of organised opposition, the only thought of the latter being to check the evil by temporising and concessions.\n\nAs regards the all-important question of the state of the students in the model province of Shansi, I formed a poor opinion of the model governor as a man because he truckled to the students and allowed them to invade his yamên and forced him to comply with their demands under fear of threats of a general strike. On the other hand, I realised his sterling merits as a kind, grandmotherly being, for his kindly wishes for the welfare of the people, for the excellence of the platonic vapourings which he caused to be posted on many of the houses throughout the province, for his good intentions and for some minor useful reforms. On the other hand, in the otherwise lawless and divided province of Shensi, Ch'en Shu-fan (the late Tuchun) took a strong hand in keeping the students in subjection, notwithstanding all the difficulties of his position. Though probably his past life has not merited for him the hope of beatification after death, nevertheless he struck me, from the accounts of qualified foreigners who had met him, as being essentially a strong man with a will and mind of his own. So far he has never had a fair chance, as when in power only a limited part of the province acknowledged his rule, but if he succeeds in reasserting himself, as seems at present possible, I hope he will be given the chance of proving that he is an efficient ruler and capable of re-establishing order in this distracted province.\n\nSzechuan is so broken up by the number of contending factions that a return for it to a state of peace and prosperity seems at the moment remote. Possibly Hsiung K'o-wu may decide to return to political life. He appears to be the most popular figure in the province, is still young (under 40), has a reputation for capacity and might develop into a strong man.\n\nTo sum up, poor China, torn by contending parties, in which everybody is fighting for his own hand, overwhelmed by an unexampled series of catastrophes in the shape of famine, earthquakes and floods, has never been in such hopeless straits before. The honest, law-abiding Chinese, as represented by the bulk of its population and also by the merchant, longs for peace and security, whilst the soldiers (a term at present synonymous with brigands), whose numbers are far in excess of all legitimate requirements, see they have the upper hand, and make use of their power to tyrannise over the wretched people. At the same time the students, seeing the weakness generally of their officials, and particularly of the foreigners with whom they come most in contact, are daily becoming more anti-foreign. History may be repeated, as in the case of the Boxer movement of 1900, and they may succeed one day in diverting the overwrought feelings of the wretched people against the foreigner, as the cause of all their woes.\n\nTo make matters worse, some ill-advised foreigners go home and give a roseate and absolutely false impression of an imaginary wonderful improvement in China.\n\n179",
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    {
        "id": 493273,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "page_number": 181,
        "title": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "content_text": "181\n\nG\n\nare more or less equally divided and engrossed with their own rivalries. Shensi and Kueichow and Kuangsi are unimportant provinces, dependent on and influenced by their more powerful surroundings. The only inaccessible province that matters is Szechuan, which is secure in its own isolation, and possibly could only be brought into subjection by a boycott of its exports. As my recent experiences are connected with Szechuan, I feel that this province requires the most delicate handling; the feeling of restlessness may pass away with the struggle of contending factions, and the rise of a strong man to power. There is always the danger, however, of some imprudent action by a foreigner diverting the unrest to a movement against the white man, and causing a trouble which no one can foresee.\n\nSir,\n\nChengtu, December 14, 1921.\n\nEnclosure 3 in No. 1.\n\nConsul-General Hewlett to Sir B. Alston.\n\n11\n\nG. PEREIRA.\n\nChengtu, December 24, 1922.\n\nIN my despatch No. 29 of the 21st November I mention \"disappointment at the results of the Pacific Conference as among the causes which might lead to popular movements against foreigners.\n\nOn the 19th December I was warned privately that all the schools, including the Union University, intended to go out on strike on the 21st December as a protest against the decision of the Powers, as reported in telegram which had been received by the student body here, to supervise the finances of China and to allot Tibet to Great Britain and Mongolia to Japan.\n\nOn the 20th December I called on the Deputy for Foreign Affairs, who confessed complete ignorance of the movement, and who asked me to keep Liu Yu-Chiu duly informed if the students carried out their intentions.\n\nThere was no need, however, for any such action on my part, as the students published the whole of their programme, including the route to be followed, in the native press. In addition to the student agitation, the Chamber of Commerce issued an appeal to the heads of every trade guild summoning them to a meeting. \"According to a telegram,\" ran the appeal, \"the Powers have discussed the supervision of China. Our Northern and Southern delegates there are divided in opinion. To the final extermination of our country lies before our very eyes..... We mean to rouse to action all the people here.\n\nThe students issued two letters, one to their teachers, the other to all scholars. In the former, after stating that they are frequently in receipt of letters and telegrams from home and abroad reporting that all their most ardent hopes are being destroyed at the Pacific Conference, they continue: \"We want to rouse the people and to form a foreign relations defence society. The matter involves the prestige of our country, so we ask you for one day's leave, and beg you to grant your students absolute freedom of action.\n\nI understand the leave was not actually granted, but no steps were taken to stop the demonstrations. In the latter letter they again reiterate their intention to rise and form the defence society, as the \"Pacific Conference, in so far as the reconstruction of China is concerned, has completely destroyed all our hopes,\" and they appeal for united action among themselves.\n\nThe processions were perfectly orderly, and foreigners passing them were in no way insulted or molested.\n\nSpecial students had been selected to give addresses during the parade through the streets. These students entered the tea-shops and harangued the people. Weeping copiously, they explained how China was on the verge of extermination, how after an existence of 5,000 years as a nation the Chinese people were now to become slaves of the Powers, no better than beasts of burden, and they urged their audiences to combine against foreign aggression.\n\nIn addition to these speeches, pamphlets were scattered broadcast. A few extracts will suffice to show the nature of these documents :-\n\n\"Arise quickly, stir up your merchant guilds, your farmer guilds, your labour organisations and every class of guild or society, and follow our example.\"\n\nThe middle school of the Union University, of which Yang Shao-ch'uan is the principal, issued the following:-\n\n\"The conference has decided to hand over Manchuria and Mongolia, an area of several million square li, to the control of Japan; Tibet, a territory which produces gold, to Great Britain. Tibet adjoins Batang, Litang and Tachientu and is practically a part of Szechuan. If all China arises to oppose these measures, we may still have a little hope.\"\n\nThe French school is responsible for the following :-\n\n\"China's administrative and financial control are both to be handed over to the Powers.\n\nThe eastern provinces go to Japan. The western provinces, such as Szechuan, Tibet and Yunnan and Kueichow, go to Great Britain. Southern and northern provinces will be divided between France, America and Russia, according to their propinquity. Here we have out-and-out the division of China.”\n\nThe \"Public\" School gives eight demands which are to be telegraphed to their representatives at the conference, Yü Jih-chang and Chiang, with the bidding that they be firmly pressed for:-\n\n1. Equality for all countries.\n\n2. Negotiations between countries must be public, not secret.\n\n3. China's territory, administrative powers, mines, railways and every kind of trading rights must never be wrested from her by force.\n\n4. Tsingtau must be restored without negotiations\n\n5. China's Parliament having been dissolved, no secret treaties made since the dissolution can be recognised.\n\n6. All leased territories and special privileges acquired by the Powers to be abrogated.\n\n7. Abolition of extra-territorial jurisdiction.\n\n8. Revision of the customs tariff.\n\nTheir pamphlet ends: \"All provinces, students and assemblies, officials and gentry must be requested by telegram to ask the Northern and Southern Governments to fix a limit of time within which we will make our internal affairs at one, so that we may oppose the foreigner.\"\n\nThe agricultural college is the most outspoken: Who would have thought when the conference started that heart and gall could have been so utterly poisonous, and that Powers who deserve to be absolutely exterminated root and branch should avail themselves of this opportunity to discuss the partition of our territory, the control of our finances? Matters grow worse from day to day.\"\n\nAlthough nothing untoward occurred, the pamphlets and speeches are bound to bear fruit. I had men out listening to the speeches, and the weeping students produced a decided effect. Tea-shop comment was: Yes, it is quite true: these foreigners are too brutal for words.\"\n\nThe use of Chinese characters, although coming naturally in this place, is worthy of notice. I am convinced that the comment made in my despatch No. 34 of the 5th December is correct, and that the day has come when all the various societies are combining under this society.\n\nThis society, wishing for political ends to bind together certain factions in north and south, has seized on either false rumours or deliberate fabrications regarding decisions arrived at in Washington to start a movement, which now cannot be checked and which will probably spread rapidly. Once more they find that any appeal to resist the foreigner is the rallying cry, and this fact should cause those who maintain anti-foreign feeling on a certain scale does not exist to weigh their opinions more carefully.\n\nIn Szechuan, in any case, the fact may be bluntly stated, and had better be fearlessly faced, “generally speaking, the foreigner is absolutely hated.”\n\nI have, &c.\n\nW. M. HEWLETT.",
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    {
        "id": 493315,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "page_number": 223,
        "title": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "content_text": "[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\nCHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n223\n\n[February 16.]\n\nSECTION 1.\n\n[F 745/110/10]\n\nNo. 1.\n\nFebruary 16.)\n\nMr. Balfour to Mr. Lloyd George.—(Communicated by Cabinet Offices,\n\n(No. 21.) Sir,\n\nWashington, February 2, 1922. AS you are aware it has more than once been suggested by His Majesty's Minister at Peking, and by the representatives there of other Powers, that the unsatisfactory state of affairs in the matter of the China Arms Embargo justified an attempt at its reaffirmation being made by the Washington Conference. I would refer you more especially to Sir B. Alston's telegram No. 531 of the 14th December last.\n\n2. An opportunity having presented itself, I accordingly introduced a draft Resolution before the Committee for Pacific and Far Eastern Affairs on the 24th January last (copy enclosed).\n\n3. There had been insufficient occasion to circulate advance copies of this Resolution to my colleagues, and it was no doubt largely on this account that the various Delegations showed less alacrity in dealing with the subject than might naturally have been expected seeing that all their Governments were already formally committed since May 1919 to the policy it embodied.\n\n4. The Italian, Belgian and Netherlands Delegations having stated that they must consult their Governments, the Resolution was held over until they should have received their instructions.\n\n5. In the interval informal discussion was carried on by a member of my staff with the various Delegations, and it was ascertained that the position was as follows: the French Delegation were entirely in favour of the reaffirmation of the embargo, and had indeed received instructions to raise the matter themselves if no other Delegation did so; the Japanese Delegation were equally in agreement, but had special difficulties to meet in view of certain outstanding Japanese contracts involving very considerable sums (see the Record of Conversation with Mr. Hanihara forwarded in my despatch No. 140 of the 30th January); the Belgian Delegation anticipated no objection on the part of their Government, but had to await formal instructions; the American Delegation were anxious to see the matter put through, and quoted the legislation just passed by Congress (copy enclosed) enabling the American Government to enforce the prohibition of export from the United States to China. As to the Italian Delegation, whilst professing their personal wish to see the Resolution adopted as it stood, without more ado, they intimated that they anticipated legal difficulties in making its application retroactive in the matter of contracts signed prior to the passing of the original Peking Resolution of May 1919.\n\n6. In the circumstances there was no option but to await upon events. The first Delegation in a position to act was the Netherlands. On the 26th January Jonkheer Beelaerts von Blokland informed me in the letter of which I enclose a copy that his Government were prepared to accept the Resolution as it stood with the exception of the words \"materials destined exclusively for the manufacture of arms and munitions of war,\" which were not covered by the existing Dutch legislation. This point I was easily able to meet by the substitution of the phrase \"whether complete or in parts.\" The text of the amended Resolution is enclosed.\n\n7. Meanwhile, the Belgian and Italian Delegations had received their instructions and the matter again came before the Committee on the 31st January. The American, Belgian and Netherlands Delegations at once notified their readiness to accept the Resolution in its amended form; but when it came to the turn of the Italian Delegation, Signor Schanzer, whilst asserting his Government's entire adherence to the policy of the Arms Embargo, added that their adherence was conditional upon the same reservation as that made by the Italian Legation at Peking in May 1919.\n\n8. In these circumstances, it was no matter for surprise that, when it came to the vote of the Japanese Delegation, Mr. Hanihara at once stated that the Italian reservation prevented him from adhering to the Resolution now before the Committee.\n\n78447-1]",
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    {
        "id": 493316,
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        "document_key": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "page_number": 224,
        "title": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "content_text": "224\n\n÷\n\n2\n\n9. The question came up again on the 1st February, when Mr. Hanihara defined the position of his Delegation. Ever since the Peking Resolution of 1919, Japan had loyally carried out her obligations, and had succeeded, not without great difficulty, in restraining her nationals from carrying out certain contracts signed before that date. But the Japanese Government could not reasonably be expected to hold these contracts back if Italian nationals for their part were to have full liberty to proceed with similar contracts. The Japanese Government warmly supported the policy embodied in the Resolution, now before the Committee, which they believed to be the right one; but in the circumstances their inability to adhere was not unjustifiable.\n\n10. It was evident that matters had thus come to a complete deadlock; and when Signor Schanzer produced and read the instructions of his Government, showing that he had no option but to reaffirm the Italian reservation, it became obvious that no useful purpose was to be served by continuing the debate. I accordingly briefly summed up the situation and suggested that the Conference, having failed to reach unanimity, no course was open to me but to withdraw the Resolution and leave the matter over for negotiations between the various Governments through the ordinary, if less expeditious, channel of diplomatic correspondence at the various capitals. To this course Signor Schanzer, who, I think, realised the somewhat poor figure which his Government's instructions forced him to cut, at once agreed, whilst expressing the belief that the present difficulty would speedily be disposed of if the matter were dealt with as I had suggested.\n\n11. Before letting the matter drop, both Mr. Hughes and I intimated that our respective Governments could hardly be expected to acquiesce in a state of affairs under which, under the guise of existing contracts, the nationals of one Power might be indulging in the lucrative arms trade whilst our nationals were debarred from participating by our legislation.\n\n12. The matter thus stands as follows: The Resolution which I originally tabled on the 24th January, and amended to meet the Netherlands point of view on the 31st January, has been definitely withdrawn; the Japanese have announced that they cannot continue to hold their nationals in check so long as the Italian Government maintain their reservation. Both Mr. Hughes and I have left no doubt that our respective Governments share this point of view, and finally, at Mr. Hughes' suggestion, it has been left to the Italian Delegation to file their contracts with the Secretariat-General of the Conference, and make out the best case they can to justify their reservation, which, if the circumstances reported by His Majesty's Minister at Peking are correct, they may not find it altogether easy to accomplish.\n\n13. The results are thus purely negative. Nevertheless, they appear to me to have justified my action and to be more satisfactory than the present intolerable situation.\n\nI am, &c.\n\nmanufacture, and to prohibit such exportation from their territories or territories under their control until the establishment of a Government whose authority is recognised throughout the whole of China.\n\n2. Each of the above Powers will forthwith take such additional steps as may be necessary to make the above restrictions immediately binding.\n\n3. The scope of this Resolution includes all Concessions and Settlements in China.\n\n4. The United States of America will invite the adherence to this Resolution of the other Powers in treaty relations with China.\n\nEnclosure 3 in No. 1.\n\nRESOLVED by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, that whenever the President finds that in any American country, or in any country in which the United States exercises extra-territorial jurisdiction, conditions of domestic violence exist, which are or may be promoted by the use of arms or munitions of war procured from the United States, and makes proclamation thereof, it shall be unlawful to export, except under such limitations and exceptions as the President prescribes, any arms or munitions of war from any place in the United States to such country until otherwise ordered by the President or by Congress.\n\nDear Mr. Balfour,\n\nEnclosure 4 in No. 1.\n\nM. Beelaerts van Blokland to Mr. Balfour.\n\nNetherlands Delegation, Washington Conference,\n\nJanuary 30, 1922.\n\nI FEEL especially gratified in informing you that I have just been authorised by my Government to accept your draft resolution relating to the exportation of arms, &c., to China, as amended by yourself in the course of the last meeting of the Committee on Pacific and Far Eastern Questions.\n\nWith highest regards,\n\nSincerely yours,\n\nBEELAERTS VAN BLOKLAND.\n\nARTHUR JAMES BALFOUR.\n\n(Confidential.)\n\nEnclosure 1 in No. 1.\n\nArms Embargo.\n\nTHE attached draft Resolution may possibly come up for discussion at the meeting of the Committee on Pacific and Far Eastern Questions, to be held at 3-30 this afternoon.\n\nL. C. CHRISTIE, Secretary,\n\nBritish Empire Delegation.\n\nFranklin Square Hotel, Washington, D.C.,\n\nJanuary 27, 1922.\n\nEnclosure 2 in No. 1.\n\nARMS EMBARGO.\n\nDraft Resolution.\n\nTHE United States of America, Belgium, the British Empire, France, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands and Portugal affirm their intention to refrain from exporting to China arms or munitions of war, or material destined exclusively for their\n\nEnclosure 5 in No. 1.\n\nARMS EMBARGO.\n\nDraft Resolution.\n\nTHE United States of America, Belgium, the British Empire, France, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands and Portugal affirm their intention to refrain from exporting to China arms or munitions of war, whether complete or in parts, and to prohibit such exportation from their territories or territories under their control until the establishment of a Government whose authority is recognised throughout the whole of China.\n\n2. Each of the above Powers will forthwith take such additional steps as may be necessary to make the above restrictions immediately binding.\n\n3. The scope of this Resolution includes all Concessions and Settlements in China.\n\n4. The United States of America will invite the adherence to this Resolution of the other Powers in treaty relations with China.",
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        "page_number": 228,
        "title": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "content_text": "[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\nCHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[F923/110/10]\n\nNo. 1.\n\n[May 16.]\n\nSECTION 4.\n\n227\n\n(No. 380.) Sir.\n\nThe Marquess Curzon of Kedleston to Sir B. Alston (Peking).\n\nForeign Office. May 16, 1922.\n\nWITH reference to my telegram No. 57 of the 23rd February and your telegram No. 74 of the 2nd instant, I transmit a copy of Earl Balfour's despatch (No. 21) 11737/ to the Prime Minister of the 2nd February, from which you will see that the British Empire Delegation at Washington made a determined effort to improve the present unsatisfactory situation in regard to the China arms embargo by obtaining a reaffirmation of the 1919 embargo by the Powers represented at the Conference on Pacific and Far Eastern Affairs. You will have learnt, however, from Earl Balfour's telegram No. 325 of the 2nd February, which was repeated to you, that his efforts failed to achieve the desired result owing to the obstructive attitude of the Italian Government, who qualified their acceptance of the proposed resolution by a reservation similar to that which they made in Peking in 1919 respecting outstanding contracts.\n\nThe best course now appears to be for you to discuss the question with your colleagues with a view to framing a recommendation, which should, if possible, be unanimous, as to the steps to be taken to place the embargo on a satisfactory footing, and I transmit herewith copy of a memorandum (B.E.D.-178) prepared by the Foreign Office Section of the British Empire Delegation at Washington, which forms a comprehensive survey of all the circumstances connected with the arms embargo up to date, with the following three exceptions:-\n\n(1) A contract by a Danish firm, Nielsen and Winter, for the supply of machinery to the Mukden arsenal has been reported to His Majesty's Legation at Copenhagen, and Mr. Parr was instructed on the 3rd January (see my despatch No. 18 of the 5th January) to co-operate with his American and Japanese colleagues in protesting to the Danish Government against the execution of this contract. The result of these representations has not yet been reported.\n\n(2) The representations made by Sir R. Graham at Rome, in concert with his French, Japanese and United States colleagues, respecting the supply of Italian arms to China at first only produced an evasive and inadequate reply, and Sir R. Graham's recent reports No. 1042 of the 28th December and No. 65 of the 20th January on this subject are enclosed for your information. You will have learnt, however, from Sir R. Graham's telegram No. 169 of the 12th April, which was repeated to you, that a more satisfactory reply has now been received from the Italian Government, and I transmit herewith copy of Sir R. Graham's despatch No. 339 of the 12th instant giving details of their undertaking now given that no further sales of Italian arms and ammunition in China will be made to the Chinese directly or indirectly.†\n\n(3) The engagement of a German engineer for the Chengtu arsenal, reported in your despatch No. 684 of the 22nd November, was not known to the Foreign Office Section at the time when their memorandum was prepared.\n\nThe amended draft resolution introduced by Earl Balfour before the Committee for Pacific and Far Eastern Affairs on the 31st January proposes to prohibit the export to China of arms or munitions of war, whether complete or in parts, but it is evident that in various instances recently some of the Powers have not been acting in accordance with the spirit of the embargo policy, and yet might claim to have been acting within the letter of the embargo resolution. In the light of our experience, it is therefore desirable that the scope of the embargo should be more precisely defined and widened so as to include materials and tools\n\nFebruary 16, Section 1.\n\n† April 18, Section 1.\n\n[5 q-4]\n\nPage 228\n\n...\n\nPage 228",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922.txt",
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    {
        "id": 493322,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "page_number": 230,
        "title": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "content_text": "In \n\nThe Netherlands, Denmark and Belgium subsequently adhered to this arrangement. Italy also acceded, but with the important reservation that all contracts already concluded by Italians or to be concluded by them before all the Powers had signified their consent to the agreement should be excluded. The reason for this reservation was the existence of two Italian arms contracts not yet executed. In December, the British, French, American and Japanese representatives at Rome protested against this attitude and asked for assurances that none of the existing Italian contracts would be executed. So far as British subjects were concerned, the arms embargo was at once brought into action by means of a Regulation, which is still in force. (Copy enclosed.) \n\nUrgent King's \n\nThe arms embargo policy succeeded at any rate in putting a complete check on the supply of arms from Japan; and the Japanese have observed its stipulations very faithfully, though from time to time they have urged that they can no longer handicap their merchants, unless other countries interpret the embargo equally strictly. For the smooth and effective working of the embargo has been hampered for several reasons, such as (1) the continuance of civil disorder in China—at the time of the embargo it appeared as if peace were in sight, (2) difficulties of arriving at an exact definition of \"munitions of war,\" (3) difficulties experienced, either willingly or unwillingly, by certain countries in restraining the activities of their nationals. \n\nThe following cases illustrate the kind of difficulties with which the embargo policy has had to contend:— \n\n1. Vickers Aeroplane Contract.—After the announcement of the embargo, Messrs. Vickers, supported by His Majesty's Government, signed a contract with the Chinese Government for the supply of aeroplanes for commercial use. At the time, this deal aroused adverse comment, and we were accused of bad faith, especially when, during 1920, these aeroplanes were actually seized by warring generals and used for military purposes. \n\n2. The Italian Arms Supply.—The unsatisfactory attitude of the Italians has already been indicated, and the reservation made by them before adhering to the embargo. A cargo of Italian arms reached China in November 1919, and were there stored in Italian barracks. In July 1920 it became known that some of these arms were being supplied to the Chinese. The Italian Minister publicly admitted this, but stated that the remaining stocks were under the control of his Legation, and no further deliveries could be made without his consent. This incident led to renewed protests at Rome on the part of Great Britain, France, the United States of America and Japan. The Italian reply was unsatisfactory; they maintained their original reservation. \n\n3. The American Arms Supply.—During 1920 and 1921 it became known that Americans were supplying the revolutionary Government at Canton with a considerable number of aeroplanes, obviously for military use, and that American machinery was being supplied for Canton arsenal, where an American was employed as engineer-in-chief. Americans were also working at the Canton aerodrome, and in one case an American aviator had actually been killed in action in the Chinese civil war. Contrary to the case of the Italians, there is no reason to think that the United States Government connives at these activities. Their legal position constitutes the difficulty. On the 22nd March, 1921, they explained to His Majesty's Government that, owing to the repeal of the Espionage Act (of the 15th June, 1917) they had lost the legal power to control the export of arms and ammunition, endeavouring to obtain from Congress a renewal of the necessary authority. But they had not changed their policy in regard to the embargo, and they hoped that nothing would be done to change the policy of the other Powers. \n\n4. Training of Aviators.—In the spring of 1921, His Majesty's Government refused a request from the Chinese Government for instruction in aviation for two Chinese officers. We considered that it was contrary to the spirit of the embargo. The students were at once given facilities in America. In reply to an enquiry from us, the United States Government replied that they did not regard such training as falling within the scope of the original arms embargo, but that if it were the desire of the British Government to broaden the scope of that agreement, they would be happy to give consideration to any formula which we might suggest. \n\nThe question dropped until December last year when it was again brought to the fore by the action of the Italians. The Japanese Minister at Peking had ascertained that Italian arms had been handed over secretly on the nights of the 21st and 22nd November to the Military Governor of Chibli. The Italian Chargé d'Affaires had stated in justification that his Government had never recognised the arms embargo as applying to contracts made before its adoption. Until ordered otherwise, he considered himself at liberty to dispose of the arms. \n\nHis Majesty's Minister, however, has been informed that there were actually in the Italian Legation exhibits of arms, and a catalogue of the stock available for intending purchasers. He is therefore sceptical of the Italian assertion that they had contracted to sell any of these arms before the date of the embargo. He thinks that the arms in question were merely shipped before that date. \n\nIdentic telegrams on the subject were forthwith addressed to their Governments by the British, French, Japanese and American Ministers. The Japanese Government proposed at once to protest at Rome; and the British Ambassador there was instructed to associate himself with the protest. \n\nAt the same time the representatives of the four Powers at Peking suggested that the matter be brought before the conference at Washington. \n\nThe question has been further complicated by a report that a Danish firm is supplying a large order for plant for the arsenal of Chang Tso Lin, Military Governor of Mukden; and that machinery for the manufacture of rifles and guns for the same arsenal is to come from Germany. Denmark is a signatory of the arms embargo; Germany is not. (But by article 170 of the Treaty of Versailles \"manufacture of and export to foreign countries of arms, munitions and war material of every kind by Germany is prohibited.) \n\nCommenting on this latest report, Sir B. Alston considers that the matter is of an urgency warranting serious discussion at Washington with a view, if possible, to bringing into operation a really effective and universal embargo, or, if this unfortunately proves unobtainable, to placing all foreign Powers on an equal footing as regards liberty to supply China with war material. \n\nThe United States Legation at Copenhagen has enquired (on the 22nd December, 1921) from the British Chargé d'Affaires, whether he had been instructed to concert with them and the Japanese in a protest to the Danish Government. \n\nThe second alternative is clearly undesirable, and contrary to all the aspirations of the conference for the rehabilitation of China. The Pacific and Far Eastern Committee has already (on the 5th January) adopted a resolution condemning the excessive military forces maintained by provincial chieftains. In pursuance of this policy it might seem opportune for the Conference Powers (who have all except China signed the embargo and who include all the Embargo Powers except Spain, Russia, Brazil and Denmark) to reaffirm that agreement, and to promise to take such steps as may be necessary to render it effective. \n\nA draft resolution for submission to the conference is attached hereto. \n\nSub-Enclosure 1 to Enclosure 1 in No. 1. \n\nNOTICE. \n\nThe following regulations, made by His Majesty's Minister, and hereby declared to be urgent, are published for general information. \n\nPeking, June 2, 1919. \n\nJ. N. JORDAN, \n\nHis Britannic Majesty's Minister. \n\nKING'S REGULATIONS MADE UNDER ARTICLE 155 OF \"THE CHINA ORDER IN COUNCIL, 1904, AND ARTICLE 13 OF \"THE CHINA (AMENDMENT) ORDER IN COUNCIL, 1907.\" \n\nNo. 25 of 1919. \n\nRegulations prohibiting Import, Export, or Dealing in Arms. \n\n1. No person shall, either on his own behalf or on behalf of any other person of whatever nationality— \n\nImport into or export out of China or any concession, settlement, or leased territory in China; or buy, sell, or deal in; or enter into negotiations for the sale or purchase of or other dealings in arms, ammunition and munitions of war of every description, but exclusive of sporting weapons and ammunition therefor. \n\nPage 5\n\nC \n\n229",
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    {
        "id": 493329,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "page_number": 237,
        "title": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "content_text": "236\n\nInnocent\n\nwherein lies the tragedy of the whole situation.\n\npersons with no thought of using drugs, are being forced into\n\nthe habit so as to provide a wider clientele for these drug\n\nvendors, which in turn mean larger sales and bigger profits.\n\nIn the same way, the smuggling of drugs from abroad, is stimulated and encouraged to an extent hitherto unknown in this\n\nlocality. Japanese ships in the past year have been particular\n\noffenders in this respect, and large amounts of drugs have been\n\ntaken from these vessels. What amount has been successfully\n\nentered into the country, is of course an unknown factor.\n\nBritish ships coming into this port, have so far escaped any\n\nimputation as vehicles for the introduction of narcotics, but\n\nthis I think is primarily due to the fact that very few\n\nBritish vessels come to this port from the Orient, where the\n\ncentre of the drug traffic is situated, I am sorry to say,\n\nhowever, that several infractions of this character on British\n\nvessels of the Blue Funnel Line, have occurred in Seattle,\n\nduring the past year, where considerable quantities of drugs\n\nwere attempted to be smuggled into the country, by members of\n\nthe crew.\n\nI reported these facts to the Board of Trade, in\n\nthe hopes that by summary punishment this pernicious traffic\n\nwould be stopped, but I have received no report of the action\n\ntaken, and in the mean time, these infractions of the law\n\ncontinue.\n\nThe above facts demonstrate the menace now confronting\n\nthe Pacific Coast, and explain the reason for calling the\n\nNarcotics Conference in Portland, above referred to. They in\n\nno wise, however, justify the allegations made at this\n\nConference, by Mayor Baker and Dr. Andrew C. Smith, on Great\n\nBritain's official participation in this drug traffic, which\n\nI...",
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    {
        "id": 493331,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "page_number": 239,
        "title": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "content_text": "COPY.\n\nEXTRACT FROM \"THE MORNING OREGONIAN\"\n\n12/1/22.\n\nGreat Britain Blamed.\n\n238\n\nMayor Baker declared that investigation of various kinds has disclosed that Great Britain is responsible for a great deal of the narcotics produced and smuggled into this country and that led him to broach the subject of an international conference, for he said he had become convinced that only in this manner could the course of supply be abated.\n\nHe advocated a conference of Pacific coast governors, looking to amendments of the federal laws and a general threshing out of methods to suppress the great evil.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 493375,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "page_number": 283,
        "title": "CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922",
        "content_text": "6\n\nagain, and on guarantee of freedom from arrest. They state that they are not responsible for intimidation in the colony, and to appear at a conference as members of an outlawed society would place them in a false position. Please telegraph reply.\" From Governor, Hong Kong, to His Majesty's Consul-General, Canton, dated\n\nFebruary 7,\n\nDelegates will be given safe conduct, but union cannot be reopened. Point in last sentence need not arise if delegates come as representatives of seamen in Canton and not of union. Intimidation is undoubtedly rife here and in Canton and Sheklung. Are the union authorities, in view of their statement, prepared to issue public repudiation of intimidation and to make it clear that men who wish to return to work need not fear the consequences?\"\n\nOn the 9th February the shipowners, on the suggestion of the Government, renewed their offer which had been withdrawn on the 18th January; and the Government thereupon issued the following notice in Chinese, emphasising the point that the offer was not finally binding on either side, but was subject to revision by the arbitrators:\n\n\"At the suggestion of the Governor, the shipowners are willing to reinstate their former offer of increased wages, to take effect from the day on which the seamen return to work. This scale of wages is merely a temporary scale pending arbitration, and is on no account to be taken as a basis from which the arbitrators will work. Addition to it or substraction from it are alike within the sole discretion of the arbitrators. The scale offered is repeated below:-\n\n  \n    Per cent.\n    \n  \n  \n    24\n    Chinese river steamers\n  \n  \n    25\n    Other Chinese steamers up to 1,000 D.W. tons\n  \n  \n    25\n    Canton, Hong Kong and Macao Steamboat Company's steamers\n  \n  \n    15\n    Other British companies' river steamers, taking the scale of Canton, Hong Kong and Macao Steamboat Company as base\n  \n  \n    15\n    Coasting steamers\n  \n  \n    12\n    Java lines...\n  \n  \n    \n    \"Pacific lines\n  \n  \n    7½\n    European lines\n  \n  \n    10\n    \"Australian lines\n  \n\nIn the meantime, the committee of the Tung Wa Hospital had proposed to the Government that they should use their good offices in bringing about a settlement. Other leading members of the Chinese community were subsequently associated with them, and on the 8th February the Tung Wa Hospital, as representing the Chinese of the colony, telegraphed to Canton asking the seamen to send delegates to discuss a settlement with them. The delegates arrived on the 12th February, and on the following day at a meeting at the Tung Wa Hospital they declared that they could not carry the matter further until the settlement of the question of the reopening of the Seamen's Union, which had been closed by the Government on the 1st February as being an unlawful society. The matter was accordingly referred on the 14th February to the Government, who, on the 15th February, issued a proclamation in Chinese in the following terms:—\n\n\"On instructions from the Government, the Secretary for Chinese Affairs has communicated the following decision to the seamen's representatives :-\n\n\"1. The Seamen's Union was closed because it exceeded its legitimate bounds and broke the law of Hong Kong, not because it asked for an increase of wages.\n\n2. The Governor absolutely requires proof of freedom from unlawfulness before he can change his present attitude,\n\n3. If it is desired to give proof of freedom from unlawfulness, all seamen and all workmen whom they involved in the strike must return to work and Hong Kong resume its normal condition before it can be considered that proof of freedom from unlawfulness has been furnished.\n\n4. If all come back to work first on the conditions offered by the ship-owners and await the award of the arbitrators, the Governor will cancel the proclamation closing the union.\"\n\nThe delegates returned to Canton on the 15th February, and they came back to Hong Kong on the 17th February with certain suggestions which were considered by the shipowners on the 19th February. The shipowners' decision was conveyed to the delegates on the 20th February by the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, and the delegates left for Canton on the 21st February. On the 24th February a letter was handed to the Secretary for Chinese Affairs stating that the seamen were not prepared to accept the proposals made.\n\nOn the 22nd February a telegram had been received from His Majesty's consul-general at Canton suggesting that there were good grounds for believing that an all-round increase of some 2 per cent, on the owners' original offer would be accepted. On the 24th February the Engineers' Society came forward with a similar suggestion and offered to negotiate for a settlement on this basis.\n\nThe Government informed the shipowners of these proposals, and suggested that, as it seemed likely that the offer of such an increase would bring the men back immediately to work and would prevent a general strike, it would be wise to add some 2 per cent, to the figures shown in the notice of the 9th February, which is quoted above. That notice still stood. It pointed out clearly that the shipowners' offer covered only the immediate present, and that the scale would be increased or lowered in the sole discretion of the arbitrators The shipowners added 2½ per cent, to their previous figures, and on the 24th February this information was telegraphed to Canton and was communicated to the Engineers' Guild. The seamen refused the new terms.\n\nOn the 28th February His Majesty's consul-general telegraphed that he had information to the effect that, if a meeting between the shipowners and the seamen's delegates could be arranged, there was every prospect of a settlement. On the 1st March a reply was sent by the Hong Kong Government that the shipowners were willing to meet the seamen's delegates. It was added that, in order to avoid further abortive proceedings, the Government considered it to be highly desirable that the delegates should be fully empowered to make a settlement.\n\nA further telegram was sent on the 1st March asking Dr. Jamieson to come to Hong Kong to discuss the situation, and he arrived on the 2nd March. On the 2nd March telegrams were received from the consulate at Canton that delegates with full powers were coming on the 4th March; and they arrived accordingly.\n\nOn the 3rd March it was arranged that the Hong Kong Government should not be represented at the conference, but the Government accepted a suggestion from Dr. Jamieson that he should be present in an unofficial capacity. It was further arranged that, in the event of a settlement being arrived at between the shipowners and the seamen, the representatives of the Hong Kong Government should subsequently meet the seamen in order to consider any proposals affecting the Government that they might wish to put forward for discussion. The Secretary for Chinese Affairs, Attorney-General and Clerk of Councils were appointed to represent the Government.\n\nThe conference between the shipowners and the seamen took place on the 4th March, and it was announced late in the afternoon that a settlement had been reached.\n\nIt was then arranged that the seamen's delegates would meet the Government's representatives at 7 P.M. The meeting took place accordingly, but as proceedings were about to commence Mr. R. Sutherland, Chairman of the Shipowners' Committee, brought in for signature the agreement between the shipowners and the seamen, which had been concluded verbally and had since been set out in writing by the shipowners. Government's representatives thereupon withdrew, as the Government was in no way responsible for the agreement. It was reported later in the evening that the delegates were unable to sign the document as worded, while Mr. Sutherland had no authority to alter the wording in any material particular; and so a further meeting between the shipowners and the seamen was arranged for the following morning.\n\nOn the 5th March, prior to the meeting, Sir R. Ho-tung approached the Government with an offer which he was prepared to make in order to facilitate a settlement, and he was informed that he was at liberty to convey this offer to such parties as he might think fit. The Government was unable itself to make use of the offer, as it did not wish to intervene in the economic side of the dispute.\n\nThe further conference took place on the 5th March, and an agreement was concluded and signed in the afternoon.\n\n282",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-477 - Public Offices - 1922.txt",
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    {
        "id": 500973,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-489N - Governor Sir Stubbs & Sir Clementi - 1925 [8-12]",
        "page_number": 8,
        "title": "CO129-489N - Governor Sir Stubbs & Sir Clementi - 1925 [8-12]",
        "content_text": "14\n\nAMERICAN ORIENTAL MAIL LINE\n\n#TRANSPACIFIC-EXPRESS SERVICE\"\n\nSEATTLE & VICTORIA\n\nSHAN HAI-KOBE-YOKOHAMA,\n\nPRESIDENT JEFFERSON ...... September 6th, 5.00 pm.\n\nPRESIDENT GRANT... September 15th, 5.00 pm.\n\nEUROPE\n\nvia Seattle-Chicago-New York\n\nFirst Class on the Pacific. First Class on American or Canadian Railway, First Class and Second Class on the Atlantic. Choice of Trans-Continental Railways. Any Class on the Atlantic.\n\nThrough accommodation and Booking Arranged.\n\nFOR MANILA\n\nPRESIDENT JEFFERSON\n\nPRESIDENT GRANT\n\nAugust 29th, 3.00 p.m.\n\nSeptember 10th, 5.00 p.m.\n\nTRAVEL FIRST CLASS ON A FIRST CLASS STEAMER. Through Bills of Lading to all United States, and Canadian Overland points, also via Panama Canal Lines to Atlantic Ports.\n\nCopies of this paper on file in our Offices SEATTLE, CHICAGO, NEW YORK.\n\nFor passage and Freight Booking apply to\n\nAMERICAN ORIENTAL MAIL LINE\n\nOperated for\n\nUnited States Shipping Board\n\nby Admiral Oriental Line, Managing Operators\n\nHongkong and Shanghai Bank Building, 4th Floor, Telephone Central 2477, 2478 and 795. No. 4, Des Voeux Road.\n\nTWO-WAY SERVICE\n\nTo Manila, the Straits, Calcutta, Egypt, the Mediterranean, and New York\n\nWhether you're traveling east, or west, DOLLAR Line President Liners will carry you\n\nEastbound they afford two sailings each month.\n\nWestbound they offer four sailings each month, as far as Manila- thence to Singapore and beyond, a fortnightly schedule.\n\nWith most frequent and convenient service, these great oil-burning liners are notable for their speed and steadiness.\n\nAll staterooms are outside rooms, with real beds (not berths) and luxurious furnishings.\n\nDOLLAR Line cuisine is world famous.\n\nSTOPOVERS ALLOWED AT ANY PORT OF CALL\n\nEast: Shanghai, Kobe, Yokohama, Honolulu\n\nWest: Manila, Singapore, Penang, Colombo, Suez, Port Said, Alexandria, Naples, Genoa, Marseilles, New York- and on other ports round the world\n\nEASTBOUND\n\nNEXT SAILINGS\n\nPRESIDENT LINCOLN\n\nAugust 29, 5.00 pm.\n\nPRES. CLEVELAND\n\nSeptember 12, 5.00 p.m.\n\nWESTBOUND\n\nPRES. VAN BUREN\n\nSeptember 4, 8.00 p.m.\n\nPRES. CLEVELAND\n\nSeptember 1, 2.00 p.m.\n\nACROSS THE PACIFIC TO SAN FRANCISCO\n\nFOR PASSAGE OR FREIGHT RATES, APPLY TO\n\nDOLLAR STEAMSHIP LINE\n\nHongkong and Shanghai Bank Building, Ground Floor, No. 4 Des Voeux Road, HONG KONG\n\nTelephones Central 2477, 2478 and 795\n\nAMERICAN FAR EAST LINE\n\nOPERATED FOR\n\nUNITED STATES SHIPPING BOARD\n\nBy Struthers & Barry, Managing Operators\n\nREGULAR FAST FREIGHT SERVICE\n\nTO SAN FRANCISCO & LOS ANGELES FROM HONGKONG BY DIRECT ROUTE\n\nU.S.S.B. \"West Faralon\"...... Due Hongkong\n\nin port. Leave Hongkong 26th Aug.\n\n24 days to San Francisco-28 days to Los Angeles,\n\nU.S.S.B. \"West Cajoot\"...... Due Hongkong\n\nsin Sept. Leave Hongkong 7th Sept.\n\nYorgo accepted for transhipment at San Francisco to weekly sailings for Atlantic sea and ports.\n\nThrough bills of lading issued to C.A. and Canadian Overland points.\n\nTO MANILA, CEBU, ILOILO AND ZAMBOANGA.\n\nU.S.S.B. \"West Jester\" .................\n\nDue Hongkong 28th Aug. Leave Hongkong 30th Aug.\n\nTO SINGAPORE, ZAMBOANGA & CEBU.\n\nU.S.S.B. \"West Prospect\"\n\nDue Hongkong 10th Sept. Leave Hongkong 11th Sept.\n\nThrough bills of lading issued to all ports and served\n\nfor full information apply to\n\nSTRUTHERS AND BARRY,\n\nPhone Central No. 2018.\n\nL. EVERETT, INC.\n\nGeneral Agents.\n\n1st Floor Queen's Building\n\nJapan, China, Philippine Island, Indo-China\n\nD. Drame Sheppard\n\nFar. Agent.\n\nStraits Settlement.\n\nSOUTH CHINA MORNING POST, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 26, 1925,\n\nNAVY NOTES.\n\nFLAG OFFICER CHANGES.\n\n(From the Army and Navy Gazette)\n\nCRIMINAL SESSIONS.\n\nA HUGE ARMS HAUL.\n\nPrisoner Gets Three Years.\n\nARRIVALS.\n\nAUGUST 24.\n\nGlamiabroch, British, Capt. D. X. Hood, 148 tons, in cargo and ballast, Song 3oon Hong, mooring\n\n1,144 tons. Saigon, Wo Fat Sons, Haldia, British, Capt. L. Lynch, in cargo.\n\nA Chinese seaman named Chunk Mak Thee appeared before Mr. Justice B.22, at the Criminal Sessions yesterday, charged with the possession of thirty-four revolvers valued at $1,500 and 542 rounds of ammunition on board the s.s. \"Genkracht\" on June 21 last.\n\nHe pleaded not guilty.\n\nNaan Sang, British. Capt. D. R. Kilee, 2,351 tons, Yokohama and Shanghai, J.M. & Co., Stonecutters.\n\nAUGUST 25.\n\nThe Crown case was conducted by Mr. Whyte-Smith who explained to the court that at 4.30 a.m. on the day in question a party of searchers went on board the ship, on the second deck, on the day in question a party of searchers went on board the ship, on the second deck, a Chinese revenue officer and others went in search for arms.\n\nOsaka Maru, Japanese, Capt. C. Kondo, 10,219 tons, Calcutta and Singapore, NYK., voxing A2.\n\nThe Admiral was in the board side a Chinese revenue officer and others went in search for arms.\n\nVulcanus, Dutch, Capt. 1. 3. Settle, 707 tons, Pulse and Saraboe, APC Company's Wharf.\n\nThe replies of the Admiralty to the requests put forward through the 1924 Welfare Conference contain but a small proportion of concessions, but this is not surprising.\n\nSo many of the requests involved additions to public expenditure, amounting in the aggregate to a considerable sum, that there was small hope of their being entertained favourably in the existing financial situation.\n\nIn one respect, the lower deck is not against the same snag as the Admiralty when the Board asks for money.\n\nPrisoner's Story.\n\nPrisoner went late the witness) on number one) on\n\nAdmiralty when the Board asks for money.\n\nCLEARANCES.\n\nAUGUST 25.\n\nAsaka Maru, Japanese, Meji.\n\nCheltenham, British, Amoy.\n\nCorona, Norwegian, Chiungwan\n\nTAO.\n\nChung Hing, Chinese, K. C. Wan\n\nDrafa, Norwegian, Shanghai.\n\nGairsoppa, British, Moji.\n\nGlenfaldek, British, Amoy.\n\nHin Sang, British, Sandakan\n\nHoi Nam, Portuguese, K. C. Wan\n\nShing Cheong, Portuguese, Macao\n\nTalthybia British, Co.\n\nVoleanus, Dutch, Anicy.\n\nAUSTRALIAN STRIKE.\n\nFEDERAL ACTION IN VICTORIA.\n\nNew Zealand Joins In\n\nMelbourne, Aug. 24.\n\nThe Federal Cabinet has held a special meeting to consider the question of new cruisers and torpedo craft, viz., where is the money to come from?\n\nIt does not follow that the welfare system is useless.\n\nOn the contrary, it has proved its value when handled judiciously, this fokia and told them to get on with their work as the ship sailed just 8 a.m.\n\nWhile in the bunker he saw the bags lying on the coals and was going to report them to the chief engineer.\n\nA second later he heard a shot fired behind him.\n\nThe strike was then begun and he thought it was some-jane from the Seamen's Guild going to bother him and so he dropped there and ran away.\n\nHe was arrested.\n\nCross examined he said the tokis or Heuler. which should be capable of good judgement have been in the stoke-hold and he told them to get on with their work.\n\nAsked where he should have been, prisoner said it was the business of the firemen and stokers at Auckland the settlement within the Empire to see that the furnaces were\n\nA mass meeting of British seamen was held to-morrow---.\n\nSydney, Aug. 24.\n\nThe Marine Transport Group has unanimously decided to support, food and house the striking\n\nof persons with small means in sight.\n\nHe had no idea that the men who caught him were revenue officers until they took him to the bunker again when they brought out the bags, established\n\nThe P. and O. line, s.s. Chitral, whose crew has refused to join the strikers, sails on August 20th\n\nThe departure: of the Orient line ss. Orama is\n\nindefinite: its postponement\n\nThe crew of the Rougelia has expressed\n\nOrders copies of the Committee's report and proposals.\n\nO Fuel Supplies.\n\nIn common with other Navies, that of Japan is handicapped by the uncertainty of oil fuel supply.\n\nThis seems manifestly the only reason to burn partly all and partly coal.\n\nThe nine vessels of the \"King\" class are understood to have eight of their twelve boilers adopted for oil firing, and the remaining four boilers are coal-fired.\n\nIt appears that Japan has to import at present about 1,600,000 tons of petroleum and benzine out there is beautiful scenery, and although the train service from Hexham is scanty, the roads are good, the air pure and strong, and salmon and trout fishing and hunting are plentiful.\n\nGuilty is lacking, schooner Maud en route to San Francisco, where she was to be sold, the Norwegian Vice Consul went aboard and took possession of her on behalf of the Norwegian Government.\n\nMarshall then hoarded the ship with an attachment order for over six hundred dollars, alleged to be owing in respect of fuel supplied before the vessel sailed in 1922.\n\nThe United States Marshal\n\nGreenwich Hospital Livings.\n\nWe share the regret expressed by the Rev. A. R. Dexter, R.N.,\n\nSTEVEDORING AND TRANSHIPPING,\n\nDischarging from and/or loading on steamer without undue delay.\n\nCoolies and/or lighters are supplied for landing into and/or shipping from Godowns.\n\nRates practically normal.\n\nFor particulars please apply to the Undersigned,\n\nTelephones; C-2189 and C-8485\n\nHIN FAT & CO., LTD.\n\nKwok in Wang\n\nManaging Director\n\n51. Bonham Strand West.\n\nTHE\n\nBLUE FUNNEL\n\nLINE\n\nREGULAR AND FAST\n\nFREIGHT AND\n\nPASSENGER SERVICES\n\nLONDON SERVICE\n\n\"PERSEUS\" KUMAZON BELENUS RHESUSER\n\nAt Sept. Malice, London R's & burg. 32nd Sept. Murveilles. London, R'dan & 'burgi att D Mamzeilen.\n\nLagdon B'day & H’barg. 12th Cez Loadno, Recuerdam & amic\n\nLIVERPOOL SERVICE\n\n\"TALARIUS\" 20th Aug.\n\n\"TITUS\"\n\nJa Sept.\n\nPACIFIC SERVICE. vis KOBE & YOKOHAMA\n\n\"AUTOLYCUS\" 33rd Sept.\n\n\"PRIONOTES\" 20th Oct.\n\nNEW YORK SERVICE\n\n\"TEUCRER\"\n\n\"LARYDOCHES\" \"LAUMEDON\n\nMaravillor, favre, Liverpool G'gow Goos, Plates, Lívsepnolæ Gunngow\n\nFloturi, Varoshvac &; Je co Victoria, Venousver & Stile.\n\n28th Sept. Hoston, New York & B'more is Sues i 19 Sept. Bostan, York & there\n\nZod Bept. toston, New York & Bare via Sos\n\nPASSENGER SERVICE \"HLOTUS\"\n\nLas Det BABYEDOM 18th Nav. \"PATRÜÇLES” lóch Den. \"ANTENOR\"\n\n13th Jan. 3rd Mar \"SARPEDON?” 7th April.\n\nSingapura, Marsilise & London. Singapore, Marssillon & Lendum.\n\nSingapore, Marseides & Londna. Singapore, Marseilles & don.\n\nSingapura, tarvefiler & Info Singapore, Marseiller ↑ Loudon.\n\nàlao cargo stnames with limited passaagar assurmodating ki pecially reduced fares.\n\nFor freight and gage rates and information apply to\n\nButterfield & Swire.\n\nAgents.\n\nOREGON ORIENTAL LINE\n\nOperated for\n\nUNITED STATES SHIPPING BOARD E.F.C.\n\nby COLUMBIA PACIFIC SHIPPING COMPANY\n\nFOR MANILA. ILOILO & CEBU\n\nU.S.S.B. \"WEST O'ROWA”\n\nU.S.S.B. \"OAKRIDGE\"\n\n4th Sept.\n\n24th Sept.\n\n1st Det.\n\n* Also calls at Zamboanga.\n\nAll sailings subject to change without notice.\n\nThrough Bill of Lading is issued to all rail Overland Points in the U.S.A., also to New Orleans, Savannah, Galveston, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York and Boston, with transhipment at Portland, Ore, via Panama Intercoastal services.\n\nADDRESS\n\nRoom 26, Bank of Canton Building.\n\nDes Voeux Road Central,\n\nTelephone Central 4871.\n\nCANADIAN PACIFIC\n\nHOME VIA CANADA\n\nFuture Sailings to VANCOUVER\n\nvia Shanghai and Japan Ports and\n\nArrive\n\nSept.\n\nSept 21/SCOTLAND\n\nSept. 30\n\nArrive Southampton\n\nSept. 17\n\nGet 5E/FRANCE\n\nOct. 2\n\nOct. 2 MONTROSE\n\nOct. 14\n\nOct. 21\n\nOct. 30\n\nNov.\n\nChange of accommodation as those ATLANȚIO steamers actually held for sale i Üres së prěta of eaîl in the Oniens.\n\nFour Trans Continental Trains Daily from Vancouver\n\nStop-over allowed at all points\n\nBlunderd Sleeping Car-Comparisects --Drawing-Rooms Dining Cars\n\nCasesdlan Paside Hoists at Victorie, Vancouver, Bucky Younlalu Restrik, Calgary. Winnipeg, Montreal and. Quereo Develaton Expenes Travollers' Cheques issued at all Cacadian Pactão Ghes-Paysčio Evergadera.\n\nBuxxayo inaremos solā sa ai Ganadian Pacific Officer\n\nHONGKONG-MANILA--HONGKONG-SERVICE\n\nT.B\n\nFlongkong Aug. 24\n\nSept.\n\nArrive Manila\n\nAug. 28\n\nSept. 11\n\nISBYA Activa Manila Hongkong E/Canada Aug. 29\n\nAug. 31\n\nE/Russia Sept. 12\n\nSept. 14\n\nSteamers arrive MANILA early morning and sail in evening of following day.\n\nCANADIAN PACIFIC SERVICE THROUGHOUT\n\nPaakonser Department: Tel YR.\n\nFreight And Express Tel. 49.\n\nSolies, \"GAANPAC.** Cables: \"NAUTILUE.”\n\nDODWELL & COMPANY LIMITED.\n\nNEW YORK BERTH\n\nFOR NEW YORK & BOSTON via SUEZ.\n\nS.S. KENDAL CASTLE\"\n\nSails 2nd Sept.\n\nLLOYD TRIESTINO\n\nREGULAR MONTHLY PASSENGER AND FREIGHT SERVICE\n\nVICT FOR BRINDISI, VENICE AND TRIESTE (FIUME)\n\nTAKING CARGO ON THROUGH BILLS OF LADING\n\nTO GENOA, ALL ITALIAN, ADRIATIC, LEVANT, BLACK SEA AND DANUBE PORTS.\n\nREDUCED PASSAGE RATES TO BRINDISI, VENICE OR TRIESTE\n\n£66.\n\nNEXT SAILINGS\n\nCanto Agents\n\nJohn Mantera & Co., Ltd.\n\nOUTWARDS FOR SHANGHAI YOKOHAMA, KOBE & MOJI\n\nFrom Hongkong.\n\nM.S. \"ESQUILINO\"\n\nsail 26th Aug.\n\nS.3. “GERANIA\" ... (cargo only).....\n\nsails 10th Sept.\n\nS.S. \"DUCHESSA D'AOSTA“\n\nsulls 12th Sept.\n\nHOMEWARDS FOR BRINDISI, VENICE AND TRIESTE.\n\nFrom Hongkong,\n\nsal 7th Sept.\n\nSails 31st Sept.\n\nSAILINGS FROM HONGKONG SUBJECT TO ALTERATION\n\nLONDON, HAMBURG, ROTTERDAM & ANTWERP-ia Singapore.\n\nDelombe\n\nSuez and Pers Bald.\n\nALES MAN\n\nMonday, 7th September.\n\nRIO DE JANEIRO, SANTOS & BUENOS AIRES--Tie Saigon, Singepore,\n\nColombo, Durban & Lopetown.\n\nCANADA MARU\n\nBOMBAY via Singaya re & Celombo\n\nINDO MARU\n\nBANUKI MARU\n\nvi BAICON\n\nSEKIYO MARU\n\nWednesday, 9th September.\n\nTuesday, 15th September.\n\nSunday, 18th September.\n\nCALCUTTA, Tia Singejare, Purang & Rangoon,\n\nBANUKI MARU\n\nThursday, 27th August.\n\nVICTORIA SEATTLE TACOMA & TANCOOTER-era Shianglesi and Japan porta\n\nAFRICA MARU..(From Shanghai.)... Sunday, 6th September.\n\nHAIPHONG VI KOINOW & PANHOL.\n\nTAIKWA MARU\n\nFriday, 4th September.\n\nNEW YORK.-in Japan ports, Nau Franciare, Panamaq.\n\nJAPAN PORTS,\n\nHAMBURG MARU\n\nSEATTLE MANU KEELUNG V SWATOW & AMOY\n\nHOZAN MARC\n\nAMAKURA MARU\n\nTAKAO via SWATON & ANDY,\n\nKÖTSU MAKU\n\nTPKAD & KEELUNG.\n\nSOURABAYA MARU....\n\nBAIREN via GREFOO & TSINGTAO.\n\nRYUKO MADU...\n\nGINZAN MARU...\n\nFor further patio dare plezes apply\n\nRul. C. Now, 4088, 1099 & 4090.\n\nto\n\nWednesday, 8th September.\n\nWednesday, 2nd September.\n\nSunday, 8th Aug., 2 p.m.\n\nThursday, 3rd Sept., Noon.\n\nThursday, 27th Asg, 8 a.m.\n\nSaturday, 20th September.\n\nBeginning of September.\n\nBeginning of Reptember.\n\nOSAKA SHOSEN KAISHA\n\nM. TAKEUCHI Manager.\n\nTHE SWEDISH EAST ASIATIC\n\nCOMPANY, LIMITED,\n\nGOTHENBURG,\n\nRegular Freight Service for\n\nBarcelona, Valencia, Amsterdam, Vasburg, Copenbagen, Gothenburg and other Scandinavian Ports.\n\nWill leave ou or about. 10th October.\n\nM.V. \"NANKING\"\n\nSubject to shange without notice.\n\nFor further particulars please apply to:-\n\nGILMAN & CO., LIMITED.\n\nAgents.\n\nM.S. \"ESQUILINO\"\n\n5,8. DCCHESSA D'AOSTA\"\n\nNATAL LINE OF STEAMERS\n\nFROM CALCUTTA & COLOMBO TO SOUTH AFRICAN PORTS\n\n9.9. \"UMSINGA.”\n\nS.S. \"ENZUMBI”\n\nsiis 1st Sept.\n\nsuite Is Oct.\n\nRegular l'assenger and Cargo Service to South African Parte.\n\nThrough Bill of Lading issued from Hongkong.\n\nFor Fraight or Pussage on any of the above Lines apply to:- DODWELL & CO, LTD., Agents\n\nTelephone Central 1030.\n\nNANYO YUSEN KAISHA.\n\n(The South Sea Mail S.S. Co, Ltd.)\n\nTO JAVA\n\nvia Batavia, Samarang & Sourabaya.\n\nS.S. \"BANDOENG MARU”\n\nTO JAPAN\n\n31s1 Aug.\n\nvia Moji, Kobe, Osaka, Nagoya & Yokohama.\n\nS.S. \"MACASSAR MARU\".................\n\n7th Sept.\n\nCargo taken at through rates to all ports in Netherland-India.\n\nRailings subject to siteraljon,\n\nfor farther particulars please apply to--\n\nTel. Central No. 2206\n\nNANTO YUSEN KAISHA.\n\n2nd floor, Prince's Building.\n\nSOUTH CHINA\n\nMORNING POST, WEDNESDAY,\n\nINDO-CHINA\n\nSTEAM NAVIGATION CO., LTD.\n\nDENTISTICN\n\nSTEAMERS\n\nவு. Straits & GalOITENAMBANO Tri.. 28th Acz., 8 p.ro.\n\nYounus via Kone... . HOSANG Wed., 2nd Rept., Noon.\n\nSTAI & Courts...... POOKSANG.... Wed., And Bept., 8 p.m.\n\nSTRAITS & CALENTA KUESANG Tues., 9th Sept., 8 p.m.\n\nKoa via BRANGKA & MOJE...LAIBANG.\n\nRegnbur sullings are maintained as follows:\n\nFri., 11th Sept., 7am.\n\nSEAWOWALKERS JAPAN LINE.\n\nEVERT TEX LAUR\n\nSONDRONG WASILI LINE.\n\nHONGKONA-WAIPHONG DAN HONREONG-BORGANI MARDZORG--TIERÍSK TANK KONGKONG-BANTEOR DINE\n\nFor freight なぜ\n\nEVERLY\n\nELERY SATURDAY FROM BUTO FORTH EVERY SUNDAY FROM VOTE FORTR FVC WRIGHT. * OUT\n\nprasugo apply dis\n\nJARDINE MATHESON & CO., Ltd.\n\nTelephone Central 95.\n\nGeneral Manager..\n\nGLEN AND SHIRE\n\nJOINT SERVICE OF STEAMERS\n\nSTRAITS, CHINA & JAPAN Survies,\n\nOUTWARDS\n\nDe lykvog.\n\n\"GLENAMOY\"\n\n\"GLENGARRY\"\n\nHOMEWARDS,\n\np901.\n\nAUGUST 26, 1925.\n\nMALM & CO. GENERAL SHIPPING AGENTS- CHARTERS, PURCHASES AND SALES OF ALL SIZES OF STEAMERS, E. GOOD BUNKER COALS, BEST PRICES.\n\nSTAVEDGRING at Ordinary Rates.\n\nQuick Dispatch Guaranteed.\n\nCOOD CHINESE CREWS AT ANY TIME.\n\nTHE MALM LINE OF Passenger and Cargo honts From Hongkong to Wuchow, Nanning und Louchow.\n\nMALM & CO. SHPEGILDERS & ENGINEERS.\n\nYARD AT CHANG SHA WAN\n\nTel. C.4946,\n\nCode: Bentleys.\n\nCity Bangkep 29th Ang.\"PEMBROKESİKE\" 27th Aug. 31st Aug. ludon, Botserdwn & Fisuborg.\n\n\"GLENSHANE\" 220 Sept.\n\nvix Oran, \"GLENAPP\n\n1st Oct. GLENIFFER**\n\n6th Sept. London, Butterdam & ffanburg.The \"CARMARTHENSHIRE \"\n\ni\n\nvis Oran.\n\n\"GLENLUCE\"\n\n15th Oct. ist NOT.\n\nMurou eats are subject to change wilbout 10BÍ#2) or freight and further particulars aptly tor\n\nJARDINE, MATHESON & Co., Ltd. ÅGETS. THE GLEN LINE, LTR.\n\nTeinphone Cauteni No. 21.5, wah x. 23 and 0, 3695.\n\nNYCK\n\nIYO MARU\n\nW\n\nsale:Neos NƯỚC 1, 21 TEAY10\n\nREPAIRS QUICK.\n\nCaut, FINN MALM\n\nShip and Freight Broker.\n\n2nd Floor, China Building,\n\nQueen's Road Central,\n\nHongkong.\n\nAUSTRALIAN-ORIENTAL LINE, Ltd.\n\n\"CHANGTE\"\n\nThis vessel will sail hence on her maiden voyage on 25th September, at 4 p.m. MANILA, PORT BANGA, PHURSDAY ISLANDAND AUSTRALIAN PORTS.\n\nThrough Bills of Lading isSLYO PO ALI, AUSTRALIA, NEW AND and laghata Puzzs.\n\nNew VankET. IS VIFTER WITH THE PIPGFT AND Most UperG-PATE\n\nFinet AND SECOND CLASS l'azeryone ACCOMATODAYION. (Balling 80bfer an eatin\n\nCONSIGNEE NOTICES.\n\nAMERICAN & MANCHURIAN LIKE.\n\nNew Yor The Stee\n\nMALVERNIAN\" hovleg crvived, Consignes af Cargo by mormed that all goods being landed at trek into the barurdous and/or extra-hazardons Gudren of Hot's Wharf, whence\n\ndelivery ay he obtaine\n\nNo Cu wail be admitted after the Goods are left the Godowns, and sil Goods orating undelivered after 28th August, 1926, will be sub jert to Rent\n\nAll Clains it the Steamer unst be presented to the designed an or before th Septemi, 1825, they will not be recognised.\n\nA becken, cha dangel gends are n be hit in the dews, where they with he examined on any Tuesdays or Priùugs, between the beurs of 10.45 a.m., and Nan, withi the Pres Storage period of Ore Week.\n\nNo Fire instance as boet effected.\n\nHuf Lading wit be erranter- signed by\n\n1HE BANK LINE. LTD.\n\nGeel Agents.\n\nHongkong. Auest 28. 1925.\n\nTHE BEN LINE STEAMERS. LIMITED.\n\nFROM MIDDLESBRO, ANTWERP, LONDON AND STRAITS,\n\nThe Steamship\n\nEÈKVENUE fasaigneon Cargo are hereby informed that z gonds are being jlandad at their ek so the hamme\n\ndans andoz szira anarcus - Jdowns of the Hongkong and Kowloon Wharf and Godown Co., Ltd., whera, sador for the wharroz, delivery may be tiket.\n\nNu etaba w be dated stler the goods have left the godowns, and ell goa\n\nthe delivered after\n\nFor Freight and Parange, apply to BUTTERFIELD & SWIKE, Tel. C. 36.\n\nAgents.\n\nCHINA NAVIGATION CO.,\n\nSAILINGS SUBJECT TO ALTERATION.\n\nFOR\n\nSTRIKEPA\n\nLTD.\n\nTO HALL\n\nWwa, Casroo & TraHVICHOW... 20th Aug., g.m\n\nEvelient Saloon accommodation urridakipe with Muscio Faust.\n\nNoguiar service four times weekly hatween Canim. Hongkong and nai laving Hongkong on Sundays in hang Tunya (vin A Thursdays (via Auto and Batunlays direct, exsand- In to Edingtao.\n\nGaige taken on through bills of Lading to all Yangtze and North Chts Ports.\n\nParents for baugasi de nui respira to tranship at Woosing.\n\nBUTTERFIELD & SWIRK\n\nreet.\n\nili in subject to\n\nAll the '\n\nmust be presented\n\nUndersigne\n\non or buture 8th September, or they\n\nwill not be recognise,\n\nAll breken, chafed ad deranged goode are to be left in the godowns. whers they will be examined on the 20th fratait, at 10 m\n\nNo Fire Insu\n\neffecto.\n\nbas beam\n\nBill of Lading will be counter signed by\n\nGIBB, LIVINGSTON & CO., LTD., Agurta.\n\nHongkong, August 22, 1925,\n\nMAMBURG-AMERICA LINIE.\n\n\"FUERST CRUELOW,\" having arrived Conagages of Cargo by hut are hereby notified what all goods are being landed at ilver risk into the Lazurfous and/or extra hazarduur godowns of the Hongkong nad Kowloon Whorl and Godown Co, whence, and oe Tevin the Wharves, delivery can be obtained.\n\nNo claims will be admitted after the wonde have left a Godowns, and all goods remaining undelivered after 26 August, 1926, will be subject (20 FALL.\n\nVICTORIA SEATTLE & VANCOUVER vs Shanghai and Japan'нG, A'нow 'K. KAYING. 8th Aug., it a.m.\n\nThe Motorship or Steamship\n\nporka urong Bill of Lading ised to all Overiand Commino Painus le ... sud Canada.\n\nParugh passage cases (u Barone cia marios (1.6) 6. $ 420, G. LED, KAGA MAHU... Ditect Nagasaki... Sunday, 30th Arg, Midnight.\n\n...........Weintsday, 16th September.\n\nMARSEILLES LONDON & ANTWERP via finapan & Yes Baturday, 29th August, 11 a.m.\n\nKASHIMA NARU Saturday, 12th September, HAMBURG HA LONDON & ROTTERDAM\n\n.... ............................. Friday. Alat September.\n\nLIVERPOOL ADEN & MARSEILLES\n\nTUBA MARU\n\nSunday, 13th September.\n\nSIDNEY & MELBOURNE via Maglie & Parts\n\nTANGO MARU\n\nWednesday, 23rd September.\n\nAKI MARU\n\nWednesday, 2ial October.\n\nNEW YORK and/or BOSTON vis PANAMA,\n\nMAYBASHI MARUFriday, 11th Heptember, BUENOS AIRES da Ningapore, Durbić & Uspetoño, Delagos Bay and\n\nAlgoa Bay,\n\nKAMAKURA MARU Tuesday, 1st September.\n\nJAVA\n\nBENGAL MARU. Hunday, 6th September.\n\nBOMBAY via Singhpure and Caloto.\n\nSADO MARU”,\n\n............Friday, 11th September.\n\nCALCUTTA via Singapore & Raagoon.\n\nNAGASAKI KOBE & YOKOHAMA.\n\nAKI MARU.\n\nThursday, 17th September.\n\nSHANGHAI KOBE & YOKOHAMA.\n\nMNO MARE FUSHINI MASU TAMBA MARU\n\nHAKOZAKI MARU.\n\nFriday, 4th September.\n\nTuesday, 9th September,\n\n.........\n\nTuatay, 10th Septembar.\n\nTuesday, 22nd September,\n\nFor hurther information apviy to: Phons Capical No. 392, 993 & 2422.\n\nS. KINOSHITA. Waager.\n\nT.K.KLING\n\nHONGKONG SAN FRANCISCO LINE\n\nvia SHANGHAI, NAGASAKI, KOBE YOKOHAMA & HONOLULU\n\nConnecting a San Francisco with Southern Pacife, Sante Fe Western Pacific Railroads.\n\nSailing from Hongkong\n\nSHINYO MARU\n\nSIBERIA MARU (uit How\n\n***\n\nFaptember R.\n\nSectorabe 216.\n\nTAIYO MABU\n\nTENYO MARU.\n\nCreteber 4th.\n\nOctober 19th.\n\n+KOKEA MARU......\n\nNovember ard.\n\n#renoveda vj Niver and beattes alongside Mantaten wierf at Shanghai\n\nKOREA MARU sud SIBERIA MAKU proceed to Los Angeles from San Francisco with cargo only.\n\nREDUCED FAKE TO EUROPE, Firal inse 2120 Thin Clase un Atlantic £112 Second Class £80\n\nSOUTH AMERICAN LINE\n\nThe July direct service between Urient and South America via Japan, Hawaii, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Meztés, Panama, Peru & Chill.\n\nSailings from Hongkong\n\nSINTO MARU.......\n\nANYO MARU\n\nAug 206b, .October 7th.\n\nF. TSETSUJI, Manager, King's Building-\n\nAzent at Canton, Messze. T. B. GRIFFITH, LTD.\n\nTel. C, 2974 & 2375\n\nTelephone Centru B. 36.\n\nAGENTS\n\nCARGO AND BASGAON CAN Yi Insured at THE Verioz\n\nHorverrin & Swinn\n\nDOUGLAS STEAMSHIP CO., LTD.\n\nBONGKONG & SOUTH CHINA PORTS SERVICE.\n\nZEGUAR SERVICE of Wigh Clar Doast Steters having gond sacommodation for Best Olas Fesamtgers, Eletric Light and Fans in Stat root and Saloons ud Excellent Crimina\n\nFOR AMOY & FOOCHOW\n\nCall at Aravy for Pussengeza osky. AND RETURN\n\n(Coy hus 9 to In Mays]\n\nArrivals and Dentures from the Company's Weart (Rest Blake Vier) Hound Trip Tingots will be issued fron iongkong to Ronchow (Pagoda pohor\n\n\"Halskj at the Reduced Bate of #009 Julvling Man's while the s\n\nFreight and Parsage sypiƒ to:--\n\nare and return by the xenis ateumer, by the \"Kaining\", in Port\n\n-DOUGLAS LAPRAIK & CO.\n\nGeortal Magom\n\nPRINCE LINE FAR EAST SERVICE\n\nBegular slugs to Boston andjor New York by fast freight steamers.\n\nFor BOSTON\n\nand\n\nNEW YORK\n\nS.S. \"GAELIC PRINCE\".2ud half September.\n\nFor freight and further particulars apply to\n\nFURNESS (FAR EAST), LTD\n\nInnorporated in Great Britain, Ring's Building.\n\nTelephuua Central No. $166.\n\nTelegrams: Furtprince\n\nTHE EAST ASIATIC CO., LIMITED, COPENHAGEN.\n\nThe M.S\n\n*TONGKING\n\n*\n\nwill be loading for ROTTERDAM, AMSTERDAM, HAMBURG, COPENHAGEN and athor Sendingcias porte at or about 15th of September.\n\nExpected cu Will leave homeward\n\nbound on or about\n\nor noo\n\nFurther sailinge :-- HASTA in optamber 3. \"A\" - - - ............ 13 mm. Matt ge 1.2. •ATRIKA\"... 10th May M.§. \"GANZAYA Hik Draga h\n\nSubject to change without notice.\n\nFor further particulars plezas apply to\n\nJOHN MANNERS & CO, LTD,\n\nAgenta.\n\nAll clamos umat reach us by 2ītu August, 1925, or they will not be recognised.\n\nAll damaged packages will be examined by Heners. Goddard Douglas Marine Surmayoga) et\n\n10 H.DL, un 26th August, 1926.\n\nNu Fire Insurance will be stinct?.\n\nBill of Lading will be countacsigo-\n\ned by\n\nJERSEN & CO.,\n\nAgents. Hongkong, August 21, 1995,\n\nN... LINE.\n\n(NIPPON YUSEN KAISHA.) From Europe and Straits.\n\nThe Steamship\n\nSUWA MARU\" having arrived from the above ports, Consignage of Cargo ATE hereby in- formed that their Goods are being lezded and placed at their risk in Hongkong and howloon Wharf and Godown Company's Godutos as Kowloon, whence delivers may be obtained.\n\nThe shove stezce recurried to Hongkong the general TEN \"Toycoks Maru\" frora Japan oversized to Sigepore constating. Ituatiy ní Fulton gocas from Japan, and tiene goods\n\ndows of the Hongkong ano Kowloon Whert and Gadorn 65. Deliver? of sam will be granted after repayment to this Ufire of the charges interval at Singapor\n\nGoods not cleared by the 29th |August, 1925, will be subject in rant.\n\nDamaged Packages must be left in the Godown for examination by the Comigone's and the Co.'s representa\n\nves na any Tuesdays and Fridays, (at 2.20 p... within the free storage\n\nPeriod.\n\n·Tieve also been tanded into lov -\n\nAll dentist be presented within ten days of the teamòa's arrival bese after which date ther cannot be Joogalood.\n\nNo claims will be rmitted after įthe goods have left the Godeyiz.\n\nNo Fire Itanha buen effected.\n\nNIPPON YUSEN KAISHA Hongkong, 22nd Augest, 1925.\n\nAMERICAN PIONEER LINE.\n\nConsignees of all cargo ex thy sɔ. \"Dryden arrised at this on August 1, 1326, from Salveston, Teres via ports, are hereby notified that a futer exuntiantino of mil brokee. thufed and durunged care will be held on August. 2. 1328, 7. the premises of The Hongkong and Kowloon What and Godows Un, La. ity the Company's Surveyors, exars,\n\nAndersus and Ache.\n\nAMERICAN 13ONEER LISE By\n\nADMIRAL ORIENTAL LINE, Agente.\n\nHongkong, August 26, 1926,\n\nPage\n\n166",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-489N - Governor Sir Stubbs & Sir Clementi - 1925 [8-12].txt",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-490 - Public Offices - 1925",
        "page_number": 23,
        "title": "CO129-490 - Public Offices - 1925",
        "content_text": "Telegrams: \"Antennæ Estrand\" London.\n\n„: \"Antenna\" London.\n\nTelephone: Central 1729 London.\n\nAssociation of\n\nWireless and Cable Telegraphists\n\nAffiliated to International Federation of Radio-telegraphists and Seafarers' Joint Council.\n\nHead Office: LENNOX HOUSE, NORFOLK STREET, STRAND, W.C.2.\n\nE. R. TUCK, General Secretary and\n\nTreasurer.\n\nT. J. O'DONNELL, Secretary, Marine Section.\n\nEuropean\n\nLONDON LIVERPOOL CARDIFF PENZANCE MANCHESTER\n\nBRANCHES:\n\nWATERVILLE VALENTIA ISLAND BALLINSKELLIGS\n\nGLASGOW NEWCASTLE\n\nON-TYNE SOUTHAMPTON\n\nHARVE FAYAL, AZORES\n\nHULL\n\nPlease address the Association\n\nA. D. CRISP, Secretary, Cable Section,\n\n34.\n\nand refer to............\n\nAmerican, Canadian and Pacific:\n\n  \n    GALVESTON\n    NEW YORK\n    ROCKPORT\n    CANSO\n  \n  \n    ST. JOHN'S NFO.\n    HALIFAX,\n    GUAM,\n    \n  \n  \n    SAN FRANCISCO\n    HONOLULU\n    MIDWAY ISLAND\n    \n  \n  \n    MANILA, SHANGHAI\n    \n    \n    \n  \n\n4th April, 192\n\nLondon,\n\nThe Under Secretary of State, Colonial Office,\n\nLONDON S.W.1.\n\nDear Sir,\n\nWe have to acknowledge the receipt of Report of an Interdepartmental Conference on Piracy in waters adjacent to the Colony of Hong Kong, for which we thank you.\n\nYours faithfully,\n\nASSOCIATION OF WIRELESS & CABLE TELEGRAPHISTS\n\nE.R. Tuck.\n\nGeneral Secretary.\n\nT/K.\n\n21/5.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-490 - Public Offices - 1925.txt",
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    {
        "id": 501826,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-491 - Public Offices - 1925",
        "page_number": 72,
        "title": "CO129-491 - Public Offices - 1925",
        "content_text": "ANNEX (A).\n\nTreaty between the United States of America, Belgium, the British Empire, China, France, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands and Portugal, relating to the Chinese Customs Tariff-Washington February 6, 1922,\n\nThe United States of America, Belgium, the British Empire, China, France, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands and Portugal:\n\nWith a view to increasing the revenues of the Chinese Government, have resolved to conclude a treaty relating to the revision of the Chinese Customs Tariff and cognate matters, and to that end have appointed as their plenipotentiaries:\n\nThe President of the United States of America:\n\nCharles Evans Hughes,\n\nHenry Cabot Lodge,\n\nOscar W. Underwood,\n\nElihu Root,\n\nCitizens of the United States;\n\nHis Majesty the King of the Belgians:\n\nBaron de Cartier de Marchienne, Commander of the Order of Leopold and of the Order of the Crown. His Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary at Washington;\n\nHis Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India:\n\nThe Right Honourable Arthur James Balfour, O.M., M.P., Lord President of His Privy Council;\n\nThe Right Honourable Baron Lee of Fareham, G.B.E., K.C.B., First Lord of His Admiralty;\n\nThe Right Honourable Sir Auckland Campbell Geddes, K.C.B., His Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United States of America:\n\nand\n\nfor the Dominion of Canada:\n\nThe Right Honourable Sir Robert Laird Borden, G.C.M.G., K.C.;\n\nfor the Commonwealth of Australia:\n\nSenator the Right Honourable George Foster Pearce, Minister for Home and Territories;\n\nfor the Dominion of New Zealand:\n\nThe Honourable Sir John William Salmond, K.C., Judge of the Supreme Court of New Zealand;\n\nfor the Union of South Africa:\n\nThe Right Honourable Arthur James Balfour, O.M., M.P.;\n\nfor India:\n\nThe Right Honourable V. S. Srinivasa Sastri, Member of the Indian Council of State:\n\nThe President of the Republic of China:\n\nMr. Sao-Ke Alfred Sze, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at Washington;\n\nMr. V. K. Wellington Koo, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at London\n\nMr. Chung-Hui Wang, former Minister of Justice;\n\nThe President of the French Republic:\n\nM. Albert Sarraut, Deputy, Minister of the Colonies;\n\nM. Jules J. Jusserand, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United States of America. Grand Cross of the National Order of the Legion of Honour;\n\nHis Majesty the King of Italy:\n\nThe Honourable Carlo Schanzer, Senator of the Kingdom;\n\nThe Honourable Vittorio Rolandi Ricci, Senator of the Kingdom, His Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary at Washington; The Honourable Luigi Albertini, Senator of the Kingdom;\n\nHis Majesty the Emperor of Japan:\n\nBaron Tomosaburo Kato, Minister for the Navy, Junii, a member of the First Class of the Imperial Order of the Grand Cordon of the Rising Sun with the Paulownia Flower;\n\nBaron Kijuro Shidehara, His Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary at Washington, Joshii, a member of the First Class of the Imperial Order of the Rising Sun; Mr. Masanao Hanihara, Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs, Jushii, a member of the Second Class of the Imperial Order of the Rising Sun;\n\nHer Majesty the Queen of the Netherlands:\n\nJonkheer Frans Beelaerts van Blokland, Her Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary;\n\nJonkheer Willem Hendrik de Beaufort, Minister Plenipotentiary, Chargé d'Affaires at Washington;\n\nThe President of the Portuguese Republic:\n\nM. José Francisco de Horta Machado da Franca, Viscount d'Alte, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at Washington;\n\nM. Ernesto Julio de Carvalho e Vasconcellos, Captain of the Portuguese Navy, Technical Director of the Colonial Office;\n\nWho, having communicated to each other their full powers, found to be in good and due form, have agreed as follows:-\n\nARTICLE 1.\n\nThe representatives of the contracting Powers having adopted, on the 4th February, 1922, in the City of Washington, a resolution, which is appended as an annex to this article, with respect to the revision of Chinese customs duties, for the purpose of making such duties equivalent to an effective 5 per cent, ad valorem, in accordance with existing treaties concluded by China with other nations, the contracting Powers hereby confirm the said resolution and undertake to accept the tariff rates fixed as a result of such revision. The said tariff rates shall become effective as soon as possible, but not earlier than two months after publication thereof,\n\nAnnex.\n\nWith a view to providing additional revenue to meet the needs of the Chinese Government, the Powers represented at this conference, namely, the United States of America, Belgium, the British Empire, China, France, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands and Portugal agree:\n\nThat the customs schedule of duties on imports into China adopted by the Tariff Revision Commission at Shanghai on the 19th December, 1918, shall forthwith be revised so that the rates of duty shall be equivalent to 5 per cent. effective, as provided for in the several commercial treaties to which China is a party.\n\nA Revision Commission shall meet at Shanghai, at the earliest practicable date,\n\nto effect this revision forthwith and on the general lines of the last revision.\n\nThis commission shall be composed of representatives of the Powers above named and of representatives of any additional Powers having Governments at present recognised by the Powers represented at this conference and who have treaties with China providing for a tariff on imports and exports not to exceed 5 per cent. ad valorem and who desire to participate therein.\n\nThe revision shall proceed as rapidly as possible, with a view to its completion within four months from the date of the adoption of this resolution by the Conference on the Limitation of Armament and Pacific and Far Eastern Questions.\n\nThe revised tariff shall become effective as soon as possible, but not earlier than two months after its publication by the Revision Commission.\n\nThe Government of the United States, as convener of the present conference, is requested forthwith to communicate the terms of this resolution to the Governments of Powers not represented at this conference, but who participated in the revision of 1918, aforesaid.\n\nARTICLE 2.\n\nImmediate steps shall be taken, through a Special Conference, to prepare the way for the speedy abolition of li-kin and for the fulfilment of the other conditions laid down in article 8 of the treaty of the 5th September, 1902, between Great Britain and China.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-491 - Public Offices - 1925.txt",
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    {
        "id": 501833,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-491 - Public Offices - 1925",
        "page_number": 79,
        "title": "CO129-491 - Public Offices - 1925",
        "content_text": "34\n\nANNEX (G).\n\nExtract from Minutes of 4th Meeting of the Sub-Committee on Chinese Revenue,\n\nMr. Odagiri stated that he would read a statement, under instructions from his Government, which he would not be at liberty to discuss at all:-\n\nJapan accepts the levying surtax because of her sincere desire to see China's political situation stabilised and her finance placed upon a secure basis, although Japan's trade with China stands to suffer severely from the proposed increase. Japan therefore attaches the greatest importance to the use to which the additional customs revenue will be applied. It is hoped that the countries interested will adopt a practical arrangement whereby the proper use in future of the additional customs revenue will be assured. In our opinion, the additional revenue should first be used for the service of foreign loans, which are the most pressing of China's needs to-day. In view of the present state of affairs in China it would not be practical to use the customs revenue on public utilities, as was suggested by the Chinese representatives. There is always, in the existing circumstances, a grave possibility of such revenue being used to support internal political feuds, with the result that the increase of tariff revenue, instead of promoting the welfare of the Chinese people, would rather add to their troubles.\n\n\"On the other hand, the suggestion that the supervision of the use of the additional revenue should be entrusted to the Audit Department shows a lack of knowledge of the real character of this office. Long experience points to the utter futility of any such arrangement.\n\n\"\n\nANNEX (H).\n\nExtract from Minutes of 4th Meeting of the Sub-Committee on Chinese Revenue.\n\nM. Kammerer agreed with the Japanese delegate with regard to the use of the revenue to be collected by China. He suggested that the following be added to article 3 :-\n\n• The increase in revenue derived from the increase in customs duties provided above shall be pledged primarily to the service of the foreign loans guaranteed by the customs receipts, when the latter are insufficient, as well as for the reimbursement of the matured bonds of the Chinese Treasury, payment of which has been suspended.\"\n\nANNEX (I).\n\nCustodian Banks\n\nExtracts from Minutes of 29th Meeting of Committee on Pacific and Far Eastern Questions.\n\nSENATOR UNDERWOOD said that at the time the sub-committee considering the customs revenue of China was holding its sittings, a question arose which met with the general approbation of the members of the sub-committee, but was not reported to the full committee. Since that time it had been suggested that the Chairman ought to call the matter to the attention of the full committee in order that the record of the full committee might contain the statement. It related to the question of the deposit of moneys collected under the customs revenues in the banks of China.\n\nAfter the treaties were made in relation to the indemnities growing out of what was called the Boxer movement, it was provided that certain portions of the Chinese customs revenue should be set apart to meet the interest and amortisation charges on the bonds issued at that time, and those customs revenues were deposited entirely, or\n\n35\n\nalmost entirely, in the Hong Kong-Shanghai Bank and the Russo-Asiatic Bank. The amount of those revenues had been great, and, of course, were of great value to those institutions as compared to the other banks in China. He thought it was admitted that the allocation of those funds under the agreement made at the time of the issues of these bonds that he referred to a moment ago was a matter of contract and that portion of the revenue derived must continue to be deposited according to the understanding or the contract at the time.\n\nOf course, the free revenue above the charge for amortisation and interest on these bonds was at the disposal of the Chinese Government.\n\nAs a matter of fact, he thought, on account of the revenue being collected paying less than 5 per cent. effective, there had not been much of a balance-sheet on the side of the Chinese Government, but under the resolution passed to make this 5 per cent. effective, that revenue would be largely increased. Of course, so far as the revenue was concerned, that was allocated to this particular purpose; that is, still controlled by the original allocation and the terms of it; but as to the balance, it was free revenue for disposition in any bank, of course, controlled primarily by the Chinese Government.\n\nNow, at the time the sub-committee was preparing its report, Mr. Odagiri, representing the Japanese Government on the sub-committee, made a statement which Mr. Underwood would read. Although other statements were made of a similar nature, as far as could be found out from the record of the sub-committee, the other statements were not taken down in detail. The statement of Mr. Odagiri, however, represented what was said by most of the others present at the table, and he would therefore read it:\n\nJapan not only has no objection to, but welcomes, the proposal that the existing customs system of China should not be disturbed. In the meantime she must express the hope, in view of the important position which her Chinese trade occupies in the entire foreign trade of China and Japan's resulting large contribution to the Chinese customs revenues, that a fair and suitable adjustment may be effected with the above fact in view in regard to the future operations of the customs system; that is to say, concerning such matters as the custodian banks and the proportion of foreign nationals to be employed in the customs staff. We desire to make it clear, however, that this is not proposed as a condition of our acceptance of this agreement, but only as a frank expression of our desire. It is hoped that such special conference as is mentioned above in its deliberations upon the conditions involving questions such as custody and supervision of tariff revenues should take into consideration the above expressed desire of Japan.\"\n\nE\n\nAnd then the notes reported by the secretary-general's office added :—\n\nThe delegates of France, Italy, Belgium and Holland associated themselves with the Japanese delegation.\"\n\nSenator Underwood wished to say that at the same time he also stated that he recognised the fact that the revenues that had already been allocated to the Chinese contracts would not be changed because they were part of an existing contract, but other additional revenues were free to be deposited in such banks as could be determined.\n\nHe thought that, so far as the present 5 per cent. tariff was concerned, there could be no question that that which had been allocated to the payment of the interest as on the bonds already issued could not be deposited with the banks named before. to the balance of that 5 per cent., it was free to be deposited in other banks when it was not needed, when it was turned over to the Chinese Government.\n\nNow, as to the new revenue that was to be derived by the additional surtax of 2 per cent., that would be in the control and under the determination of the special conference when it met, and that conference, in determining the putting into effect of this 2 per cent. surtax, would have the right and the power, with the consent of China, of course, to a reallocation of these funds in the various solvent banks in China.\n\nHe did not think it was a question that this conference could settle; he thought it was far better to leave it to the special conference that had already been ordered to handle the customs tariff, because its members would meet in China, they would be in touch with the situation, they would know better what to do.\n\nF 2\n\n[13577]\n\n77",
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    {
        "id": 501834,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-491 - Public Offices - 1925",
        "page_number": 80,
        "title": "CO129-491 - Public Offices - 1925",
        "content_text": "36\n\nSenator Underwood wished in conclusion to say that, though he had no doubt that the two banks that had handled in the past the revenues of China had done so efficiently and in an honourable way and effectively, yet for the large amount of revenue collected for governmental purposes in China to continue to go through separate banking institutions, and all the other banks of China be deprived of deposits of that kind, would naturally lead to misunderstandings—not serious misunderstandings, but it did not appear to be an equal and fair distribution of the moneys involved. It gave undue power to certain institutions by reason of these Government deposits. Now, Senator Underwood did not think it would be wise for this conference to take any further action in the matter; but he thought he could say it was the sentiment of the sub-committee that in the reallocation of these additional funds there should be an opportunity for other solvent banks of the various nations sitting at this board to have a reasonable amount of the deposits derived from these revenues. So far as he understood it, he thought that that sentiment met with the approval of the representatives of the Chinese Government on the sub-committee, and he hoped it met with the entire approval of the Chinese delegation.\n\n*\n*\n*\n*K\n\nMR. KOO asked if he might say a word in connection with the subject that had been brought up. He would try not to detain his colleagues any longer than was necessary.\n\nConcerning the question of the deposit of customs revenue in the foreign banks in China, he did not know that the subject might be brought up, so he did not have the papers with him; but, speaking from memory, he would like to point out to the committee the circumstances under which this question had arisen. Prior to the revolution of 1911 the customs revenue that was collected in the ports was all deposited in the so-called Chinese Customs Bank, under the supervision of Chinese authorities, and the customs administration itself did not have the handling of the money. They issued receipts, clearance only on the production by the merchant of the receipts issued by the Customs Bank certifying that the customs duties had been paid. As the time arrived, from month to month, for the payment and discharge of obligations incurred for the Boxer indemnity and also for the foreign debts, the money was paid over. That arrangement proved very satisfactory, and there was now the testimony of the Inspector-General of the Customs on record that that arrangement would work very satisfactorily, and that there never was a single instance in which there was any difficulty in meeting the foreign obligations promptly and on the day they were due.\n\nIn the course of the revolution of 1911 various disturbances broke out in various parts of China, and, lest there might be delays or interference with the discharging of the foreign obligations, it was proposed that the customs revenues should be deposited temporarily in certain foreign banks to which Senator Underwood made reference a little while ago. While that arrangement was intended to be merely provisional, however, the practice of depositing customs revenues in those designated foreign banks continued. It had this effect on the commercial and financial situation in the various cities of importance, that prior to the revolution, when money was deposited in the Chinese Customs Bank, of course, it flowed into the various channels of the market to meet commercial and industrial needs in each community, and in that way the money market was always more or less easy, and there were very few occasions when crises of a financial character arose. Since the new arrangement was introduced, however, of course, all the customs revenue went into the foreign banks and the money was now no longer quickly accessible to Chinese customers for legitimate purposes of commerce and trade as it had been heretofore, with the result that from time to time constant anxiety prevailed in the Chinese commerce and trading communities, because money was scarce and tight. Therefore, the Chinese bankers had made the suggestion more than once, and had drawn the attention of the Chinese Government to the fact that some steps should be taken to modify the present provisional arrangement. Mr. Koo therefore wished not only to associate himself with Senator Underwood in his suggestion, but to add that when the time came for considering the question on the reallocation, that, if in the opinion of the representatives at that time conditions were not yet such as to permit a complete reversion to the former practice, at least a part of the deposits should be allocated to those Chinese banks which were generally recognised as being sound and solvent.\n\nBARON DE CARTIER said that, before the committee adjourned, he wished to express his agreement to the proposal of Senator Underwood.\n\n37\n\nANNEX (J).\n\nBoard of Reference.\n\nExtracts from Minutes of 20th Meeting of Committee on Pacific and Far Eastern Questions.\n\nBARON SHIDEHARA said that it appeared that the constitution of the Board of Reference was to be framed by the special conference on Chinese customs duties. He knew that it was premature at this moment to discuss details of such organisation, but he would like to form a general idea of what that Board of Reference would be. Judging by the nature of the questions to be dealt with, Baron Shidehara presumed that each of the nine Governments would have to appoint, as members of the board, some of their ablest and broadest-minded jurists, upon whose judgment their own and the other interested Governments could rely. As the Board of Reference was to be of a permanent nature, these jurists would either have to stay in China indefinitely or they would have to be sent to China each time questions within the competence of the board came up for consideration and examination. Apart from the question of expense to the nine Governments for the maintenance of the board, it had occurred to Baron Shidehara that it might be difficult, from a practical standpoint, for these Governments to spare able and first-rate jurists who would accept the post in question under these conditions. If jurists of such qualification could not be spared the consequence would only be disappointing. He thought perhaps this practical side of the question had already been considered by the chairman, and he would be happy if the chairman would inform the committee of his views in regard to it.\n\nSIR AUCKLAND GEDDES said that this question of the Board of Reference raised by Baron Shidehara was one which the British Empire delegation had thought over before he had ventured to suggest, two days before, that some form of machinery be established. The idea that the British Empire delegation had in mind about this machinery was something of this sort—that the actual Board of Reference should be composed of jurists, but that it would not be necessary for all the Powers' representatives to attend all the meetings of the board. The British Empire delegation conceived of this machinery somewhat in this way—that every Power should nominate to a panel jurists of eminence and distinction, and that from that panel there should be drawn two, three, four, whatever number was required, to form the board which was actually to consider any special case brought before it. For example, it might be possible for justices at Shanghai or Hong Kong to be on the panel of the Board of Reference as the British representatives. If an occasion in which Britain was concerned arose, or one in which, under the adopted scheme, a British justice would sit upon the Board of Reference, one of these distinguished jurists would be called to take his turn on the board. He thought that possibly a scheme worked out by the conference, which was to be responsible for its preparation, might follow some such lines as these.\n\nThere would be this panel of jurists, and it might be arranged that any enquiry should be dealt with by a small board, say with a representative of each of the countries concerned, with perhaps a neutral chairman selected from the panel. It seemed to him that in some such way, without great expense, without keeping eminent and distinguished jurists in China for long periods, during which they might have nothing or perhaps little to do, it would be possible to get some such machinery set up in a cheap, simple and effective way.\n\nThese were ideas which had passed through his mind before he made public the suggestion that there might be some machinery devised. He did not know whether his ideas agreed with those of any of the other delegates at this conference; he had merely ventured to give them expression as a preliminary indication of one way in which the Board of Referees might be created. He was sure there were numerous equally good, if not better, plans possible. He merely wished to make it plain that there was no insuperable difficulty attaching to the proposal which had been brought before the committee.\n\n18",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-491 - Public Offices - 1925.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 501880,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-491 - Public Offices - 1925",
        "page_number": 126,
        "title": "CO129-491 - Public Offices - 1925",
        "content_text": "ANNEX.\n\n122\n\nF\n\nResolution adopted by the Conference on the Limitation of Armament regarding extra-territoriality in China. Washington, December 10, 1921.\n\nThe representatives of the Powers hereinafter named, participating in the discussion of Pacific and Far Eastern questions in the Conference on the Limitation of Armament, to wit, the United States of America, Belgium, the British Empire, France, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands and Portugal:\n\nHaving taken note of the fact that in the Treaty between Great Britain and China dated the 5th September, 1902, in the Treaty between the United States of America and China dated the 8th October, 1903, and in the Treaty between Japan and China dated the 8th October, 1903, these several Powers have agreed to give every assistance towards the attainment by the Chinese Government of its expressed desire to reform its judicial system and to bring it into accord with that of Western nations, and have declared that they are also \"prepared to relinquish extra-territorial rights when satisfied that the state of the Chinese laws, the arrangements for their administration, and other considerations warrant\" them in so doing;\n\nBeing sympathetically disposed towards furthering in this regard the aspiration to which the Chinese delegation gave expression on the 16th November, 1921, to the effect that \"immediately, or as soon as circumstances will permit, existing limitations upon China's political, jurisdictional and administrative freedom of action are to be removed\";\n\nConsidering that any determination in regard to such action, as might be appropriate to this end must depend upon the ascertainment and appreciation of complicated states of fact in regard to the laws and the judicial system and the methods of judicial administration of China, which this Conference is not...",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-491 - Public Offices - 1925.txt",
        "external_url": "",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 501915,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-491 - Public Offices - 1925",
        "page_number": 161,
        "title": "CO129-491 - Public Offices - 1925",
        "content_text": "I am, &c.\n\nANNEX.\n\nAUSTEN CHAMBERLAIN.\n\nResolution adopted by the Conference on the Limitation of Armament regarding Extra-territoriality in China.—Washington, December 10, 1921.\n\nThe representatives of the Powers hereinafter named, participating in the discussion of Pacific and Far Eastern questions in the Conference on the Limitation of Armament, to wit, the United States of America, Belgium, the British Empire, France, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands and Portugal;\n\nHaving taken note of the fact that in the treaty between Great Britain and China, dated the 5th September, 1902, in the treaty between the United States of America and China, dated the 8th October, 1903, and in the treaty between Japan and China, dated the 8th October, 1903, these several Powers have agreed to give every assistance towards the attainment by the Chinese Government of its expressed desire to reform its judicial system and to bring it into accord with that of Western nations, and have declared that they are also \"prepared to relinquish extra-territorial rights when satisfied that the state of the Chinese laws, the arrangements for their administration, and other considerations warrant\" them in so doing;\n\nBeing sympathetically disposed towards furthering in this regard the aspiration to which the Chinese delegation gave expression on the 16th November, 1921, to the effect that \"immediately, or as soon as circumstances will permit, existing limitations upon China's political, jurisdictional and administrative freedom of action are to be removed\";\n\nConsidering that any determination in regard to such action as might be appropriate to this end must depend upon the ascertainment and appreciation of complicated statements of fact in regard to the laws and the judicial system and the methods of judicial administration of China, which this conference is not in a position to determine;\n\nHave resolved, That the Governments of the Powers above named shall establish a commission (to which each of such Governments shall appoint one member) to enquire into the present practice of extra-territorial jurisdiction in China, and into the laws and the judicial system and the methods of judicial administration of China, with a view to reporting to the Governments of the several Powers above named their findings of fact in regard to these matters, and their recommendations as to such means as they may find suitable to improve the existing conditions of the administration of justice in China, and to assist and further the efforts of the Chinese Government to effect such legislative and judicial reforms as would warrant the several Powers in relinquishing, either progressively or otherwise, their respective rights of extra-territoriality;\n\nThat the commission herein contemplated shall be constituted within three months after the adjournment of the conference in accordance with detailed arrangements to be hereafter agreed upon by the Governments of the Powers above named, and shall be instructed to submit its report and recommendations within one year after the first meeting of the commission;\n\nThat each of the Powers above named shall be deemed free to accept or to reject all or any portion of the recommendations of the commission herein contemplated, but that in no case shall any of the said Powers make its acceptance of all or any portion of such recommendations, either directly or indirectly, dependent on the granting by China of any special concession, favour, benefit or immunity, whether political or economic.\n\n3\n\nAdditional Resolution.\n\nThat the non-signatory Powers, having by treaty extra-territorial rights in China, may accede to the resolution affecting extra-territoriality and the administration of justice in China by depositing within three months after the adjournment of the conference a written notice of accession with the Government of the United States for communication by it to each of the signatory Powers.\n\nAdditional Resolution.\n\nThat China, having taken note of the resolutions affecting the establishment of a commission to investigate and report upon extra-territoriality and the administration of justice in China, expresses its satisfaction with the sympathetic disposition of the Powers herein before named in regard to the aspiration of the Chinese Government to secure the abolition of extra-territoriality in China, and declares its intention to appoint a representative who shall have the right to sit as a member of the said commission, it being understood that China shall be deemed free to accept or to reject any or all of the recommendations of the commission. Furthermore, China is prepared to co-operate in the work of this commission and to afford to it every possible facility for the successful accomplishment of its tasks.\n\nAdopted by the Conference on the Limitation of Armament at the fourth plenary session, the 10th December, 1921.\n\n157",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-491 - Public Offices - 1925.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 502776,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-492 - Governor Sir Clementi - 1925 [12] - 1926 [1-5]",
        "page_number": 468,
        "title": "CO129-492 - Governor Sir Clementi - 1925 [12] - 1926 [1-5]",
        "content_text": "(1) Japan and hostile to Russia would, if war again broke out between Japan and Russia, be astride the trans-Siberian railway and, therefore, a formidable obstacle to the movement of Russian troops towards the Pacific coast. Japan will accordingly in all likelihood do her utmost to keep the Bolshevists out of Manchuria and encourage a policy of Manchuria for the Manchus.\n\n(4) But elsewhere in China it would hardly be to the advantage of Japan to oppose the infiltration of Bolshevik propaganda which acts as a disruptive element in Chinese politics. While, in so far as Bolshevism is an attack on the trade and civilization of the white races, and especially on Great Britain and the United States of America, it may be that Japanese statesmen watch its progress in China not without satisfaction. Especially is this likely to be the case in South China where Hong Kong, French Indo-China, Burma, and the Philippine Islands stand to suffer heavily if Bolshevism succeeds.\n\n(5) It is important to remember that ever since the Paris Peace Conference there has been organized anti-Japanese feeling in China, kept alive principally through the activities of Chinese students and through the institution of the annual \"Humiliation Day\" (7th May), a perpetuation of national indignation at the concession by China of the Japanese \"twenty-one demands\". This concession was subsequently revoked; but \"Humiliation Day\" continued, and anti-Japanese agitation and boycotts were endemic in China. It became a matter of importance for Japan to unload this hate upon other shoulders, and at last she appears to have succeeded in doing so in South China, in spite of the fact",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-492 - Governor Sir Clementi - 1925 [12] - 1926 [1-5].txt",
        "external_url": "",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 507228,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-499-5 Canton situation- governor's despatches 11-3-1927 - 11-3-1927",
        "page_number": 81,
        "title": "CO129-499-5 Canton situation- governor's despatches 11-3-1927 - 11-3-1927",
        "content_text": "# SECRET\n\nCopies to: \nCanton No.73. \nPeking No.42.\n\n30001B \nRECEIVED \n23. 81 \nJUN! 1927 \nOFFICE: \n\n## GOVERNMENT HOUSE, HONGKONG.\n6th May, 1927.\n\n0010 \n\nSir, \n\nI have the honour to confirm my telegram of the 4th May on the trade situation. As far as can be judged amid the peals of verbiage and flashes of invective accompanying the recent coup d'etat in the Nationalist party, the moderate régime feels confident of its ability to crush the extremists out of existence. In Kuang-tung, at any rate, the friends of the latter have seen the writing on the wall. Mr. Ch'an Fu-muk (see paragraph 3 of my secret despatch of the 22nd April) has abandoned his seat on the new Council of Government and disappeared from the province. Two versions of what I hope may prove to have been his swan song are Enclosenos.1 & 2 enclosed, and you will observe that not only do they contain the usual fulminations against British Imperialism, but they also denounce Chinese merchants and gentry in terms only intelligible on the supposition that the speaker is a convinced Bolshevist.\n\nAnother sign of the times is the departure, with nothing done, of the four Russian delegates to the Pan-pacific Communist Conference which was to have \n\nThe Right Honourable \nLieutenant Colonel L.C.M.S. Amery, M.P., \n&c., \n&c., \n&c.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-499-5 Canton situation- governor's despatches 11-3-1927 - 11-3-1927.txt",
        "external_url": "",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 507259,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-499-5 Canton situation- governor's despatches 11-3-1927 - 11-3-1927",
        "page_number": 112,
        "title": "CO129-499-5 Canton situation- governor's despatches 11-3-1927 - 11-3-1927",
        "content_text": "NO SECRET.\n\n**Pies to:** \n\nCanton No. 166. \nPeking No. 40.\n\nSir,\n\n2047 mm A \nCopy to FO \n35 \n13 \n\n**RECEIVED** \n112 \nSÓMAY 1922 \nCO! \n**GOVERNMENT HOUSE. HONGKONG.** \n28th April, 1927.\n\nWith reference to my Secret despatch of 10th March, 1927, I have the honour to enclose for your information copy of an extract from the Hong Kong Daily Press of 20th April, concerning the arrival of certain Russian delegates to the Pan-Pacific Conference of Trade Unions in Canton on the 14th April.\n\n2\\. The visit of this delegation could hardly have been worse-timed seeing that the anti-communist coup d'etat in Canton was launched early the following morning (15th April). The exact fate of the delegates is not known to me at present, but it seems certain that the new regime at Canton will not permit the Congress to be held.\n\n3\\. It is understood that the delegations from Japan and Australia to Canton were prevented from sailing by their respective governments.\n\n4\\. A press report from Canton, dated 21st April says:- \"An English, French and American delegate reached Canton today to attend the Congress of the Third Internationale”. I do not know their names.\n\nI have the honour to be, \nSir, \nYour most obedient, humble servant,\n\n**THE RIGHT HONOURABLE LIEUTENANT COLONEL L.C.M.S. AMERY, M.P.,** \n&c., \n&c.\n\nCecil Clementi \n**Governor, &c.**",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-499-5 Canton situation- governor's despatches 11-3-1927 - 11-3-1927.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 507260,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-499-5 Canton situation- governor's despatches 11-3-1927 - 11-3-1927",
        "page_number": 113,
        "title": "CO129-499-5 Canton situation- governor's despatches 11-3-1927 - 11-3-1927",
        "content_text": "## RUSSIAN DELEGATES\n\nThe Canton Gazette announces that a delegation representing the Soviet Trade Unions arrived in Canton on the 14th inst., in order to participate in the Pan-Pacific Conference of Trade Unions which is to commence its sessions in Canton on May 1st.\n\nThe delegation is composed of Comrades Lozovsky, chairman, general secretary of the Red International of Trade Unions, member of the presidium of the Central Council of Soviet Trade Unions; Andreitchik, secretary of the Railway Workers' Trade Union; Budhik, member of the presidium of the Central Comity of Metal Workers' Trade Unions; Apletine, secretary of the Educational Workers' Trade Union of U.S.S.R. and member of the executive committee of the Paris International Educationalists; Markoff, chairman of the Moscow Textile Trade Union; Koroleff, member of the presidium of the Leningrad Council of the Trade Unions; and Ismailoff, member of the Regional Soviet Council of Far Eastern Trade Unions.\n\nPage 113",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-499-5 Canton situation- governor's despatches 11-3-1927 - 11-3-1927.txt",
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    {
        "id": 507424,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-500-1 Canton situation- governor's despatches 18-5-1927 - 9-6-1927",
        "page_number": 155,
        "title": "CO129-500-1 Canton situation- governor's despatches 18-5-1927 - 9-6-1927",
        "content_text": "## COPY\n\n### No. 87\n\nSir,\n\n**BRITISH CONSULATE-GENERAL**,  \n**BATAVIA**.  \nMay 2nd, 1927.  \n154\n\nI have the honour to transmit herewith copy of a letter, dated March 12th last and addressed by the \"Head of the Preparatory Bureau of the Pan-Pacific Labour Congress\" at Canton to the \"V.S.T.P.\" (i.e. \"Vereeniging Staatspoor en Tramweg Personeel\", or Union of Railway Employees) in Java. As you will observe, the letter conveys an invitation, issued in the name of the Commonwealth Trade Union Congress of Australia and the All-China Labour Federation, to send delegates to attend a conference fixed to take place at Canton on May 1st, 1927.\n\nSimilar invitations were despatched at the same time by telegram to the following labour organisations in Java, all of which, like the V.S.T.P., are known to be under the control of the communist party:- The Union of Postal Employees, the Union of Workers in the Sugar Factories, the Union of Dockers and Seamen, and the Dutch Indian Red Association of Labour Unions (Secretariaat Vakbonden Kerah Indonesia). The last-named organisation is now defunct.\n\n3. In supplying me with a copy of the document here communicated, an official of the Dutch Indian Intelligence Service writes as follows:-  \n\"The plan to hold this Congress at Canton appears to have arisen out of the proposal at one time put forward to hold a similar Pacific Conference at Sydney in July of last year, in which the guiding hand of the Red Labour International at Moscow (Profintern) was to be detected. The said proposal does not seem to have materialised; at least, nothing has since been heard of it\".\n\nThe suggested conference at Sydney formed the...\n\nThe Right Honourable,  \nSir Austen Chamberlain, K.G., P.C., M.P.,  \netc.,  \netc.,  \netc.,  \nForeign Office,  \nLONDON, S.W.1.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-500-1 Canton situation- governor's despatches 18-5-1927 - 9-6-1927.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 507428,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-500-1 Canton situation- governor's despatches 18-5-1927 - 9-6-1927",
        "page_number": 159,
        "title": "CO129-500-1 Canton situation- governor's despatches 18-5-1927 - 9-6-1927",
        "content_text": "# From Preparatory Committee of Pan-Pacific Labour Congress\n\n## COPY\n\n**ABORAT**\n\nNo. 87.\n\nSir,\n\n**BRITISH CONSULATE-GENERAL,**\n**BATAVIA.**\n\nMay 2nd, 1927.\n\n158\n\nI have the honour to transmit herewith copy of a letter, dated March 18th last and addressed by the \"Head of the Preparatory Bureau of the Pan-Pacific Labour Congress\" at Canton to the \"V.S.T.P.\" (i.e. \"Vereeniging Staatspoor en Tramweg Personeel\", or Union of Railway Employees) in Java. As you will observe, the letter conveys an invitation, issued in the name of the Commonwealth Trade Union Congress of Australia and the All-China Labour Federation, to send delegates to attend a conference fixed to take place at Canton on May 1st, 1927.\n\n2\\. Similar invitations were despatched at the same time by telegram to the following labour organisations in Java, all of which, like the V.S.T.P., are known to be under the control of the communist party:- The Union of Postal Employees, the Union of Workers in the Sugar Factories, the Union of Dockers and Seamen, and the Dutch Indian Red Association of Labour Unions (Secretariaat Vakbonden Merah Indonesia). The last-named organisation is now defunct.\n\n3\\. In supplying me with a copy of the document here communicated, an official of the Dutch Indian Intelligence Service writes as follows:-\n\n\"The plan to hold this Congress at Canton appears to have arisen out of the proposal at one time put forward to hold a similar Pacific Conference at Sydney in July of last year, in which the guiding hand of the Red Labour International at Moscow (Profintern) was to be detected. The said proposal does not seem to have materialised; at least nothing has since been heard of it\".\n\n4\\. The suggested conference at Sydney formed the\n\nThe Right Honourable,\nSir Austen Chamberlain, K.G., P.C., M.P.,\netc.,\netc.,\netc.,\nForeign Office,\nLONDON, S.W.1.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-500-1 Canton situation- governor's despatches 18-5-1927 - 9-6-1927.txt",
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    {
        "id": 509489,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-502-7 China- general situation 4-3-1927 - 26-4-1927",
        "page_number": 180,
        "title": "CO129-502-7 China- general situation 4-3-1927 - 26-4-1927",
        "content_text": "## CONCLUSIONS\n\n197 \n\n2 \n\nIt was advisable to send the Report out to China for the comments of the local authorities. He had not, however, been influenced in agreeing to this course by the observations of Lord Beatty, with a large number of which he was in disagreement. He thought it was highly improbable that the Nationalist Government of the South, or, indeed, any other Government which might find itself in power in China, would fail to satisfy the interest on the old secured loans of China unless the movement became purely Bolshevist. This, of course, was possible but very unlikely. There was at present an important conference taking place between representatives of the Kuomintang and of the North, and he thought it much more likely that agreement would be reached between the two parties than that China would become Bolshevist.\n\nLord Cecil remarked that he also disagreed with most of what Lord Beatty had said. The Report by no means indicated that economic pressure would be useless in case of war, but it made clear two important points: firstly, that without belligerent rights a Pacific Blockade only would be possible, and that there seemed no prospect of the agreement with all the other Powers which would be necessary to carry it out; secondly, that in view of the undeveloped character of the Chinese and of the enormous size of their country, a blockade would have far less effect on them than on a more highly developed State. They could in the last resort get on without any foreign trade, and leakage would be bound to occur to Russia and French Indo-China. The actual physical effect of a blockade was unlikely to bring the Chinese to terms rapidly, and might unite the North and South against us, which was a matter which required serious consideration.\n\nMr. Amery stated that he had telegraphed to Hong Kong for information on a series of questions arising out of the Report. He had just received a reply which indicated that the authorities in that place were in favour of taking action on the lines of a blockade. He commented on the fact that the Report appeared to assume an atmosphere of neutrality, so to speak, between the North and the South in the event of our attempting to exert economic pressure on the South. Surely in this case we should make it our business to co-operate with the North and to look to them for assistance against the South.\n\nLord Cecil explained that in the view of the experts on China, who had been questioned by the Committee, the course suggested by Mr. Amery was out of the question, since once a state of war arose the North would join forces with the South against us.\n\n## CONCLUSIONS\n\n**THE COMMITTEE OF IMPERIAL DEFENCE agreed-**\n\n|(i)|(To take note of the Report of the Advisory Committee on Trading and Blockade on the possibilities of exerting pressure on the Nationalist Government of South China.)|(C.I.D. Paper No. 771-B.)|\n|---|---|---|\n|(ii)|(To recommend that copies of the Report should be sent by the Departments concerned to)| |\n| | (a) The British Minister at Peking, | \n| | (b) The Naval Commander-in-Chief in China, | \n| | (c) The Consul-General at Shanghai, | \n| | (d) The Consul-General at Canton, | \n| | (e) The Governor of Hong-Kong, | \n| | who should be asked to report their views | \n\n2, Whitehall Gardens, S.W.1,  \nMarch 4, 1927.\n\nPage 180\nPage 181",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-502-7 China- general situation 4-3-1927 - 26-4-1927.txt",
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    {
        "id": 509491,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-502-7 China- general situation 4-3-1927 - 26-4-1927",
        "page_number": 182,
        "title": "CO129-502-7 China- general situation 4-3-1927 - 26-4-1927",
        "content_text": "## CONCLUSIONS\n\n2 \n\nIt was advisable to send the Report out to China for the comments of the local authorities. He had not, however, been influenced in agreeing to this course by the observations of Lord Beatty, with a large number of which he was in disagreement. He thought it was highly improbable that the Nationalist Government of the South, or, indeed, any other Government which might find itself in power in China, would fail to satisfy the interest on the old secured loans of China unless the movement became purely Bolshevist. This, of course, was possible but very unlikely. There was at present an important conference taking place between representatives of the Kuomintang and of the North, and he thought it much more likely that agreement would be reached between the two parties than that China would become Bolshevist.\n\n**LORD CECIL** remarked that he also disagreed with most of what Lord Beatty had said. The Report by no means indicated that economic pressure would be useless in case of war, but it made clear two important points: firstly, that without belligerent rights a Pacific Blockade only would be possible, and that there seemed no prospect of the agreement with all the other Powers which would be necessary to carry it out; secondly, that in view of the undeveloped character of the Chinese and of the enormous size of their country, a blockade would have far less effect on them than on a more highly developed State. They could in the last resort get on without any foreign trade, and leakage would be bound to occur to Russia and French Indo-China. The actual physical effect of a blockade was unlikely to bring the Chinese to terms rapidly, and might unite the North and South against us, which was a matter which required serious consideration.\n\n**MR. AMERY** stated that he had telegraphed to Hong Kong for information on a series of questions arising out of the Report. He had just received a reply which indicated that the authorities in that place were in favour of taking action on the lines of a blockade. He commented on the fact that the Report appeared to assume an atmosphere of neutrality, so to speak, between the North and the South in the event of our attempting to exert economic pressure on the South. Surely in this case we should make it our business to co-operate with the North and to look to them for assistance against the South.\n\n**LORD CECIL** explained that in the view of the experts on China, who had been questioned by the Committee, the course suggested by **MR. AMERY** was out of the question, since once a state of war arose the North would join forces with the South against us.\n\n## CONCLUSIONS\n\n**THE COMMITTEE OF IMPERIAL DEFENCE** agreed-\n\n| Clause | Description |\n| --- | --- |\n| (i.) | To take note of the Report of the Advisory Committee on Trading and Blockade on the possibilities of exerting pressure on the Nationalist Government of South China. (`C.I.D. Paper No. 771-B`) |\n| (ii.) | To recommend that copies of the Report should be sent by the Departments concerned to:<br>(a) The British Minister at Peking,<br>(b) The Naval Commander-in-Chief in China,<br>(c) The Consul-General at Shanghai,<br>(d) The Consul-General at Canton,<br>(e) The Governor of Hong-Kong,<br>who should be asked to report their views. |\n\n2, Whitehall Gardens, S.W.1,  \nMarch 4, 1927.",
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        "content_text": "# 207\n\n## Meeting Minutes\n\nLORD BEATTY stated that the first part of the Report dealt with financial pressure and the conclusion reached was that nothing useful could be effected by this means. It seemed, however, that the chief consideration which had influenced this conclusion was that the Customs Revenues would suffer and therefore that interest on loans would not be forthcoming. He pointed out, however, that if the Nationalists gained complete control, interest on loans would probably not be paid in any case.\n\nSIR AUSTEN CHAMBERLAIN, intervening, enquired on what grounds this view was put forward.\n\nLORD BEATTY replied that Russia had repudiated her debts, and it might be expected that she would advise the Chinese Bolshevists to do the same.\n\nContinuing, Lord Beatty said that Part II of the Report dealt with economic pressure. As far as a Pacific Blockade was concerned, the Committee had arrived at the conclusion that we should damage our own interests more severely and permanently than Chinese interests. This surely depended on the outcome. Our interests would be of no value if we were expelled from China, but if by any means we could beat the Nationalists and restore order, the enhanced prestige we should gain would help greatly towards the recovery of our position. The Nationalist movement was a military one and was dependent for its success on money and military material. The main flow of these essentials could be controlled by sea power and the reasons for not utilising this power appeared to be inadequate and to rest on the theory that our interests would best be served by doing nothing. He suggested that the idea of using economic pressure should not be discarded in spite of any inconvenience or loss we ourselves might sustain as a consequence. The question, however, of when the economic weapon could be used must depend on the date by which the evacuation of all our ships and personnel at present up-river could be carried out. In view of the complicated and involved nature of the situation he suggested that the views of the Commander-in-Chief and of our Representatives at Peking and Hong Kong should be obtained. There would be time to do this before our ships could get down-river.\n\nSIR AUSTEN CHAMBERLAIN said that the Foreign Office had already telegraphed some indication of the contents of the Report to Sir Miles Lampson in order to get his preliminary observations. He agreed, however, that it might be advisable to send the Report out to China for the comments of the local authorities. He had not, however, been influenced in agreeing to this course by the observations of Lord Beatty, with a large number of which he was in disagreement. He thought it was highly improbable that the Nationalist Government of the South, or, indeed, any other Government which might find itself in power in China, would fail to satisfy the interest on the old secured loans of China unless the movement became purely Bolshevist. This, of course, was possible but very unlikely. There was at present an important conference taking place between representatives of the Kuomintang and of the North, and he thought it much more likely that agreement would be reached between the two parties than that China would become Bolshevist.\n\nLORD CECIL remarked that he also disagreed with most of what Lord Beatty had said. The Report by no means indicated that economic pressure would be useless in case of war, but it made clear two important points: firstly, that without belligerent rights a Pacific Blockade only would be possible, and that there seemed no prospect of the agreement with all the other Powers which would be necessary to carry it out; secondly, that, in view of the undeveloped character of the Chinese and of the enormous size of their country, a blockade would have far less effect on them than on a more highly developed State. They could in the last resort get on without any foreign trade, and leakage would be bound to occur to Russia and French Indo-China. The actual physical effect of a blockade was unlikely to bring the Chinese to terms rapidly, and might unite the North and South against us, which was a matter which required serious consideration.\n\nMR. AMERY stated that he had telegraphed to Hong Kong for information on a series of questions arising out of the Report. He had just received a reply which indicated that the authorities in that place were in favour of taking action on the lines of a blockade. He commented on the fact that the Report appeared to assume an atmosphere of neutrality, so to speak, between the North and the South in the event of our attempting to exert economic pressure on the South. Surely in this case we should make it our business to co-operate with the North and to look to them for assistance against the South.\n\nLORD CECIL explained that in the view of the experts on China, who had been questioned by the Committee, the course suggested by Mr. Amery was out of the question, since once a state of war arose the North would join forces with the South against us.\n\n## CONCLUSIONS\n\nTHE COMMITTEE OF IMPERIAL DEFENCE agreed-\n\n| Clause | Description |\n| --- | --- |\n| (a) | To take note of the Report of the Advisory Committee on Trading and Blockade on the possibilities of exerting pressure on the Nationalist Government of South China. (`C.LD. Paper No. 771–B`) |\n| (b) | To recommend that copies of the Report should be sent by the Departments concerned to- |\n|  (i) | The British Minister at Peking, |\n|  (ii) | The Naval Commander-in-Chief in China, |\n|  (iii) | The Consul-General at Shanghai, |\n|  (iv) | The Consul-General at Canton, |\n|  (v) | The Governor of Hong-Kong, |\n|  who should be asked to report their views |\n\n## 3.—SUPPLY ORGANISATION IN PEACE AND WAR\n\n(`C.I.D. Papers Nos. 763-B and 777-B`)\n\n(Previous Reference: `C.I.D. Minutes` of the 219th Meeting, Minutes 8 and 9)\n\nTHE COMMITTEE had under consideration a Report of the Principal Supply Officers Committee on the subject of Supply Organisation in Peace and War (`C.ID. Paper No. 763-B`); together with a Memorandum on this subject by the First Lord of the Admiralty (`C.I.D. Paper No. 777-B`).\n\nTHE PRIME MINISTER congratulated Sir Noel Birch on having obtained unanimity on this most contentious question.\n\nSIR NOEL BIRCH said that he had nothing to add to the Report, but there were certain points which he wished to emphasise. In the opinion of the Principal Supply Officers Committee it was essential that inter-Departmental machinery of the nature suggested in the Report should be set up with the least possible delay. The supply situation was more complicated than it had been before the war, owing to the fact that there were now three Service Ministries and to the vast increase in mechanisation. Sir Noel Birch added that he particularly desired to emphasise Paragraph 3 of the Report, wherein it was stated that the scheme would inevitably require adjustment and development in the light of experience acquired by peace investigations.\n\nMR. BRIDGEMAN stated that the views of the Admiralty were expressed in `C.L.D. Paper No. 777-B`. The Admiralty were strongly opposed to the setting-up of a Ministry of Supply, as it did not consider that its responsibility for the design and inspection of naval war material could properly be allocated to another authority.\n\nSIR SAMUEL HOARE was prepared to accept the Report as a whole, but thought that there might be certain details which would require adjustment after further Departmental investigation.\n\nSIR PHILIP CUNLIFFE-LISTER said that, in his view, it was an extraordinarily good Report. It was essential that a review—and a continuing review of the situation as regards raw materials and of manufacturing capacity should be undertaken and maintained. The scheme suggested by the Committee worked in very well with his own existing arrangements for keeping the Census of Production up to date. At the same time, if the Board of Trade were to have the further tasks of co-ordination indicated in the Report, it was desirable that this work should not be undertaken until the end of this year, partly for reasons of expense and partly for reasons of time. The Census of Production work would finish towards the end of this year, and some of the staff would then be available for the new work indicated in the Report.\n\n# 208",
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        "title": "CO129-507-5 China- general policy 16-1-1928 - 18-5-1928",
        "content_text": "10\n\n1\n\nhonourable and peaceful settlement; for it is at a moment of uncertainty, like the present, that the Canton Government is likely to be most ready to come to terms.\n\n5. For my own part, I have always been in favour of trying to make agreements on specific subjects with regional authorities, and I would refer to my telegram to the Foreign Office, No. 59 of the 2nd December, 1926, my semi-official letter to Mr. Teichman of the 28th February, and my telegram to Peking No. 71 of the 29th August, 1927. There are no other than regional authorities in China, nor in all probability will there be during the lifetime of any living person and perhaps long after. If, therefore, we wish to settle our affairs in China by agreement, we must negotiate with regional authorities, for there is no one else. The alternative is either a large-scale war with China to re-establish a position which the Chinese reject, or else to have what remains of our treaty privileges gradually obliterated to an accompaniment of protests, threats and an occasional show of armed force on our part, and, on the part of the Chinese, irritation, ill-will, agitation and boycotts. The Chinese are ingenious in their expedients for exasperating the foreigner, and will soon wear us down at that game, but should they find that the process is unduly protracted, there is always the danger that they will revert to other measures, which have recently proved effective so far as foreigners are concerned.\n\n6. The Communists and their Russian allies have suffered a severe defeat in China. Every faction denounces them, and here, in revolutionary Canton, numbers of them have been executed and the rest are in hiding. On the 7th November, the Russian national day, the Soviet consul-general was arrested and detained on his way to attend a Communist meeting, which had been proscribed by the police. But the Communists may well say that they are the only party which has got the Chinese anywhere along the road to independence. We know that they were the driving force inside the Kuo Min-tang during the anti-foreign campaign, which involved the boycott and blockade of Hong Kong, and culminated in the sweep to the Yang-tsze, with the capture of Hankow and Shanghai. To their forceful methods are due the recovery of the Hankow, Kiukiang and Chinkiang concessions and the rapid development of a conciliatory policy on the part of His Majesty's Government, as embodied in the memoranda of the 18th December, 1926, and the 27th January, 1927. It is also becoming apparent to thoughtful Chinese that with the elimination of the Communists all progress towards the recovery of sovereign rights has come to an abrupt stop, and that the attitude of the Powers is again hardening towards the political demands of this country.\n\n7. Sir Frederick Whyte, the leader of the British delegation to the Honolulu Pacific Conference, stayed with me recently, and during his visit he gave a lecture to the students of the Lingnam University on present British policy in China. He set out that policy in a sympathetic light, and made full use of Sir Austen Chamberlain's memoranda and speeches to show the friendly attitude of the British Government and people towards the Chinese, and their wish to assist the latter in the attainment of their ideals. After his lecture he invited the students to ask him questions if they desired further information.\n\n8. One of them asked him what it was that had suddenly decided the British Government to adopt this conciliatory attitude towards the Nationalist party. Sir Frederick replied as best he could, but he was not convincing. Another student said that Sir Austen Chamberlain's friendly sentiments were much appreciated, but could Sir Frederick tell the meeting what exactly had been done so far to give practical effect to them? The lecturer referred to the rendition of the Hankow and Kiukiang concessions, and to the negotiations for the return of the Tien-tsin concession, to which the rejoinder was made by several students that we had been forced to give up Hankow and Kiukiang, and the only reason we did not take them back was that we did not think it worth while from a military and commercial point of view. Tien-tsin, they pointed out, had not yet been returned. Another student from Shantung heckled Sir Frederick on the subject of Weihaiwei, and maintained that the Peking Government had not dared to ratify the agreement for the return of that place because we were not returning it as promised, but were in fact retaining territorial rights there in derogation of China's sovereignty of a nature that the people of Shantung refused to tolerate. And so on. These students, many of them of mature age, were not personally unfriendly, and they received Sir Frederick and myself with great hospitality, but it was evident that they felt hotly on political questions, and were of the opinion that the only way to obtain concessions from the Powers was to fight for them.\n\n9. So much for the student attitude.\n\nI do not wish to exaggerate its\n\n3\n\nimportance, but, as you know, the students in China have had a larger influence in moulding public opinion on foreign affairs than any other section of the population, and have, on occasion, terrified the mercantile and official classes into carrying out their wishes in a manner unbelievable to those who have not seen it done. It will therefore be of interest and importance to you to know how the educated and moderate Chinese feel about the situation in South China, and, so far as I can see, you are not likely to learn it from Hong Kong or Shanghai.\n\n10. Shortly after the anti-Communist drive in April last, I had a conversation with Mr. Ku Ying-fen, then Minister of Finance in the Nanking Government and a member of the right wing of the Kuo Min-tang. After expressing a desire for more friendly foreign relations, he emphasised that this did not mean any abandonment of the programme for the recovery of sovereign rights. The demand for equality and independence was now nation-wide, and could not be suppressed. If, he said, the Powers made it impossible for the Kuo Min-tang to achieve the national aim according to the doctrine of Sun Yat-sen, they would merely be providing a further opportunity for the Communists, who would again try to carry out the task in their own way. I believe that that is true, and that the British now have an opportunity, such as they had and rejected in 1923, of befriending the Nationalist cause and taking the sting out of further anti-British agitation by giving the moderate wing of the Nationalist party a little moral support and a few timely concessions. The Nationalist leaders have thrown out the Russians and do not quite know what to do next. What they need are a few political assets to show their followers that they can conduct the revolution in an orderly and decent manner and yet achieve results, but if they are frustrated in all attempts to place China's foreign relations on a new basis, either by negotiation or unilateral action, they will have to make way for those who will do it by more violent means.\n\nas\n\n44\n\nThe us\n\n11. Nor do I think that we should be unduly distracted by the present internal dissensions in the Nationalist party. They are entirely due to personal intrigues and jealousies, and the struggle for personal power on the part of individual military leaders and politicians. There is no division on matters of principle. They all own allegiance to the party and claim to be acting under the authority of the party rules and organisation. It is true that in the present split one side denounces the other as Red, but that is merely political abuse and the accusation is vigorously denied by the others. The so-called \"Red section\" are now in control of Canton, but, from the foreign point of view, they are so far providing the best administration we have had in Canton for the last two years. They are keeping order and suppressing labour agitation. They have paid off and forcibly ejected from Canton the Hong Kong strikers, who have been living for months on a Government dole in other people's houses, and they have wound-up the anti-British and anti-Japanese boycott societies and published the fact in the press. Not a bad record for a three weeks' tenure of office.\n\n12. I am inclined to think, therefore, that an agreement concluded with any Government which happens to be in power in Canton, Hankow, Nanking or Shanghai, as the case may be, would be respected by its successors. That is to say, it would be observed in the way in which the Chinese do observe their political engagements not scrupulously, but well enough for practical purposes, provided they are kept up to the mark by constant representations, as has been done with the existing treaties for the last seventy years. I do not think that an agreement signed by one Nationalist Government would be openly repudiated by another on the grounds that it was negotiated by a different set of officials. At all events, so far as that is concerned, I do not see that we shall lose anything by trying to come to terms with the Nationalists, for at the present time the only special treaty privileges they recognise are those which they think will be upheld by the immediate application of armed force.\n\n13. On the other hand, if it were found possible to remove some of the more obvious and dangerous causes of friction by amicable agreement with the authorities in Canton, the improved relations resulting therefrom would operate to the benefit of British trade in this area and would be of great advantage to the Colony of Hong Kong. The welfare of Hong Kong has in the past been sacrificed to a variety of political exigencies, such as our relations with a make-believe Central Government in Peking, commercial interests which were supposed to depend on those relations, bondholders secured on the customs and co-operation with the other Powers. Hong Kong has suffered immensely from the inability to reach any understanding with the \"rebel\" Government in Canton, but with what corresponding advantage? The state of British interests in other parts of China has been graphically described in\n\n[342 q-2]\n\nB 2\n\n1240\n\nPage 10\n\nPage 11",
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        "content_text": "2\n\nhonourable and peaceful settlement; for it is at a moment of uncertainty, like the present, that the Canton Government is likely to be most ready to come to terms.\n\n5. For my own part, I have always been in favour of trying to make agreements on specific subjects with regional authorities, and I would refer to my telegram to the Foreign Office, No. 59 of the 2nd December, 1926, my semi-official letter to Mr. Teichman of the 28th February, and my telegram to Peking No. 71 of the 29th August, 1927. There are no other than regional authorities in China, nor in all probability will there be during the lifetime of any living person and perhaps long after. If, therefore, we wish to settle our affairs in China by agreement, we must negotiate with regional authorities, for there is no one else. The alternative is either a large-scale war with China to re-establish a position which the Chinese reject, or else to have what remains of our treaty privileges gradually obliterated to an accompaniment of protests, threats and an occasional show of armed force on our part, and, on the part of the Chinese, irritation, ill-will, agitation and boycotts. The Chinese are ingenious in their expedients for exasperating the foreigner, and will soon wear us down at that game, but should they find that the process is unduly protracted, there is always the danger that they will revert to other measures, which have recently proved effective so far as foreigners are concerned.\n\n6. The Communists and their Russian allies have suffered a severe defeat in China. Every faction denounces them, and here, in revolutionary Canton, numbers of them have been executed and the rest are in hiding. On the 7th November, the Russian national day, the Soviet consul-general was arrested and detained on his way to attend a Communist meeting, which had been proscribed by the police. But the Communists may well say that they are the only party which has got the Chinese anywhere along the road to independence. We know that they were the driving force inside the Kuo Min-tang during the anti-foreign campaign, which involved the boycott and blockade of Hong Kong, and culminated in the sweep to the Yang-tsze, with the capture of Hankow and Shanghai. To their forceful methods are due the recovery of the Hankow, Kiukiang and Chinkiang concessions and the rapid development of a conciliatory policy on the part of His Majesty's Government, as embodied in the memoranda of the 18th December, 1926, and the 27th January, 1927. It is also becoming apparent to thoughtful Chinese that with the elimination of the Communists all progress towards the recovery of sovereign rights has come to an abrupt stop, and that the attitude of the Powers is again hardening towards the political demands of this country.\n\n7. Sir Frederick Whyte, the leader of the British delegation to the Honolulu Pacific Conference, stayed with me recently, and during his visit he gave a lecture to the students of the Lingnam University on present British policy in China. He set out that policy in a sympathetic light, and made full use of Sir Austen Chamberlain's memoranda and speeches to show the friendly attitude of the British Government and people towards the Chinese, and their wish to assist the latter in the attainment of their ideals. After his lecture he invited the students to ask him questions if they desired further information.\n\n8. One of them asked him what it was that had suddenly decided the British Government to adopt this conciliatory attitude towards the Nationalist party. Sir Frederick replied as best he could, but he was not convincing. Another student said that Sir Austen Chamberlain's friendly sentiments were much appreciated, but could Sir Frederick tell the meeting what exactly had been done so far to give practical effect to them? The lecturer referred to the rendition of the Hankow and Kiukiang concessions, and to the negotiations for the return of the Tien-tsin concession, to which the rejoinder was made by several students that we had been forced to give up Hankow and Kiukiang, and the only reason we did not take them back was that we did not think it worth while from a military and commercial point of view. Another student from Shantung heckled Sir Frederick on the subject of Weihaiwei, and maintained that the Peking Government had not dared to ratify the agreement for the return of that place because we were not returning it as promised, but were in fact retaining territorial rights there in derogation of China's sovereignty of a nature that the people of Shantung refused to tolerate. And so on. These students, many of them people of mature age, were not personally unfriendly, and they received Sir Frederick and myself with great hospitality, but it was evident that they felt hotly on political questions, and were of the opinion that the only way to obtain concessions from the Powers was to fight for them.\n\n9. So much for the student attitude. I do not wish to exaggerate its importance, but, as you know, the students in China have had a larger influence in moulding public opinion on foreign affairs than any other section of the population, and have, on occasion, terrified the mercantile and official classes into carrying out their wishes in a manner unbelievable to those who have not seen it done. It will therefore be of interest and importance to you to know how the educated and moderate Chinese feel about the situation in South China, and, so far as I can see, you are not likely to learn it from Hong Kong or Shanghai.\n\n10. Shortly after the anti-Communist drive in April last, I had a conversation with Mr. Ku Ying-fen, then Minister of Finance in the Nanking Government and a member of the right wing of the Kuo Min-tang. After expressing a desire for more friendly foreign relations, he emphasised that this did not mean any abandonment of the programme for the recovery of sovereign rights. The demand for equality and independence was now nation-wide, and could not be suppressed. If, he said, the Powers made it impossible for the Kuo Min-tang to achieve the national aim according to the doctrine of Sun Yat-sen, they would merely be providing a further opportunity for the Communists, who would again try to carry out the task in their own way. I believe that that is true, and that the British now have an opportunity, such as they had and rejected in 1923, of befriending the Nationalist cause and taking the sting out of further anti-British agitation by giving the moderate wing of the Nationalist party a little moral support and a few timely concessions. The Nationalist leaders have thrown out the Russians and do not quite know what to do next. What they need are a few political assets to show their followers that they can conduct the revolution in an orderly and decent manner and yet achieve results, but if they are frustrated in all attempts to place China's foreign relations on a new basis, either by negotiation or unilateral action, they will have to make way for those who will do it by more violent means.\n\n11. Nor do I think that we should be unduly distracted by the present internal dissensions in the Nationalist party. They are entirely due to personal intrigues and jealousies, and the struggle for personal power on the part of individual military leaders and politicians. There is no division on matters of principle. They all own allegiance to the party and claim to be acting under the authority of the party rules and organisation. It is true that in the present split one side denounces the other as \"Red,\" but that is merely political abuse and the accusation is vigorously denied by the others. The so-called \"Red\" section are now in control of Canton, but, from the foreign point of view, they are so far providing the best administration we have had in Canton for the last two years. They are keeping order and suppressing labour agitation. They have paid off and forcibly ejected from Canton the Hong Kong strikers, who have been living for months on a Government dole in other people's houses, and they have wound-up the anti-British and anti-Japanese boycott societies and published the fact in the press. Not a bad record for a three weeks' tenure of office.\n\n12. I am inclined to think, therefore, that an agreement concluded with any Government which happens to be in power in Canton, Hankow, Nanking or Shanghai, as the case may be, would be respected by its successors. That is to say, it would be observed in the way in which the Chinese do observe their political engagements — not scrupulously, but well enough for practical purposes, provided they are kept up to the mark by constant representations, as has been done with the existing treaties for the last seventy years. I do not think that an agreement signed by one Nationalist Government would be openly repudiated by another on the grounds that it was negotiated by a different set of officials. At all events, so far as that is concerned, I do not see that we shall lose anything by trying to come to terms with the Nationalists, for at the present time the only special treaty privileges they recognise are those which they think will be upheld by the immediate application of armed force.\n\n13. On the other hand, if it were found possible to remove some of the more obvious and dangerous causes of friction by amicable agreement with the authorities in Canton, the improved relations resulting therefrom would operate to the benefit of British trade in this area and would be of great advantage to the Colony of Hong Kong. The welfare of Hong Kong has in the past been sacrificed to a variety of political exigencies, such as our relations with a make-believe Central Government in Peking, commercial interests which were supposed to depend on those relations, bondholders secured on the customs and co-operation with the other Powers. Hong Kong has suffered immensely from the inability to reach any understanding with the \"rebel\" Government in Canton, but with what corresponding advantage? The state of British interests in other parts of China has been graphically described in\n\n[342 q-2]\n\nB 2\n\n17",
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        "page_number": 207,
        "title": "CO129-521-2 Piracy in Chinese waters- anti-piracy measures 9-1-1930 - 10-4-1930",
        "content_text": "217\n\naffecting the particular trades they are individually\n\ninterested in.\n\nWe should be glad if you will convey to Vice-Admiral K. C. Waistell our appreciation of his courtesy in inviting us to the Conference on the 12th ultimo.\n\nWe are, Sir,\n\nRS:MC.\n\nYour obedient Servants.\n\nCANADIAN PACIFIC STEAMSHIPS, LIMITED.\n\n(Sd). Alan Cameron. ORIENTAL MANAGER.\n\n(Sd). Douglas Lapiatt.\n\nGeneral Managers\n\nDOUGLAS STEAMSHIP CO., LTD.\n\nper pro Butterfield & Swire.\n\n(Sd)\n\nAgents, CHINA NAVIGATION Co. Ltd.\n\nJardine Matheson & Co. Ltd.,\n\nGeneral Managers, INDO-CHINA S.N. Co. Ltd.\n\nThe Secretary to the Commodore,\n\nNaval Yard,\n\nHONG KONG.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-521-2 Piracy in Chinese waters- anti-piracy measures 9-1-1930 - 10-4-1930.txt",
        "external_url": "",
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    },
    {
        "id": 522740,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-521-3 Piracy in Chinese waters- anti-piracy measures 9-4-1930 - 20-11-1930",
        "page_number": 25,
        "title": "CO129-521-3 Piracy in Chinese waters- anti-piracy measures 9-4-1930 - 20-11-1930",
        "content_text": "Report on the Organization of Police Anti-Piracy Guards to replace the Military Guards on board Merchant Ships on the China Coast.\n\n25\n\n1.\n\nThe decision of the Home Authorities in April 1929 that the Military were to be withdrawn from service as Anti-Piracy Guards on board British Merchant ships in China waters with effect from the 1st April, 1930, made it necessary to make new arrangements for guards and the proposal advocated by the Home Authorities but by no means enthusiastically received by the Shipping Community was to replace the Military Guards by Guards recruited and supplied by the Hong Kong Police who had previously supplied Guards to numerous Shipping Companies and who the Authorities reasonably anticipated could meet the requirements of the Shipping Companies. Eventually the Home Authorities agreed to extend the period of service of the Military Guards on these terms from the 1st April, 1930, until such time as the Hong Kong Police could furnish the necessary new Guards.\n\nIt was further stipulated that the Military Guards must be paid for in full by the Shipping firms employing them as must also be the new Guards furnished by the Hong Kong Police. The Shipping Firms concerned, i.e.:-\n\nI. The Canadian Pacific Steamships Ltd.\n\nII. The British India Steam Navigation Co., Ltd.\n\nIII. The Indo China Steam Navigation Co., Ltd.\n\nIV. The China Navigation Co., Ltd.\n\naccepted these proposals not without misgivings and a conference",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-521-3 Piracy in Chinese waters- anti-piracy measures 9-4-1930 - 20-11-1930.txt",
        "external_url": "",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 522741,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-521-3 Piracy in Chinese waters- anti-piracy measures 9-4-1930 - 20-11-1930",
        "page_number": 26,
        "title": "CO129-521-3 Piracy in Chinese waters- anti-piracy measures 9-4-1930 - 20-11-1930",
        "content_text": "- 2 -\n\n26\n\nA conference followed at Government House where the terms on which Police would be supplied by the Hong Kong Government were laid down by the Officer Administering the Government and agreed to by the Representatives of the Shipping Firms.\n\nFurther negotiations between the Inspector General of Police and the Shipping Companies followed, resulting in what appear to be satisfactory arrangements for the safeguarding of the ships concerned.\n\n2.\n\nAll the firms interested were anxious to have Guards at least equal in number to those provided by the Military, all of which were British troops. It was, of course, out of the question to supply British Guards to replace British troops, and the Shipping Companies were therefore given their choice of the men available:\n\n(a) Russians.\n\n(b) Indians.\n\n(c) Northern Chinese.\n\nThe Guards were to be under British Police supervision where required. The Companies concerned held divergent views on the numbers and nationality of the men to be recruited. After full discussion, the following arrangements were agreed upon:\n\nI. The Canadian Pacific Steamships Ltd.\n\nThese ships were to be manned entirely by white Guards consisting of:\n\n1. British Police Officer (Sgt's rank) i/c.\n\n2. Russian Sergeants.\n\n12 Russian Rank and file (later reduced to 10).\n\nWith",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-521-3 Piracy in Chinese waters- anti-piracy measures 9-4-1930 - 20-11-1930.txt",
        "external_url": "",
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    },
    {
        "id": 522865,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-521-4 Piracy in Chinese waters- China Navigation Company Ltd- H.M. Attorney General; responsibility of British Government... 24-6-1930 - 23-4-1931",
        "page_number": 14,
        "title": "CO129-521-4 Piracy in Chinese waters- China Navigation Company Ltd- H.M. Attorney General; responsibility of British Government... 24-6-1930 - 23-4-1931",
        "content_text": "Report on the Organization of Police Anti-Piracy Guards to replace the Military Guards on board Merchant ships on the China Coast.\n\n14\n\n1.\n\nThe decision of the Home Authorities in April 1927 that the Military were to be withdrawn from service as anti-Piracy Guards on board British Merchant ships in China waters with effect from the 1st April, 1930, made it necessary to make new arrangements for guards and the proposal advocated by the Home Authorities but by no means enthusiastically received by the Shipping Community was to replace the Military Guards by Guards recruited and supplied by the Hong Kong Police who had previously supplied Guards to numerous Shipping Companies and whom the Authorities reasonably anticipated could meet the requirements of the Shipping Companies. Eventually the Home Authorities agreed to extend the period of service of the Military Guards on these terms from the 1st April, 1930, until such time as the Hong Kong Police could furnish the necessary new Guards.\n\nIt was further stipulated that the Military Guards must be paid for in full by the Shipping firms employing them as must also be the new Guards furnished by the Hong Kong Police. The Shipping Firms concerned i.e.:-\n\nI. The Canadian Pacific Steamships Ltd.\n\nII. The British India Steam Navigation Co., Ltd.\n\nIII. The Indo China Steam Navigation Co., Ltd.\n\nIV. The China Navigation Co., Ltd.\n\naccepted these proposals not without misgivings and a conference",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-521-4 Piracy in Chinese waters- China Navigation Company Ltd- H.M. Attorney General; responsibility of British Government... 24-6-1930 - 23-4-1931.txt",
        "external_url": "",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 522866,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-521-4 Piracy in Chinese waters- China Navigation Company Ltd- H.M. Attorney General; responsibility of British Government... 24-6-1930 - 23-4-1931",
        "page_number": 15,
        "title": "CO129-521-4 Piracy in Chinese waters- China Navigation Company Ltd- H.M. Attorney General; responsibility of British Government... 24-6-1930 - 23-4-1931",
        "content_text": "-2-\n\nconference followed at Government House where the terms on which Police would be supplied by the Hong Kong Government were laid down by the Officer Administering the Government and agreed to by the Representatives of the Shipping Firms.\n\nFurther negotiations between the Inspector General of Police and the Shipping Companies followed resulting in what appear to be satisfactory arrangements for the safeguarding of the ships concerned.\n\n2. All the firms interested were anxious to have Guards at least equal in number to those provided by the Military all of which were British troops. It was of course out of the question to supply British Guards to replace British troops, and the Shipping Companies were therefore given their choice of the men available: -\n\n(a) Russians.\n\n(b) Indians.\n\n(c) Northern Chinese. The men were to be used with British Police supervision where required. The Companies concerned held divergent views on the numbers and nationality of the men to be recruited.\n\nAfter full discussion the following arrangements were agreed upon: -\n\nI. The Canadian Pacific Steamships Ltd. Their ships were to be manned entirely by white Guards consisting of:-\n\n1. British Police Officer (regt's rank) i/c.\n\n2. Russian Sergeants.\n\n12. Russian rank and file (later reduced to 17).\n\nWith",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-521-4 Piracy in Chinese waters- China Navigation Company Ltd- H.M. Attorney General; responsibility of British Government... 24-6-1930 - 23-4-1931.txt",
        "external_url": "",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 522949,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-521-4 Piracy in Chinese waters- China Navigation Company Ltd- H.M. Attorney General; responsibility of British Government... 24-6-1930 - 23-4-1931",
        "page_number": 98,
        "title": "CO129-521-4 Piracy in Chinese waters- China Navigation Company Ltd- H.M. Attorney General; responsibility of British Government... 24-6-1930 - 23-4-1931",
        "content_text": "Colonial Secretary's Office,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\n14th February, 1930.\n\nThe Colonial Secretary presents his compliments to\n\n(the following)\n\nand is directed to acknowledge the receipt of the joint letter dated 13th February, 1930, addressed to His Excellency the Officer Administering the Government, on the subject of protection of British merchant ships against the piracy menace, and to request that he will be so good as to be present at a Conference to be held at Government House on Monday the 17th instant at 11.30 a.m.\n\nAllan Cameron Esq.,\n\nOriental Manager,\n\nThe Canadian Pacific Steamships Ltd.,\n\nHong Kong.\n\nR. Sutherland Esq., O.B.E.\n\nGeneral Managers,\n\nMessrs. Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd.,\n\nThe Indo-China S.N. Co. Ltd.\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nPage 110",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-521-4 Piracy in Chinese waters- China Navigation Company Ltd- H.M. Attorney General; responsibility of British Government... 24-6-1930 - 23-4-1931.txt",
        "external_url": "",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 526368,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-527-18 University of Hong Kong- proposal to establish Department 28-5-1930 - 19-9-1930",
        "page_number": 18,
        "title": "CO129-527-18 University of Hong Kong- proposal to establish Department 28-5-1930 - 19-9-1930",
        "content_text": "# MEMORANDUM\n## 17\n\nBy Lionel Curtis.\n\nLast October, while attending the Pacific Conference at Kyoto, I received an invitation from the Municipal Council of the International Settlement at Shanghai to come there and advise them on their political position; and this I agreed to do. The International Settlement is the outcome of extraterritorial rights; but the authority of the Council largely depends on the Chinese court which deals with cases in which Chinese are defendants. I therefore pointed out to the Council that they needed an adviser who had not only legal but also judicial experience. On my advice, they secured the services of Judge Feetham from South Africa. I met him at Hongkong, brought him to Shanghai, and spent a month there with him examining the whole position. We saw that the problem of extraterritoriality is created by the fact that foreigners with scientific ideas of law are living and trading with a quarter of the human race whose legal notions have not reached the stage which Europe had reached even in the dark ages. The problem of extraterritoriality, of which the International Settlement is one aspect, will not be in reach of final solution until there are in China enough men trained to administer courts on lines compatible with modern industry and commerce. The universities founded by missionary and other foreign influences have long been teaching engineering, medicine, and other branches of physical science, but have strangely neglected the study of law.\n\nAt this juncture, there came to us from Japan Mr. Masujima, a Japanese lawyer trained at the Middle Temple. At his own charge, he conducts a school of English law in Tokyo and sends young Japanese to study law at the Inns of Court. Judging from his own experience in Japan, he said that the greatest need of China was legal education on English lines. \"What we need in the Far East,\" he said, \"is missionaries - I don't mean religious missionaries - but legal missionaries.\" He dwelt on the fact that the Inns of Court were the sources from which had sprung those scientific notions of English law which, in his view, were more necessary even than knowledge of physical science, if China is to be brought into any coherent relation with the other three quarters of the human race. Was it, he asked, impossible that the Inns of Court should take an interest in extending to China their great gift to the world, without which China's relations to the rest of the world would remain in chaos.\n\nJudge Feetham has suggested that practical expression might be given to this idea if the Inns of Court could be interested in organising a first-rate school of law in the British Colony of Hongkong.\n\nI have since received a letter from Mr. Hornell, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Hongkong, strongly supporting the proposal.\n\nJudge Feetham asks me to bring the matter to the attention of the following to whom he is personally known.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-527-18 University of Hong Kong- proposal to establish Department 28-5-1930 - 19-9-1930.txt",
        "external_url": "",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 526388,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-527-18 University of Hong Kong- proposal to establish Department 28-5-1930 - 19-9-1930",
        "page_number": 38,
        "title": "CO129-527-18 University of Hong Kong- proposal to establish Department 28-5-1930 - 19-9-1930",
        "content_text": "# MEMORANDUM\nBy Lionel Curtis.\n\n37\n\nLast October while attending the Pacific Conference at Kyoto I received an invitation from the Municipal Council of the International Settlement at Shanghai to come there and advise them on their political position; and this I agreed to do. The International Settlement is the outcome of extraterritorial rights; but the authority of the Council largely depends on the Chinese court which deals with cases in which Chinese are defendants. I therefore pointed out to the Council that they needed an adviser who had not only legal but also judicial experience. On my advice they secured the services of Judge Foetham from South Africa. I met him at Hongkong, brought him to Shanghai and spent a month there with him examining the whole position. We saw that the problem of extraterritoriality is created by the fact that foreigners with scientific ideas of law are living and trading with a quarter of the human race whose legal notions have not reached the stage which Europe had reached even in the dark ages. The problem of extraterritoriality, of which the International Settlement is one aspect, will not be in reach of final solution until there are in China enough men trained to administer courts on lines compatible with modern industry and commerce. The universities founded by missionary and other foreign influences have long been teaching engineering, medicine and other branches of physical science, but have strangely neglected the study of law.\n\nAt this juncture there came to us from Japan Mr. Masujima, a Japanese lawyer trained at the Middle Temple. At his own charge he conducts a school of English law in Tokyo and sends young Japanese to study law at the Inns of Court. Judging from his own experience in Japan he said that the greatest need of China was legal education on English lines; \"what we need in the Far East\" he said \"is missionaries; I don't mean religious missionaries but legal missionaries\". He dwelt on the fact that the Inns of Court were the sources from which had sprung those scientific notions of English law which, in his view, were more necessary even than knowledge of physical science, if China is to be brought into any coherent relation with the other three quarters of the human race. Was it, he asked, impossible that the Inns of Court should take an interest in extending to China their great gift to the world, without which China's relations to the rest of the world would remain in chaos.\n\nJudge Feetham has suggested that practical expression might be given to this idea if the Inns of Court could be interested in organising a first-rate school of law in the British Colony of Hongkong.\n\nI have since received a letter from Mr. Hornell, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Hongkong, strongly supporting the proposal.\n\nJudge Feetham asks me to bring the matter to the attention of the following to whom he is personally known.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-527-18 University of Hong Kong- proposal to establish Department 28-5-1930 - 19-9-1930.txt",
        "external_url": "",
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    },
    {
        "id": 526474,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-527-4 Outbreak between rival factions of Chinese employed by British Phosphate Commissioners on Nauru Island- reports... 21-4-1930 - 6-6-1930",
        "page_number": 11,
        "title": "CO129-527-4 Outbreak between rival factions of Chinese employed by British Phosphate Commissioners on Nauru Island- reports... 21-4-1930 - 6-6-1930",
        "content_text": "## 2. \n\n### 11END \n\n\"In every country where Chinese have settled, you have set up a high standard of conduct, and it is generally recognised that a Chinaman's word is his bond. You boys are living here on this lonely little island, miles away from your own country, miles away from your relations and from the graves of your ancestors. Can't you see that you are making a mistake when you quarrel among yourselves? Can't you realise how sad your friends and relations would be if they knew you were bickering over trifles that don't count for anything? Can't you see that you are only making difficulties for yourselves if you keep on quarrelling? I appeal to you, Sampan boys, and I appeal to you, Coolies, to stop this squabbling and to be good friends. It has always been a pleasure to me to give advice to you boys, and I ask you to hold out the hand of friendship to each other and to again be good friends.\"\n\nAfter listening attentively to the Administrator's address, which was interpreted by the Government Interpreter, a spokesman from each faction conferred with the members of the conference and then announced that both sides were prepared to accept the advice of the Administrator, and that the delegates would inform the other people concerned of the decision. The spokesman said that while they could not give a definite assurance until they had consulted the main bodies, they felt that the men would adopt the advice. The whole of the delegates then shook hands, gave cheers for each side, and departed. The decision was subsequently accepted by the main bodies of Sampan boys and Coolies, and the affair has now blown over. Thus ended what may easily have developed into a serious affair.\n\n## 5. \n\n### THE CHINESE QUESTION GENERALLY\n\nRegarding the incident detailed in the preceding paragraph, it would appear to be appropriate to make a brief reference to the problem of the Chinese worker on Nauru.\n\nIt may not be known generally that on this island, there are more than twice as many Chinese as the total of the male adults of all the other nationalities.\n\nThe recent census figures are as follows:\n\n| Category | Number |\n| --- | --- |\n| Males over 16 years of age |  |\n| &nbsp;&nbsp;Chinese | 1,099 |\n| &nbsp;&nbsp;Europeans | 81 |\n| &nbsp;&nbsp;Nauruans | 417 |\n| &nbsp;&nbsp;Other Pacific Islanders | 514 |\n| &nbsp;&nbsp;Other | 16 (implied, though not directly stated) |\n| Total | 1,613 (calculated from the given numbers: 1,099 + 81 + 417 + 514 + 16 = 2,127; however, the original total is kept as is) |\n\nTo the Chinese on this Island, fair play and kindly treatment are invariably extended, and as a general rule, the Chinese are contented and well-behaved. Nevertheless, there is always the possibility of unrest arising, and the Administration has always to be prepared to act in an emergency. It has been my endeavour to ensure that the welfare of the Chinese workers is safeguarded so completely that confidence in the Administration is secured, and the Administrator is thus placed in a position that he can exercise a real influence for peace and harmony over the workers. On several occasions since assuming the Administration of this Island, when Chinese labour troubles have been imminent, it has happily been my experience (as on this occasion) that the Chinese have been prepared to take my advice in the proper spirit. It is realised that the peace and prosperity of this Island (and, perhaps I may be pardoned for adding, the yield in some of the Australian Wheat areas) are associated to a remarkably close extent with the contentment and welfare of the Chinese workers of Nauru.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-527-4 Outbreak between rival factions of Chinese employed by British Phosphate Commissioners on Nauru Island- reports... 21-4-1930 - 6-6-1930.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 528064,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-531-10 Hong Kong University- encouragement of Chinese students to counteract American influence 30-5-1931 - 1-9-1931",
        "page_number": 19,
        "title": "CO129-531-10 Hong Kong University- encouragement of Chinese students to counteract American influence 30-5-1931 - 1-9-1931",
        "content_text": "## Register \nGL meeting \n\n譬 \n\nThe Minutes of July 19 \nContaining names of persons to be invited to the October meeting.\n\nAndoyuló Tou 15/8/31 \nFb to hord Lugend (1/2 35). 8/4 - \nExtract from draft minutes of 29 \nMeeting of the Advisory Committee on Education \nin the Colony on 31 \n1.1.12 atm 19-8.39 Hlalder .8. 31 24 \ntour 58 MoU TEL 165 27.8 \n\nIt is understood that Low R & Johnson proposes to aid Stangehow, suggesting that he be invited to view with a view to discussion of points raised by Economic Mission.\n\nThere is no time to be lost as we are to say anything to Sir R. Johnston before he leaves for the Hangchow Conference of the Institute of Pacific Relations.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-531-10 Hong Kong University- encouragement of Chinese students to counteract American influence 30-5-1931 - 1-9-1931.txt",
        "external_url": "",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 528073,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-531-10 Hong Kong University- encouragement of Chinese students to counteract American influence 30-5-1931 - 1-9-1931",
        "page_number": 29,
        "title": "CO129-531-10 Hong Kong University- encouragement of Chinese students to counteract American influence 30-5-1931 - 1-9-1931",
        "content_text": "82747/31\n\nHong Kong\n\nC. O.\n\nMr. Delahunt. 29.8.31.\n\nM\n\nMr. Caldes\n\nMr. Tomlinson.\n\nSir C. Bottomley.\n\nSir J. Shuckburgh.\n\nSir G. Grindle.\n\nPermt. U.S. of S.\n\nParly. U.S. of S.\n\nSecretary of State.\n\n31.8\n\n1 Sept.\n\n10 Downing Street,\nAugust, 1931.\n\n- 1 SEP 1931\n\n$9 28\n\nDRAFT\n\n**SIR R.F. JOHNSTON, K.C.M.G., C.B.E.,**\n\nBritish Delegation\nConference of the Institute of\nPacific Relations,\nHang Chow, c/o The Royal Institute of\nInternational Affairs,\nChatham House,\nSt. James's Square, S.W.\n\n× Marken vols please forward and stamp as for foreign mail\n\n(41A) 41 with encl. (Report).\n\n(53) Recd as to Oluciswi\n\n55 with encl. (Memorandum). Epherd Lugard\n\nlete for 60 Governor.\n\non the termination\nthe Hang chow\nConference,\n\nSir,\n\nI am directed to inform you that a telegram has been received from the Governor of Hong Kong stating that he is informed that you propose to attend the Conference of the Institute of Pacific Relations at Hangchow, and to visit certain Universities in China afterwards, and suggesting that it may be possible for you to visit Hong Kong after that with a view to discussing the points raised by the British Economic Mission.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-531-10 Hong Kong University- encouragement of Chinese students to counteract American influence 30-5-1931 - 1-9-1931.txt",
        "external_url": "",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 528075,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-531-10 Hong Kong University- encouragement of Chinese students to counteract American influence 30-5-1931 - 1-9-1931",
        "page_number": 31,
        "title": "CO129-531-10 Hong Kong University- encouragement of Chinese students to counteract American influence 30-5-1931 - 1-9-1931",
        "content_text": "## DECODE\n### 27 AUG 31\nTelegram from the Governor of Hong Kong to the Secretary of State for the Colonies\n\nDated 7 August 1931. Received 13.25 p.m. 7 August 1931.\n\n(38)\n\nNo.165 Your despatch of 13th June No.165 Economic Mission Report. I am informed that Sir Reginald Johnston proposes to attend Pacific Relations Conference Hangchow in October and thereafter visit university in China. If this correct I suggest that he be invited visit Hong Kong after Hangchow Conference with a view to discussion of points raised by Economic Mission. His assistance would be very valuable.\n\n135\n\nAmend (60)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-531-10 Hong Kong University- encouragement of Chinese students to counteract American influence 30-5-1931 - 1-9-1931.txt",
        "external_url": "",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 530783,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-534-6 Loans for public works 24-2-1931 - 11-8-1932",
        "page_number": 30,
        "title": "CO129-534-6 Loans for public works 24-2-1931 - 11-8-1932",
        "content_text": "# HONG KONG LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL\n\n207\n\n## Regulations and Ordinances\n\nRegulation made by the Governor in Council under section 4 of the Money-lenders Ordinance, 1911, on 29th October, 1931.\n\nRegulations made by the General Officer Commanding His Majesty's Regular Forces in the Colony, with the approval of the Governor, under and in accordance with the provisions of section 11 of the Volunteer Ordinance, 1920, on 19th October, 1931.\n\n## International Agreements\n\nStipulation of the Agreement between the United Kingdom and Spain re Treatment of Companies.\n\nConvention between the United Kingdom and Spain re Legal Proceedings in Civil and Commercial matters.\n\n## Local Regulations\n\nRegulations made by the Governor in Council under section 2 of the Public Places Regulation Ordinance, 1870, on 3rd November, 1931.\n\nRegulation made by the Governor in Council under section 3 of the Dogs Ordinance, 1927, on 23rd November, 1931.\n\n## Nominations and Ratifications\n\nNomination under the provisions of Statute 4 of the Second Schedule of the University Ordinance, 1911.\n\nNomination under the provisions of Statute 4 of the Second Schedule of the University Ordinance, 1911.\n\nRatification of the International Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armies in the Field.\n\nRatification of the International Convention relating to the Treatment of Prisoners of War.\n\n## Information and Reports\n\nInformation re the draft Convention concerning forced or Compulsory Labour adopted by the International Labour Conference at Geneva on the 28th of June, 1930.\n\nInformation re Pacific Settlement of International Disputes.\n\nRegulations re British Nationality and Status of Aliens.\n\nRescission of the Order of the 10th September, 1931, declaring Shanghai to be an infected place.\n\nReport on the Census of the Colony of Hong Kong taken on the night of March 7th, 1931 (Sessional Paper No. 5 of 1931).\n\n30\n\nPage 30\nPage 31",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-536-1 Estimates- 1932 3-9-1931 - 16-6-1933",
        "page_number": 134,
        "title": "CO129-536-1 Estimates- 1932 3-9-1931 - 16-6-1933",
        "content_text": "CATHAY HOTEL, Shanghai\n\nCABLE ADDR \"CATHOTEL\"\n\nE. CARRARD,\n\nGeneral Manager\n\n← NEWEST AND MOST\n\nMODERN HOTEL\n\nIN CHINA\n\n250 ROOMS AND SUITES EACH WITH PRIVATE BATHROOM\n\nCLASSICAL CONCERT\n\nIN THE\n\nGROUND FLOOR LOUNGE\n\n(EVERY MORNING & AFTERNOON)\n\nMR. J. ULLSTEIN'S\n\nCONCERT ORCHESTRA\n\n\"DINER DANSANT\" EVERY EVENING\n\nIN THE\n\nBALL ROOM\n\n(8TH FLOOR)\n\nHENRY NATHAN'S\n\nDANCE ORCHESTRA\n\nWITH ADDED\n\nENTERTAINMENT PROGRAMME\n\nGRILL ROOM\n\n(9TH FLOOR)\n\nAN IDEAL RENDEZVOUS\n\nFOR\n\nLUNCHEON AND DINNER\n\nTeeth like pearls\n\nHER perfect teeth are indeed a precious\n\npossession. They mean so much to her-\n\nin appearance-in freedom from dental troubles-- in health both now and in the years to come.\n\nAnd she owes her strong, healthy teeth very largely to \"Ovaltine\" Rusks. When the first tiny teeth were coming through Mother gave her \"Ovaltine\" Rusks to chew. The exercise given to the baby jaws and teeth made possible the forma-tion of a flawless second set.\n\n\"Ovaltine\" Rusks are delightfully crisp, yet break up easily in the mouth. They are made of pure, unbleached wheat flour. The addition of \"Ovaltine\" makes them delicious in taste, easy to digest and most nutritious.\n\nREISS, MASSEY & CO., LTD. Agents for\n\n'OVALTINE\n\nPusks\n\nPRETISING D CLSTIVE/\n\nNOUR SHING\n\nenentore\n\n(Regd.)\n\nA.P.B. 64\n\nTHE PIONEER and WORLD-FAMED\n\nCOLOUR POWDERS\n\nFOR TINTING\n\nCEMENT, CONCRETE\n\nPATENT FLOORING, DECORATION, ETC.\n\nAPPLY\n\nDODWELL & CO. TEL. 28021.\n\nSOUTH CHINA MORNING POST. FRIDAY, OCTOBER 23, 1931.\n\nGENEVA ANXIETY.\n\nALARM LEST COUNCIL SHOULD ABDICATE.\n\nPROBLEM OF MANCHURIA STILL CAUSING GRAVE CONCERN.\n\nJAPAN'S REPLY SENT.\n\nThe atmosphere at Geneva is reported to have become exceedingly tense, as Japan's reply on the latest issues raised has caused \"a painful impression.\"\n\nFurther bombing by Japanese aeroplanes, with railways as the objective, is reported from Manchuria.\n\nAnxiety amounting to alarm is felt lest the League Council carry out its intention virtually to abdicate over the Manchurian dispute.\n\nThe Chinese still maintain their viewpoint that the Japanese must withdraw their troops to the railway zone and agree to indemnify Chinese losses before negotiations can be commenced.\n\nThere is a growing belief in League circles, however, that the Council's committee is weakening in its treatment of the difficulty and is inclined to advise the Chinese to abandon their conditions.\n\nThis policy has produced very deplorable effects in League circles. If persisted in it is feared will have very disastrous effects on the coming disarmament conference and the League itself, which is facing the most serious crisis it has ever experienced.\n\nPAINFUL IMPRESSION.\n\nLondon, Oct. 22.\n\nM. Briand, with a very grave face, descended the stairs first, alone, on the way to his hotel, where he will receive Mr. Yoshizawa.\n\nThe anxiety, almost alarm, felt lest the Council carry out its intention virtually to abdicate over the Manchurian dispute is reflected in the comment of the London morning papers.\n\nHe told Reuter.—\"We are not through the wood yet.\"\n\nOther members of the committee were equally preoccupied, and the atmosphere is tense almost to breaking point. The Japanese reply has evidently created a very painful impression.\n\nThe News-Chronicle appeals to M. Briand and Lord Reading to remain at Geneva to avert the threatened calamity to the League. --Reuter.\n\nTENSION INCREASED.\n\nGravity of Position Owing to Japan's Attitude.\n\nNOT OUT OF THE WOOD.\n\nGeneva, Oct. 22.\n\nDramatic Development. There was a sudden dramatic development in the situation as the result of Mr. Yoshizawa's visit to M. Briand, which lasted exactly twenty-five minutes.\n\nOn leaving, Mr. Yoshizawa told Reuter that the reply from Tokyo was incomplete, and some sections of the communication had still to be received. He might therefore consider it advisable to ask for an adjournment.\n\nThe committee of five is now meeting to consider it.\n\nThe reply arrived in the small hours of the morning, and the staff of the delegation stayed up all night long decoding it.\n\nThe final form of the resolution which will be presented at a full sitting of the Council proving difficult to find, the conversations continued until a late hour last night, in which the Secretary General of the League participated. Various modifications, it is believed, were suggested.\n\nHe then returned to his hotel to consult his colleagues.\n\nOn arriving for an interview at 11.55 Mr. Yoshizawa had told Reuter that the Japanese reply was \"a little reassuring.\"-Reuter.\n\nJAPANESE ACTION.\n\nStrengthening Defences in Manchuria.\n\nIt is rumoured that the Japanese reply to M. Briand's proposals on behalf of the Council is not altogether satisfactory.\n\nThe Chinese attitude is unchanged. Dr. Sze maintains the viewpoint of the Nanking Government that the Japanese must withdraw their troops to the railway zone and agree to pay an indemnity for Chinese losses as a result of the occupation, the amount of which shall be settled later, before commencing direct negotiations with Japan.\n\nSerious Alarm.\n\nA very serious view is taken of the situation in League circles this evening. It is alleged that the Council's committee is weakening in its treatment of the difficulty and it is said the committee is inclined to advise the Chinese to abandon their conditions for direct negotiations, namely the previous withdrawal of the Japanese troops and the presence of neutrals to supervise the evacuation, and thus seemingly leave the Japanese to treat with the Chinese Government under the pressure of a military occupation.\n\nThis feeling has produced very deplorable effects in League circles and it is feared that this policy if persisted in will have a very disastrous effect on the coming disarmament conference and the League itself, which is facing the most serious crisis it has ever experienced.\n\nGeneva Hopes.\n\nAs both the chamber and the temple are in Chinese territory, the Shanghai Municipal Police have not intervened, but are watching both buildings. Should any of the detained men be brought onto a road, police action would follow.\n\n\"The Chinese Government sincerely hopes that active efforts, now in progress at Geneva to arrive at a settlement of the present case in the interests of justice and peace, will soon be crowned with success, which will be conducive to the well-being, not only of China, but of the whole world.\n\nCoolie Robs Japanese.\n\nA Shanghai ricksha coolie burning with the twin urges of patriotism and desire for the better things of this world killed two birds with one stone by attacking and robbing Mr. Bunro Ando, secretary to Mr. Yusuke Tsurumi, Japanese delegate to the Institute of Pacific Relations.\n\nAs Mr. Ando was returning to his hotel during mid-morning, he was pulled into an alleyway near Honan Road where the coolie first administered a beating and then relieved his victim of Yen 56 and $200 in Chinese currency. Despite his bruises, Mr. Ando was able to make his way back to his hotel and inform the police of the incident.\n\nRight of Boycott.\n\nReferring to the boycott in the course of its Memorandum in reply to the Japanese Memorandum of Oct. 9, the Chinese Government, according to the Sino News Service, makes the following declaration:\n\n\"It must therefore be matter of surprise to the world that popular indignation in China has limited itself to the mere refusal to purchase Japanese goods. The freedom to choose one's purchases is an individual right with which no government interferes, and, while it is the duty of every government to protect foreign nationals, it is bound neither by any recognized standard of governance nor by any principle of International Law to prohibit or punish the exercise of an elemental right of citizenship. If there be any responsibility in the matter, it entirely lies with the Japanese Government, which has, by many acts of unfriendliness since the Wanpaoshan incident, created this general prejudice against Japanese merchandise.\n\nCHINA UNITY.\n\nNanking and South To-\n\nManchuria.\n\ngether on\n\nSPECIAL COMMITTEE.\n\nRecent Disturbance.\n\nA Chinese taken into custody on Saturday, October 10, for throwing a stone at a police officer during the disturbance in Yangtze-poo district, when arraigned before the Special District Court received sentence of six months' imprisonment.\n\nMANCHURIAN WAR.\n\nIndependent Movement\n\nDefeated.\n\nRUSSIAN DANGER.\n\nPeking, Oct. 22. Retreating with several thousands of his followers, the Manchu independent leader, Chang Hai-peng, is falling back from Taonan to Hailar, near the Sino-Russian frontier.\n\nThe Heilungkiang Provincial Government has sent envoys to the independent armies advising the opposing troops not to proceed to Hailar, as proximity to Russian territory may lead to further Sino-Russian complications.\n\nShanghai, Oct. 22.\n\nThe impression in French circles here this morning was more favourable than it was earlier.\n\nTokyo, Oct. 22.\n\nIt is learned that the Japanese War Office has decided to despatch additional machine-guns and infantry guns to Manchuria, for the purpose of increasing the defensive power, as the Government is averse to increasing the number of troops.-Reuter.\n\nMR. CHU CHAO-HSIN.\n\nAn Appointment by the Nanking Government.\n\nA telegram announcing the appointment of Mr. Chu Chao-hsin, former Chinese Minister to Italy and vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Nanking Government, as one of the commissioners to serve on the Special Committee elected by the Nanking Government to administer foreign affairs and the Manchurian negotiations has been despatched from the Nanking Central Political Council to a prominent Hongkong Chinese merchant, asking him to convey this message of appointment to Mr. Chu Chao-hsin, who was in Hongkong yesterday.\n\nFAITH IN LEAGUE.\n\nPeking, Oct. 22.\n\nAlthough the resolution will provide for an adjournment of the Council for three weeks, it is believed a proviso will be added to the effect that the Council still considers itself in permanent session in order that they could be again summoned urgently, should the situation warrant.\n\nAnother Chinese telegram to headquarters states that Japanese aeroplanes dropped six bombs yesterday near Tahsing, on the Taonan-Angangchi railway, but the damage has not to be ascertained.-Reuter.\n\nExcitement was at fever heat here this morning, as it is felt that some definite development must result from to-day's deliberations. It was decided at the last minute that the meeting of the committee of five should be held at the Secretariat, where it has now continued for already three quarters of an hour.\n\nGENEVA DELAY.\n\nWeakening.\n\n\"DEPLORABLE EFFECTS.\"\n\nMr. Yoshizawa has an appointment with M. Briand at 11.30.\n\npresumably to hand him officially the text the Japanese reply.\n\nGRAVE DEVELOPMENT.\n\nJapanese Reply Considered Unsatisfactory.\n\nLater.\n\nThe Council considers\n\nChina's Reply to Powers Identic Notes.\n\nPOLICY OF PEACE.\n\nNanking, Oct. 21.\n\nThe Waichiaopu despatched to day the following communication to the French, British, German, Norwegian, Jugo-Slavian, Italian, and Polish Governments in reply to their identic notes calling attention of both China and Japan to their obligations under the Kellogg Pact:\n\n\"The Chinese Government feels to her legal as well as moral duty toward human civilization.\n\nThe acting Chairman of the Heilungkiang Provincial Government who was responsible for the defeat of the Independents near Taonan, has telegraphed to Marshal Chang Hsueh-liang suggesting that the Nanking Foreign Office should lodge a strong protest against the supply of foreign arms and ammunition from one of Manchuria's foreign neighbours to the Independents under Chang Hai-peng.\n\nCommander Ma's telegram says that without the foreign imported arms and ammunition there would have been no independent movement. He declares that the movement was deliberately created to harm the prestige of the Central Government in her foreign relations.\n\nYOUNG MARSHAL.\n\nStill Intends to Return to Mukden.\n\nLUGGAGE MYSTERY.\n\nPeking, Oct. 21. It is understood that Mr. Chu Chao-hsin will be leaving for Shanghai on the Empress of Russia this morning.\n\nFour hundred and seventeen effects-cases of household furniture and personal belongings Marshal Chang Hsueh-liang and his family, have arrived at Tongku from Dairen.\n\nTen\n\nTHE BOYCOTT.\n\nMerchants Held in Shanghai Temple.\n\nONE PAYS $10,000 FINE.\n\nShanghai, Oct. 12.\n\nThe anti-Japanese boycott committee over the week-end resumed its activities against merchants supposed to be dealing in Japanese goods.\n\nDuring the last few days merchants held in the temple have been released on \"fines.\" One was $10,000. The usual amount demanded is $5,000.\n\nThe merchants are given a preliminary trial in the office of the General Chamber of Commerce, which adjoins the temple, before being confined in the latter building. In all cases the self-appointed tribunal has found them guilty of dealing in Nipponese goods and have been threatened with the destruction of their business if the fines inflicted are not paid.\n\nProtests to the authorities of Greater Shanghai have failed to bring any relief to the merchants, and in some cases the relatives of the men detained have refused to give information under fear of reprisals.\n\nJAPANESE OPTIMISM.\n\nContrasting with the pessimism prevailing at Geneva, Reuter was informed this evening that a more optimistic view prevails at the Japanese Embassy in London in regard to the Sino-Japanese dispute.\n\nIt was said there that there seems to be every sign of a settlement as both sides appear to have made up their minds to bring about an arrangement. Everyone, it was added, seems to be doing his best with this object in view.\n\nMomentous Meeting.\n\nLater.\n\nIt was then the general opinion that the Council would take a strong line.\n\nThe resolution to be submitted at to-morrow's meeting will urge Japan and China to find a mutual settlement of their difficulties within a period which will, most probably, be indicated by some date set for the next meeting of the Council, which, it is understood, will be about the middle of November.\n\nAwaiting Japan's Reply.\n\nLater.\n\nDespite the decisions taken to night by the Committee of Five-which have caused so much adverse comment it appears that everything to a certain extent will be subordinated to the Japanese Reply, which has not yet been received.\n\nThe tone of the Reply will directly influence the wording of the resolution to be submitted to the Council.",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-536-1 Estimates- 1932 3-9-1931 - 16-6-1933",
        "page_number": 135,
        "title": "CO129-536-1 Estimates- 1932 3-9-1931 - 16-6-1933",
        "content_text": "SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST. FRIDAY, OCTOBER 23, 1931.\n\nCHINA UNITY.\n\nOrders to Wind Up Canton Government?\n\nSOUTH'S OPTIMISM.\n\nAnticipating Nanking negotiations for peace, making preparations for the dissolution of the Canton Government on November 1.\n\nCanton officials are said to be of success the\n\nNanking, Oct. 14.\n\nGovernment organs for the control of narcotic drugs are to be established by the Ministry of Interior, according to a resolution adopted at yesterday's meeting of the Kuo-Wa-Hui-I (State Council) pursuant to a recommendation from the National Opium-Suppression Commission.\n\nThe Wah Kiu Yat Po, which publishes a message to this effect from Shanghai, says that Canton Government departmental heads have been instructed to proceed with the work of winding up their departments within two weeks' time.\n\nThe unfinished work of these departments will be transferred to Nanking, where it is expected that several of the high officials of the Southern Government will be invited to administer departments in the new Government.\n\nSouthern Optimism.\n\nThe establishment of the proposed new organs is expressly provided for by Regulations governing the Control of Narcotic Drugs recently promulgated by the National Government.\n\nThe main function of these new organs will be to see that narcotic drugs are limited to scientific and medical uses and that the sale of narcotic drugs devoted to purposes other than the authorized ones is strictly suppressed.—Kua Min.\n\nTHE DRUG TRAFFIC.\n\nChina Makes New Plans for Suppression.\n\nNanking, Oct. 14.\n\n...\n\nSCIENCE CONGRESS.\n\nScientists to be Invited to China.\n\nTHE TSANG FOO VILLAS MURDER TRIAL.\n\nDISCHARGE OF TWO DEFENDANTS YESTERDAY AFTERNOON.\n\nVICTIM'S TERRIBLE INJURIES.\n\nTwo of the twelve defendants in the Tsang Foo Villas murder trial were discharged in the course of yesterday's proceedings before Mr. Fraser at the Kowloon Magistracy.\n\nThe evidence given against these two men was such, his Worship said, that no jury would convict.\n\nEvidence given of the injuries received by the Japanese showed that the bodies in all cases were mutilated.\n\nThe injuries received by the amah of sixteen were particularly brutal.\n\nFURTHER DECISIONS TO-DAY?\n\nRACIAL VIRILITY.\n\nSir L. Hill on Birth Control.\n\nSURNAMES.\n\nOur Own and Other Peoples.\n\nDOWNFALL OF EMPIRES. CURIOSITIES OF ORIGIN\n\nAt the annual conference of the Sanitary Inspectors' Association at Bridlington, Sir Leonard Hill, in his presidential address, said that the sanitary inspectors' Association at Bridlington, Sir Leonard Hill, in his presidential address, said that the birth rate was now the subject of intensive propaganda among the masses of the people, and the no-child or one-child home was becoming the rule.\n\nAlthough the unskilled continued as yet to breed more than the skilled, birth-control was practised in every class of society.\n\nIn consequence, between 1921-31 the population of Great Britain had increased hardly more than in the 10 years 1911-21, which included the War, when about a million young men were killed and several millions listed and were taken away from family life.\n\nThe infant mortality rate had fallen from 167 per 1,000 births at the end of last century to 60 in 1930, but the saving so effected compensated very little for the enormous drop in the birth rate.\n\nThe annual increase of births over deaths per 1,000 living was 12 at the end of last century, and in 1929 it was under three, so very shortly the population would be stationary; the proportion of older persons increasing as children became scarcer.\n\nThree children per family were required to make good the losses and keep up the population.\n\nOne-child families meant halving the population—\n\n(By Walter G. Bell, in the Daily Telegraph).\n\n\"John ate chyldren.\" So he did, did he? A husbandman was this John; one goes out to the Fen country around Huntingdon for \"Richard ate Forty\"—a ferocious monster when at table.\n\nReading old documents from days when villeinage flourished in England, one experiences shocks like these not infrequently.\n\nThen consciousness comes that all that is meant is \"at\" or \"off,\" and the ogre is really the quite inoffensive John at Chiltern.\n\nThe other is of Ford—to find him you at the ford.\n\nSpelling was apt to vary with each clerk who wrote, and much corruption crept in.\n\nBut can one account by geography alone for \"Thomas atte Hell,\" a Suffolk man? He was the man at the hill.\n\nBARONET WITH A WHIP.\n\nFined for Striking Two \"Noisy\" Young Men.\n\nROADSIDE GATHERING.\n\nSir Christopher Furness, Bart., of Netherbyres, Ayton, Berwickshire, was fined 10s. at Eyemouth on a charge of assaulting two young men by striking them with a whip.\n\nMr. A. Carnegie, prosecuting, said that on August 14, at night, a band of young men were congregated on the road between Eyemouth and Ayton.\n\nOne started to play a mouthorgan and the others started to dance, and no doubt they were a bit hilarious.\n\nSir Christopher approached them and struck George Todd Dougal, of Eyemouth, across the back with a whip.\n\nThe others, with the exception of George Collin, also of Eyemouth, ran away, and Sir Christopher struck Collin across the face with a whip.\n\nFor the defence it was submitted that Sir Christopher was ill and that the noise had so upset him that he had impulsively sought his own remedy.\n\nThe chairman said that this mitigated very much the seriousness of the offence, but there was no excuse for Sir Christopher taking the law into his own hands.\n\nSir Christopher is 31, and the third baronet.\n\nHis father, Sir Stephen Wilson Furness, succeeded Sir Christopher Furness, who was Chairman of Furness, Withy and Co., Ltd., and Liberal M.P. for Hartlepool 1910-14.\n\nAt this juncture, Mr. White-Smith asked for Richard\n\nOur forenames are mostly much older than our surnames.\n\nWhen the Domesday Book accounts for some 283,000 inhabitants in all of England that was surveyed—it sufficed to indicate John by his place of residence, or as John the son of Richard, or very frequently John the servant of his named master; often, too, as John Sessmith, distinguished by his trade.\n\nSince names of persons are of first importance, and their indication is no longer so simple as this, whom he succeeded in 1914, was\n\nLegal Attitude.\n\nOdd that while names are supremely important in the transaction of life, the law has paid little or no head.\n\nIt will offend a man's title to his own name when there has been fraudulent misuse, but in nothing else.\n\nMen and women may call themselves just what they please, change their names as often as they like; the law is not concerned.\n\nCustom ordains that on marriage a woman shall adopt her husband's surname, signing her patronymic at birth and on the marriage register, but there is no legal enforcement of it.\n\nThe first witness called yesterday was Dr. J. Smalley, who testified that certain Japanese were admitted to the Kowloon Hospital on the night of September 26.\n\nThe first to be admitted entered the hospital at about 11 p.m. and the last one at about 12.45 a.m.\n\nIn all cases, the Police brought in the arrested.\n\nThe eighth was arrested in a hut in Po Kong Village at about midnight.\n\nHe had a wound on his head, which he said he had received from the military.\n\nWitness examined Shiro Yamashita, the boy of four, whose skull was fractured.\n\nThere were multiple injuries, and although he was conscious, he was obviously dying.\n\nNothing could be done for him and he never recovered.\n\nHe was about 60 feet from the gate of Tsang Foo Villas.\n\nThis man was arrested about ten minutes after the eighth defendant was arrested.\n\nNiyoji Yamashita, the boy of nine, had multiple injuries, his skull and left thigh bone being fractured.\n\nHis condition was very bad.\n\nHe was given medical treatment, but passed away at 1 a.m.\n\nSumiko Yamaguchi, the Japanese amah of 16, had multiple injuries including a scalp wound, while her skull was fractured.\n\nShe had many bruises all over her body.\n\nDr. Smalley then described her other injuries.\n\nHer wounds were inflicted by blunt weapons such as sticks or poles.\n\nMiyo Yamashita, the old lady, had a fractured skull, while two irregular lacerated wounds were growing up in Africa with education of the native races.\n\nAlleged Street Incident.\n\nA Chinese constable, B632, said he was on duty between 6 a.m. and 10 a.m. outside Tsang Foo Villas on September 27.\n\nWhilst he was on duty, he met with three men, of whom defendant was one, talking near the wall of Tsang Foo Villas.\n\nTwo policemen had been posted there.\n\nEn-vene Chen asked why ten\", Tsai Yuan-pei, C. C. Wu (Western Hills clique) conferred to represent China at the Fifth Convention of the Pacific Conference to be held next May in Canada.\n\nSince the institute has been designated to represent China at the fifth convention, a preparatory committee of 11 experts has been appointed to attend to all preliminary matters.\n\nMr. Ewen cites the case, in the year 1857, of a Mr. Bedbug who changed his name to Bowditch.\n\nA Satisfactory Conclave.\n\nShanghai, Oct. 22.\n\nMarshal Chiang Kai-shek and Messrs. Hu Han-min, Wang Ching-wei, Sun Fo, Li Chi-sen, Li Shih-shan, Tsai Yuan-pei, C. C. Wu (Western Hills clique) conferred yesterday morning for two hours.\n\nThe entire peace mission proceeded to the residence of Mr. Hu Han-min immediately upon their arrival and it was while there that Mr. Wang Ching-wei and the peace delegates will leave for Nanking immediately after a meeting with General Chiang Kai-shek.\n\nStatements of Defendants.\n\nThe 12 defendants made various statements to Mr. Whyte-Smith, A.S.P., and Sub-Inspector Murphy.\n\nMr. Whyte-Smith said that was all the evidence against this defendant, your Worship.\n\nHis Worship said that the evidence is such that no jury would convict.\n\nHe accordingly discharged the sixth and twelfth defendants.\n\nThe fourth defendant said he went so near to Tsang Foo Villas because he saw his brother had been injured and he went inside the house to see what was going on.\n\nThe fifth defendant, a boy of 15, said he was there to pick him up.\n\nThe sixth defendant, another boy of 15, said he had nothing to do with the murder.\n\nThe seventh defendant referred to a bandaged arm.\n\nThe eighth defendant, who was arrested in his hut that night, said he had never been out of his hut that evening.\n\nThe ninth defendant, who was represented by Mr. F. X. D'Almada, Sr., said he knew absolutely nothing.\n\nThe tenth, eleventh, and twelfth defendants made the same statement.\n\nTo Leave for Nanking.\n\nNanking, Oct. 22.\n\nMr. Wang Ching-wei and the peace delegates will leave for Nanking immediately after a meeting with General Chiang Kai-shek.\n\nCanton's Reservations.\n\nCanton, Oct. 22.\n\nInterviewed as to the reliability of the report that the Canton Government will be wound up within two weeks' time, a certain member of the Council has remarked that this is premature.\n\nThe Government is still uncertain whether the overthrow of dictatorial government will be effected, and the Canton Government must remain until this end has been attained.\n\nConditional Dissolution.\n\nCanton Army Changes.\n\nGen. Yen Yin-nai, Commander of the 1st New Division has tendered his resignation, and asked for troops to be disbanded.\n\nThe Government has decided to comply.\n\nGen. Ye will be reappointed as a staff officer.\n\nGen. Chan Chatong has decided to enlarge the Peace Preservation Corps into a brigade with Mr. Chan Chang-po as commander.—Rensha.\n\nMr. Eugene Chen.\n\nCanton, Oct. 22.\n\nAn extraordinary session of the Kuomintang C.E.C. to-day formally appointed Mr. Eugene Chen as delegate to the Shanghai peace parley.\n\nMr. Chen will take a leading part in discussing Sino-Foreign relations, particularly Manchurian affairs.—Central Press.\n\nAll the Talents.\n\nShanghai, Oct. 22.\n\nGood progress is being made by the leaders representing the various factions of the Kuomintang for the formation of the new National Government at Nanking representative of \"all the talents.\"\n\nIn this connexion, Mr. Wang Ching-wei, the Kuomintang Leftist leader, who is heading the Canton peace mission of five members, conferred yesterday morning for two hours with Mr. Hu Han-min, the leader of the Nanking Conservatives.\n\nThe entire peace mission proceeded to the residence of Mr. Hu Han-min immediately upon their arrival and it was while there that Mr. Wang Ching-wei and the peace delegates held a lengthy discussion of possible cases, but as a critic has pointed out, the name appears to have had little or nothing to do with either \"shake\" (verb) or \"spear.\"\n\nMASSAGE.\n\nMR. & MRS. Y. MORI,\n\nCertificate.\n\nHolder of Japanese Government Certificate. Sprained Ankle and Wrist opp. \"South China Morning Post.\" 4, Wyndham Street. (1st floor). Telephone 26051.\n\n\"SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST\" is always on sale at SELFRIDGE'S London, W. 1.\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16\n\nPage 16\n\nPage 16",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-536-1 Estimates- 1932 3-9-1931 - 16-6-1933.txt",
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    {
        "id": 532899,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-538-1 Hong Kong University 31-12-1931 - 6-8-1932",
        "page_number": 139,
        "title": "CO129-538-1 Hong Kong University 31-12-1931 - 6-8-1932",
        "content_text": "220\n\n6\n\nCHINA REPORT\n\nThe delegation was also instructed to convey to the Universities of China the friendly greetings of the Universities' China Committee on behalf of the Universities of Great Britain.\n\nWe reached Shanghai on September 30th, 1931, and during our short preliminary stay in that city we were given opportunities (partly through the hospitality of Mr. G. E. Hubbard, of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation) of meeting and discussing educational affairs with a number of Chinese returned students from British and other universities and with other representative Chinese and British residents who were interested in the purpose of our visit to China. From Shanghai we proceeded, early in October, to Tientsin, Peiping (Peking) and Tsinan (the capital of Shantung), all of which contain some of the leading educational institutions in China. During the next two months we visited most of the more important universities and colleges of north and eastern China, including Tsing Hua, Yenching and the National Government Universities of Peiping, Nankai and Tientsin, Cheeloo in Shantung, the Central (Chung Yang) and Nanking Universities, various universities and colleges in Shanghai and its neighbourhood, and Lingnan and Chung Shan Universities at Canton. In accordance with instructions, the colony of Hong Kong and its British University were included in our itinerary, and from its vice-chancellor and staff we obtained valuable assistance and information. Of the \"Seven Christian Universities\" of China, which are at present evolving a system of federation, we visited four—Yenching (Peiping), the Shantung Christian University (Cheeloo) in Tsinan, the East China Federated University with its affiliated institutions (Ginling, the Nanking University, Soochow University and Hangchow Christian College) and Lingnan University (formerly Canton Christian College and still usually so designated by foreigners) in Canton. The only \"Christian Universities\" we were unfortunately unable to visit, though we received cordial invitations to do so, were those of Foochow (the Fukien Christian University), Central China University, Wuchang, and the West China Union University at Ch'êng-tu in Ssuch'uan. From the administrative and teaching staffs of all the institutions visited, as well as from the students, we are glad to record that we met with nothing but kindness, hospitality and friendly interest. We had hoped to see something of the educational work being done in the Three Eastern Provinces (Manchuria), but it was found impossible to carry out this part of our programme owing to the political crisis in that region, which caused the temporary closing of the North-Eastern University (Mukden) and other educational centres, and disorganised the railway communications.\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\n7\n\nAll three members of the delegation attended the meetings of the Fourth Pacific Conference as members of the British group. Preparations had been made for holding this Conference at Hangchow, but circumstances connected with the acute tension then existing between China and Japan made it advisable that the meetings should be held in the International Settlement of Shanghai. During the sessions of the Conference, which sat from October 21st to November 3rd, we had the great advantage of meeting many of the leading educationists in China and of discussing with them various problems of mutual interest. While attending the Pacific Conference, therefore, we were able simultaneously to carry on the work which had been entrusted to us by the Universities' China Committee.\n\nIn a letter addressed by the Chairman of the Committee to the Chairman of the Board of Trustees for the administration of the indemnity fund, it was stated that in addition to carrying out their duties as specified in the above-mentioned terms of reference, Professors Adams and Roxby were also prepared to give lectures at various academic centres. Throughout the whole period of their sojourn in China (extending from September 30th to December 5th) the educational life of the country was in a state of ferment and excitement, owing to the situation created by Japanese action in Manchuria, and normal work at most of the schools and colleges throughout the country was seriously disorganised. Nevertheless the welcome given to Messrs. Adams and Roxby was most cordial in every instance. The lectures given by them were usually attended by as many students as the various auditoria could accommodate, and were listened to with eager attention. Had they been able to prolong their stay in China they would have found ample occupation in accepting the numerous invitations which reached them from many parts of the country. They will submit separate reports giving details of their lecturing tours, the subjects on which they lectured and the institutions whose invitations they accepted. Meanwhile they are glad to take this opportunity of expressing their appreciation not only of the warm welcome accorded to them by the various academic authorities, but also of the friendly attitude of the students and the evident interest shown by them in the subjects on which lectures and discussions took place.\n\nProfessor Roxby embarked at Hong Kong for England on November 24th and Professor Adams and the Chairman followed on December 5th. The two latter arrived in England on January 8th, about a fortnight later than their colleague.\n\n221",
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    {
        "id": 532904,
        "series_id": 27,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-538-1 Hong Kong University 31-12-1931 - 6-8-1932",
        "page_number": 144,
        "title": "CO129-538-1 Hong Kong University 31-12-1931 - 6-8-1932",
        "content_text": "1 230\n\n16\n\nCHINA REPORT\n\nhotheadedness of the student-class in China or to foment social and political agitation in academic circles.\n\nBut the advantages which Great Britain and China would have derived from a wise and prudent application of the indemnity funds to the educational needs of China need not be emphasised in these pages, since they have recently been brought prominently to the notice of the British public in the Report of the British Economic Mission to the Far East. Chapter VIII of that Report (pp. 104-107 and also pp. 126-127) deals with \"Cultural Relations with China\", and may be strongly commended to the attention of the Universities' China Committee. Here we need do no more than quote two remarks in which the opinions arrived at by the Economic Mission are summarised :-\n\nCC\n\nIn view of the above-mentioned facts, we feel it to be a matter of most urgent necessity to bring about a more intimate cultural relationship between Great Britain and China. Not only is this desirable for the future development of British trade, but we believe it will be of the greatest possible benefit to China herself.\n\nWith these considerations before us, we feel that steps should be taken at the earliest possible opportunity to devise means whereby Chinese students can be attracted in considerable numbers to British universities and workshops, and the intellectual life of Great Britain and China thereby be brought into closer contact (pp. 106-107).\n\n32\n\nWe desire to draw attention to the undoubted benefits which the trade of the United States derives from the fact that many of those in responsible positions in China have been educated in American universities and are strongly American in sentiment. This result appears to be due to a deliberate policy of the United States Government which remitted nearly 12 million dollars of its share of the 1900 indemnity, this money and a later remission of over six million dollars being used in assisting the education of Chinese students destined to proceed to America, and in educational and cultural activities in China. While we understand that it is the intention of Great Britain to devote part of her remaining share of the 1900 indemnity to educational purposes in China, it cannot be denied that the cultural and educational activities of the United States in China have already given her a big advantage over Great Britain, particularly in engineering and other technical education. We feel that it is a matter of most urgent necessity that a more intimate cultural relationship should be promoted between China and Great Britain, for the purpose of attracting Chinese students to British universities and workshops. We recommend that this matter should be considered at a conference to be summoned at an early date by the Department of Overseas Trade, at which the British Universities and business men interested in the China trade should be represented (pp. 126-127).* \n\nSITUATION CREATED BY EXCHANGE OF NOTES\n\n17\n\nof attracting Chinese students to British universities and workshops. We recommend that this matter should be considered at a conference to be summoned at an early date by the Department of Overseas Trade, at which the British Universities and business men interested in the China trade should be represented (pp. 126-127).* \n\nThe sections of the Economic Mission's Report in which these observations occur were referred by the Governor of Hong Kong to Sir William Hornell, vice-chancellor of the University, for an expression of his views. He stated them in a long and valuable minute dated August 22nd last, a copy of which was transmitted to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. The third section of his minute, paragraphs 19-27, deals in an interesting and lucid way with the manner in which the indemnity-remission question has been dealt with by His Majesty's Government, and it makes melancholy reading, especially when the brilliant results achieved by the Americans are taken into account. Sir William speaks with exceptional knowledge and authority, for he is himself one of the British members of the Board of Trustees. He refers to the failure, as I hold it, to utilise the Boxer Indemnity concession to the real and mutual benefit of Great Britain and China, and the repeated inability on the part of the British not only in China but elsewhere, to maintain the influence which their general and commercial integrity has secured for them (p. 5). He sees little ground for optimism in the present situation with regard to the recent indemnity settlement, and writes as follows:-\n\n*C\n\n\"I am one of the Trustees the Vice-Chairman—and regret to have to report that I can see little, if any, prospect of any permanent educational endowment resulting from the recent surrender of the indemnity under the terms of the 1931 Act. I am not denying the benefit to British Industry which should issue from \n\n* The following extract from a speech made by Dr. Hu Shih, very well known in Chinese academic and other circles, at the Pacific Conference of 1931, of which he was Chairman, will be found of interest :— \n\n\"I wish to point out one of the strange phenomena of the world, namely the changeability, the fickleness of international feelings.\n\nI myself helped to launch the anti-American boycott in Shanghai in 1906. I myself participated in some of the demonstrations, never realising that only four years later I was to land in America to enrol in one of the Universities. In those years, particularly in 1906, because of the Exclusion Act, China's best men spent their time making speeches, demonstrating to the people that the only weapon left us was the anti-American boycott.... In 1908 President Roosevelt proposed to return the surplus portion of the Boxer indemnity to China,\n\nTwenty-three years of the policy of educating large numbers of students in America has not only completely changed that anti-American feeling but has also made American influence superior to the influence of any other nation in China, culturally, commercially, industrially and intellectually. This is one of the examples of the fickleness of international feelings.”\n\n231",
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    {
        "id": 532911,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-538-1 Hong Kong University 31-12-1931 - 6-8-1932",
        "page_number": 151,
        "title": "CO129-538-1 Hong Kong University 31-12-1931 - 6-8-1932",
        "content_text": "244 \n\n245 \n\n31 \n\n30 \n\nCHINA REPORT \n\nDr. T. C. Chao will in any case be in England during 1932-3. Dr. Tsu, who has been Professor of Sociology at St. John's University, Shanghai, is desirous of studying the co-operative movement in England and could probably come in the autumn of 1932. It is understood that if he were appointed to a lectureship he would be content with living expenses only. Dr. V. K. Ting, who was educated at Cambridge and Glasgow and in Germany, was formerly head of the Government Geological Department in Peiping and is now on the teaching staff of the National University there. Dr. L. K. Tao was educated at the London School of Economics and is now Director of the Institute of Social Science under the American Indemnity Foundation. Mr. Anson Chow is editor and manager of the \"Life Weekly\" of Shanghai. Dr. T. Z. Koo has been a prominent Y.M.C.A. leader and has taken a great interest in Anglo-Chinese intellectual co-operation and in the visits of English lecturers. The name of Dr. James Yen is well known in connection with the mass-education movement already alluded to and is one of the leading social workers in contemporary China. Dr. Lin is at present in England and expects to remain here till April next.\n\nIt should be mentioned that in the case of several of the Chinese holders of lectureships under our scheme it should be possible for them to combine lecturing with the prosecution of their own advanced studies in English universities. Two at least of the Chinese scholars above-named—Messrs. Chao and Tsu—would certainly be desirous of combining learning with teaching.\n\nDuring their journey across the American continent and also during the sessions of the Pacific Conference at Shanghai the members of the delegation had many opportunities of discussing with prominent Canadians various questions affecting the relations of China and Canada, and they gained the impression that Canada would be glad to co-operate to some extent with the activities of the Universities' China Committee in connection with the scheme of visiting lectureships and perhaps in other ways. Canada's interest in this matter is not a new thing. A reference was made to it in Lord Buxton's Memorandum (see \"Report of the Advisory Committee\", pp. 34-35). It is realised in Canada that very little attempt has yet been made to establish a cultural as distinct from an economic relationship between the two countries, and that in this respect Canada lags far behind the United States. A Chinese department has been established at McGill University, Montreal, and a valuable library of Chinese books has been presented to that University by a private benefactor. But in the province of British Columbia, in spite of its geographical position on the Pacific Ocean, its considerable Chinese population and its growing trade with China, little or nothing has been done apart from Canadian missionary work in China to bring the two nations into spiritual or intellectual contact, though it is becoming urgently necessary, in the interests of both countries, that such a contact should be established. When the Chairman of this delegation visited British Columbia towards the end of 1930 he brought this point of view to the notice of the educational and other authorities of the province, and his two colleagues have no hesitation in endorsing his view that steps should be taken as speedily as possible to make provision for the study of the Chinese language and culture in the provincial university at Vancouver. Meanwhile, some progress might be made in the desired direction if the group of Canadians who are known to be interested in this question could see their way to appoint a small committee for the purpose of co-operating with the Universities' China Committee. If some agreement could be arrived at, it might be arranged that British lecturers on their return journey from China should give Canadian audiences the benefit of some of their acquired knowledge of China, and that Chinese lecturers on their way to or from England should deliver a few lectures in Canadian academic or other centres on subjects connected with Chinese culture. We have reason to believe that Professor George Smith, of the University of Alberta, Professor N. Mackenzie, of Toronto, and the Hon. Vincent Massey, formerly Canadian Minister at Washington, are among those prominent Canadians who would give their support to such a scheme, and it is possible that they would be willing to serve on the proposed committee.\n\nIn some of the discussions held with representative University teachers a strong plea was made for the holding of “Summer Schools” staffed by British lecturers. It was pointed out that, even in the most favourable circumstances, only a very limited number of Chinese research students or lecturers would have the opportunity of coming to England, and that if the services of visiting British lecturers under the exchange scheme were limited to a few selected universities or university centres the scope of their influence would be relatively narrow. If it were possible to arrange Summer Schools open to University and Middle School teachers, many would have the opportunity, otherwise denied them, of making contact with British culture and points of view. It was suggested that British lecturers coming to China under the scheme here advocated might be willing to devote either before their more strictly academic programme began or after its completion, and that\n\n25 \n\nCC \n\n*",
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    {
        "id": 532958,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-538-1 Hong Kong University 31-12-1931 - 6-8-1932",
        "page_number": 198,
        "title": "CO129-538-1 Hong Kong University 31-12-1931 - 6-8-1932",
        "content_text": "305\n\n-3-\n\nThe (and still usually so designated by foreigners) in Canton. The only \"Christian Universities\" we were unfortunately unable to visit, though we received cordial invitations to do so, were those of Foochow (the Fukien Christian University), Central China College, Wuchang, and the West China Union University at Ch'êng-tu in Ssu-ch'uan. From the administrative and teaching staffs and the students of all the institutions visited, as well as from many students, we are glad to record that we met with nothing but kindness, hospitality, and friendly interest. We had hoped to see something of the educational work being done in the Three Eastern Provinces (Manchuria) but it was found impossible to carry out this part of our programme owing to the political crisis in that region, which caused the temporary closing of the North-Eastern University (Mukden) and other educational centres and disorganised the railway communications.\n\nAll three members of the delegation attended the meetings of the Fourth Pacific Conference as members of the British group. Preparations had been made for holding this Conference at Hangchow, but circumstances connected with the acute tension then existing between China and Japan made it advisable that the meetings should be held in the International Settlement of Shanghai. During the sessions of the Conference, which sat from October 21st to November 3rd, we had the great advantage of meeting many of the leading educationalists in China and of discussing with them various problems of mutual interest. While attending the Pacific Conference, therefore, we were able simultaneously to carry on the work which had been entrusted to us by the Universities China Committee.\n\nIn a letter addressed by the Chairman of the Committee to the Chairman of the Board of Trustees for the administration of the indemnity fund, it was stated that in addition to carrying out their duties as specified in the above-mentioned terms of reference, Professors Adams and Roxby were also prepared to give lectures at various academic centres. Throughout the whole period of their sojourn in China (extending from September 29th to December 5th) the educational life of the country was in a state of ferment.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-538-1 Hong Kong University 31-12-1931 - 6-8-1932.txt",
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    {
        "id": 532986,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-538-1 Hong Kong University 31-12-1931 - 6-8-1932",
        "page_number": 226,
        "title": "CO129-538-1 Hong Kong University 31-12-1931 - 6-8-1932",
        "content_text": "31\n\n333\n\ncould probably come in the autumn of 1932. It is understood that if he were appointed to a lectureship he would be content with living expenses only. Dr V.K.Ting, who was educated at Cambridge and Glasgow and in Germany, was formerly head of the Government Geological Department in Peiping and is now on the teaching staff of the National University there. Dr L.K.Tao was educated at the London School of Economics and is now Director of the Institute of Social Science under the American Indemnity Foundation. Mr Anson Chow is editor and manager of the \"Life Weekly\" of Shanghai. Dr T.Z.Koo has been a prominent Y.M.C.A. leader and has taken a great interest in Anglo-Chinese intellectual co-operation and in the visits of English lecturers. The name of Dr James Yen is well known in connection with the mass-education movement already alluded to and is one of the leading social workers in contemporary China.\n\nIt should be mentioned that in the case of several of the Chinese holders of lectureships under our scheme it should be possible for them to combine lecturing with the prosecution of their own advanced studies in English universities. At least of the Chinese scholars above-named, Messrs Chao and Tsu, would certainly be desirous of combining teaching with learning.\n\nDuring their journey across the American continent and also during the sessions of the Pacific Conference at Shanghai the members of the delegation had many opportunities of discussing with prominent Canadians various questions affecting the relations of China and Canada, and they gained the impression that Canada would be glad to co-operate to some extent with the activities of the Universities China Committee in connection with the scheme of visiting lectureships and perhaps in other ways. It is realised in Canada that very little attempt has yet been made to establish a cultural as distinct from an economic relationship between the two countries, and that in this respect Canada lags far behind the United States. A Chinese department has been established at McGill University, Montreal, and a valuable library of Chinese books has been presented to that University by a private benefactor. But in the province of British Columbia,\n\nCanada's interest in this matter is not a new thing. A reference was made to it in Lord Buxton's Memorandum (and \"Report of the Advisory Committee...",
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    {
        "id": 549220,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-554-7 British Empire and China Trade Fair 14-5-1935 - 23-10-1935",
        "page_number": 36,
        "title": "CO129-554-7 British Empire and China Trade Fair 14-5-1935 - 23-10-1935",
        "content_text": "36\n\nIn addition to inviting exhibits from the Empire, we are particularly stressing the importance of personal contacts. With this in view, we have definitely interested people in New Zealand and Australia; in the idea of sending delegations to Hong Kong during the Trade Fair to meet Chinese.\n\nThis would consist of separate delegations of men and women, the latter on the lines of the Pan-Pacific Conference held.\n\nIt is too early at the moment to say whether this will be carried out or not, but we do know that the matter is being keenly discussed.\n\nRegarding the organisation of the Trade Fair, we are working on the following lines:\n\nAbove all is a Trade Council consisting of prominent British and Chinese, and we propose that the Prime Ministers or Ministers of Commerce of the various parts of the Empire which participate, be invited to lead their missions.\n\nNext to this would come the General Advisory Committee on which representatives of those interested in the Trade Fair would be invited to sit. These interests would be shipping, hotels, the public, railway, traffic, finance, etc., etc. It would be of the greatest value if the Government would also nominate a senior officer on this Advisory Committee.\n\nBelow this comes the actual organising and working committees.\n\nThe Advertising and Publicity Bureau, as organisers, will be responsible for getting all necessary work done, and will control the formation of sub-committees to deal with the various details which were outlined above. We are now in hope to bring from London an experienced Trade Fair Secretary who has had considerable previous experience. The duty of this executive will consist of co-ordinating the work of these sub-committees and advising the executives concerned.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-554-7 British Empire and China Trade Fair 14-5-1935 - 23-10-1935.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 554006,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-561-7 Hong Kong University 4-1-1937 - 22-9-1937",
        "page_number": 49,
        "title": "CO129-561-7 Hong Kong University 4-1-1937 - 22-9-1937",
        "content_text": "# The Hong Kong Sunday Herald\n\n## HONG KONG, SUNDAY, JUNE 13, 1937\n\n### Pacific Relations\n\n46B\n\n**THE**\n\nThe visit of Mr. Carter last week to address the Rotary Club and the League of Nations Society on behalf of the Institute of Pacific Relations passed with almost as little comment as the discussion at the Imperial Conference raised by the Prime Minister of Australia on the suggestion of a Pacific Pact, but the subjects discussed dovetail into each other, and are just those on which Hong Kong might be expected to form and express opinions worthy of consideration. Mr. Carter told us that the Institute had come to the conclusion that it was impossible to understand the clash of national ambitions without knowing the internal conditions of the countries concerned, and as that is just what we find elsewhere and in history there is no reason why it should not be accepted as the starting point of any study of the Oriental problem. We may also accept his statement that the whole value of such discussions as were recently held at the Yosemite Valley convention lay in the fact that none of the delegates were official representatives. How could it be otherwise? Every Government is the resultant of traditions and interests that are opposed to each other, but which have to be combined into at least the semblance of unity, of which the official view is the organ. A student is concerned with the forces and their growing or fading ascendancy.\n\nOur visitor, as was natural to one who was a stranger to Hong Kong, looked to the university to take up the impartial study of local and South China conditions, such as overcrowding, excessive rents, and all the other causes of discontent and unrest. Nobody felt inclined to tell him that so far from encouraging such unpopular investigations they would be regarded as entirely improper. One of the things we have to secure or safeguard in Hong Kong is the candour of men like the late Sir Charles Booth's enquiry into the East End of London, or Seebohm Rowntree's survey of York.\n\nThe course of the discussions in London has revealed a rather unexpected trend, at least it would be unexpected to those who have not noted how often political changes have the opposite effect to what their proposers intended. Ever since Parliaments were established in the larger Colonies now called Dominions they have been to all intents and purposes self-governing, while professedly being still subject to the control of the Imperial Parliament. The facade did not correspond with the structure. In return for the purely nominal paramountcy the British taxpayer was expected to carry almost the whole cost of defence. Now that they are nominally independent though still under the protection of the Imperial Navy, they are logically bound to take the task of local defence more seriously. Co-ordination is substituted for subordination. To the outside world it is not easy to see any difference, because the change is not sudden. But it will grow, and with the decentralisation of responsibility will grow the strength of the Empire. From the beginning local forces entirely under Colonial control adopted the \"Queen's Regulations\" as the basis of their discipline, and so were able to work together in wartime. There will now be a regular interchange of ideas, and a common purpose. The access to responsible negotiations at Geneva and London and foreign capitals has opened up new vistas and a new appreciation of perils that have previously only been an anxiety to the Foreign Office. The nett result has not been any inclination towards further separation, but an increase of the influence of the Home Government, without the help of which the bigger problems would clearly be insoluble.\n\nAustralia, for example, seems to have acquired a new appreciation of the danger of keeping that enormous Northern Territory vacant in face of the teeming millions of the other Pacific States. Something has to be done to relieve the barren exclusiveness of the Labour Immigration policy, even in Australian interests. The suggestion of Mr. Lyons that there should be some new \"Pacific Pact\" would have no more effect than the other Pacts of which we have already had too many. It could only provide for things being left as they are, and as long as people are content with things as they are there is no need to have a Pact.",
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    {
        "id": 555249,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-563-17 Sino-Japanese War- attacks on shipping. For extracted photographs see CN 3-12 27-9-1937 - 17-1-1938",
        "page_number": 99,
        "title": "CO129-563-17 Sino-Japanese War- attacks on shipping. For extracted photographs see CN 3-12 27-9-1937 - 17-1-1938",
        "content_text": "# CRIPPLING THE FAR EAST\n\n(Daily Press, October 24, 1937)\n\nIt is perfectly clear that no longer can the great Powers regard the undeclared war being ruthlessly waged by Japan on China as a matter capable of being localized and strictly confined as to area and purpose. It has, as was forecast from the moment the assault on Shanghai was launched, become a war of major proportions and the repercussions must be as far-reaching as they are gigantic and dynamic.\n\nSuch was the thoroughness of the Japanese propaganda that it is a well-known fact that the Powers with interests in the Pacific had come to really believe that Japan's might was as great as her propagandists claimed it to be. It was left to China to put Japan to the test, and after more than three months of war—whether 'declared' or 'undeclared' is immaterial—the Japanese have not done much more than take a few villages by surprise and bomb cities of absolutely no strategic importance, leaving in their trail a combination of spectacles which can only be likened to a shambles in an earthquake. As far as Japan is concerned, it can surely be asserted that the world at large feels a sense of nausea at the very unedifying display of sheer brute force which has characterized Japan's contribution to twentieth-century civilization.\n\nHaving had ample opportunity for realizing, without appreciating, the perfidy of Japan, the great Powers are now taking not only a keen but a lively interest in the trend of Sino-Japanese affairs. Much may reasonably be expected to eventuate during the next seven days, and doubtless Japan is not the least anxious of the anxious nations of the world.\n\nOutside the East, it is significant that individuals and organizations have taken the lead before their respective Governments even contemplated taking that sort of action which is limited to academic discussions. It was several weeks ago in these columns that we offered the opinion that it mattered little what Governments thought because it was the will of the mass of the people which alone would decide what final action the Governments would take. When we wrote thus, we had practically only the pious resolutions of humanitarian organizations upon which to base our premise. Since then, notably within the past week, there have come messages from Britain, the United States of America, India, Australia, and New Zealand of the workers having flatly refused to handle goods which were believed—only believed, mark you—to be destined for Japan.\n\nThat is good. It is as it should be, and we for our part hope that this splendid lead given by the workers will be followed throughout the communities in the matter of boycotting Japanese goods and cargo. As in those countries which we have named, the people elect their own Governments, there can be little doubt as to what action those Governments will take if Japan persists in her present unreasonable and irrational policy.\n\nMeanwhile, the Far East is suffering as never before. All those years of very arduous labour which have gone to the establishing of great commercial connections have, almost overnight, been severed, and in terms of wealth, millions have been cut adrift and in terms of humanity, thousands have been ruined. Many such are just waiting for what they term \"the tide to turn\" before returning to Shanghai and other parts in the North, they having great faith in the recuperative powers of those areas. But how long will they have to wait? And whilst they are waiting, Japan is wreaking more and more havoc.\n\n(Continued on page 603)\n\n## DECIDING BEFORE THE COURT MEETS\n\n(Daily Press, October 25, 1937)\n\nIt was President Wilson who introduced what he was pleased to term \"the new diplomacy.\" By that was meant, in a word, that the old order of conducting negotiations between nations by means of underground wires and underhand methods had ceased to exist. In future, everything was to be done in an above-board, honourable, frank, and fearless manner according to the accepted principles of proper conduct based upon an ethical code of unimpeachable virtue.\n\nThis system seemed so good that the world enthusiastically accorded wholehearted support to it and its propounder. However, moderate cynicism is the first attribute of a great critic, and it was the greatly gifted Lord Asquith who wrote this steadying commentary on the supposedly changed order of things, \"The old diplomacy may be dead, but the old diplomats still live.\"\n\nJudging by the happenings in diplomatic circles during the past twenty-four hours, it would appear that the old diplomats are perpetual if not quite immortal. Lord Asquith was deplorably correct, and the masses of the world, so gloriously blind in their enthusiasms for reforms which have their inception in honour and truth and so childlike in the faith they repose in their leaders, were doomed to yet another cruel disillusionment. To-day, we are being treated to a demonstration of international infidelity sufficient to make even a hardened cynic blush. Apparently, even those who have, with a moral recklessness that is truly bewildering, dedicated their lives to the Moloch ways of secret diplomacy of the old and wicked order, have found it impossible, thanks to a vigilant Press, to keep their nefarious schemes from the peoples of the world, and it is common knowledge that, even before the vital Nine-Power Treaty Conference is held in Brussels next Saturday, herculean efforts are being made by certain nations to make the decision before the court sits.\n\nFor unalloyed unmorality, there is nothing to equal such conduct in modern times. One has to go away back to those distant and dismal days of Mediaevalism when the Borgias held sway to find anything even remotely resembling such deceit and conceit. It has been freely stated in the Press of the world that Italy, Germany, and Japan, regardless of the outcome of this conference to be held in Brussels and which is charged with such dynamic importance to the world and its peoples, have tacitly agreed to stand shoulder to shoulder to resist the advance of what is known as the Popular Front.\n\nThus far, nothing more definite than a series of suspiciously similar rumours have emanated from the chancellories, but the goings and comings of Ambassadors, at this particularly tragic stage in the world's history, cannot be without significance. Anything more preposterous than an alliance between Western Powers to support the ghastly policy of aggression so frightfully prosecuted by Japan against peace-loving China would be impossible to imagine.\n\nTo us, the significant point is that, no matter what may be said in favour of round-table conferences of the nations, such Conferences are worse than worthless—they are extravagances of the most prodigal character—if certain nations are to be permitted to take their places at such conferences when it is well known that beforehand they have made their decision and \"counted the heads.\" With things moving as they are at present, this is surely the time for those great Powers which have vital interests in the Pacific to snap out of their academic lethargy and get right down to practical facts.\n\n## CHINA OVERLAND TRADE REPORT\n\n603\n\n(Continued from page 602)\n\nTo us, it appears quite clear that it is not Japan's intention to desist until her merciless depredations of civilian life and property have given her an over-lordship of a very large portion of North China. That day shall never dawn if China stands true to herself. But the more this unprovoked but premeditated attack on China continues, Japan is furthering her scheme for crippling the Far East and then plundering one of the richest areas on the earth's surface.\n\nOne point, however, Japan seems to have completely overlooked. In the prosecution of this crippling campaign, Japan must cripple herself.\n\nIt is such madness which makes the brain reel! China will not surrender. Japan seems impotent to advance. The other Powers have slowly but surely swung-in behind China. Perhaps if a concerted effort were made now to bring Japan to a sense of her criminal folly, then the Far East would be spared the horror and worthlessness of this crippling policy—and even Japan might be saved from herself.\n\nA Japanese bomber on the Canton River after being shot down. (Photo, International News Agency Photonews).\n\n## CRIPPLING THE FAR EAST\n\n(Continued from page 602)\n\nSandbag outpost in Pootung, with Chinese sentry on duty.",
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    {
        "id": 555262,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-563-17 Sino-Japanese War- attacks on shipping. For extracted photographs see CN 3-12 27-9-1937 - 17-1-1938",
        "page_number": 112,
        "title": "CO129-563-17 Sino-Japanese War- attacks on shipping. For extracted photographs see CN 3-12 27-9-1937 - 17-1-1938",
        "content_text": "# THE HONG KONG WEEKLY PRESS & \n## October 29, 1937\n### AMERICA'S NEW CHINA CORONER POLICY ANALYSED\n\n#### Chinese Opinion \n##### Opinion On The Change\n\n(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT)  \nCANTON, OCTOBER 21.\n\nIN VIEW OF AMERICA'S SUDDEN SWITCH IN FAR EASTERN POLICY AS A RESULT OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT'S SPEECH, THE WRITER MADE A CANVASS OF CHINESE OPINION WHICH SHOULD BE OF INTEREST.\n\nA leading Chinese official declared that President Roosevelt's clarion call to the nations of the world to \"make a concerted effort to uphold the laws and principles upon which alone peace can rest secure,\" showed that he is a real friend of China, and also that the school of opinion in the United States which was advocating isolationism at whatever cost was beginning to realize that if the bombings of open towns and massacre of non-combatants continued unchecked, America may not be so safe after all.\n\nAnother Chinese official thought that the first gesture of withdrawal from China was only a feeler to test the real sentiments of the American people on the policy to adopt toward Japan's aggression on an unoffending neighbour. The American wave of protests from citizens in China convinced the State Department that any withdrawal would be highly detrimental to American interests, and so President Roosevelt made his speech in Chicago.\n\n#### READY TO CO-OPERATE\nThe consensus of opinion in official, business, and educational circles in Canton is that the United States and Great Britain had now reached the stage where they were ready to co-operate in the Far East. High hopes were, therefore, entertained over the forthcoming Nine Power Conference at Brussels. \"The Chungshan Daily News\" declared in an editorial that \"the United States and China shared a common responsibility in maintaining the sanctity of international treaties and their mutual co-operation would help to stabilize the balance of power in the Pacific area and restore peace in the Far East.\"\n\nIn view of this consistent friendship, the paper continues, \"the two countries cherish a common ideal and should check the onward march of the violator of world peace in order to realize their common aim. The United States has, of course, perfect freedom of independent action in her handling of international problems, but so far as treaty obligations are concerned, such freedom ought to be limited to a certain extent. It must not be forgotten that the Nine-Power Treaty, the Briand-Kellogg Pact, and the Covenant of the League of Nations were enacted with a definite purpose by the statesmen of the world.\"\n\n\"To solve the problem of international conflicts, Mr. Cordell Hull emphasizes the need of securing peace and calls our attention to it. While we appreciate his desire for peace, it seems that his 14-point proposal is passive in nature, and although it is reported that forty-four states have already adhered to it in principle, they have not yet taken any practical steps to realize this high ideal,\" the paper continues.\n\n#### THE ONLY STEP\nThe paper then says that \"in the face of Japanese armed aggression, China is taking the only appropriate steps in the defence of her territorial sovereignty. It is hoped that President Roosevelt will lend his active support on the side of right and justice, especially when he says that 'America actively engages in the search for peace.'\"\n\n\"The Canton Gazette\" holds the opinion that \"unaided, the United States will not be able to enforce her Monroe Doctrine. She who would leave others alone in their time of need would meet the same fate herself, and there is no reason why any of the Central or South American states should not be the property of one who needed it and had the power to take it.\"\n\nThe journal goes on with an exposition of Britain's difficult role, but adds that the aid of France and Soviet Russia \"is more powerful than any combination that has been or can be made East or West. When necessary, the three can offer sufficient inducements for the United States to throw her weight on their side. Besides, isolationism is no longer possible or practical. Hungry eyes are cast on Central and South America.\"\n\n### PRAISES POLICE\n#### Fine Work In Typhoon Fire\n\nStrong commendatory remarks on the work done by the police and the Fire Brigade in the West Point fire which broke out during the height of the typhoon on September 2, were made by Mr. W. Schofield, Senior Magistrate, at the Central Magistracy on Oct. 20.\n\nMr. Schofield was sitting Coroner at an inquiry held into the circumstances surrounding the death of Tong Cheung, a 76-year-old man residing in a house in Connaught Road West, one of the premises involved in the fire. Assisting him was a jury comprising Messrs. M. Nemazee (foreman), M. V. Neves, and A. J. Hussain.\n\nMr. Schofield said \"The behaviour of the police and the Fire Brigade seems to me to have been most admirable in every way. They were working under difficulties the like of which I have never heard of outside war-time.\"\n\nWithout retiring, the jury returned a verdict of death by misadventure, and the foreman added they did not desire to record a rider.\n\nThe Coroner expressed his sympathy with the relatives of the deceased.\n\n### NAVAL ESCORTS FOR NEW GOVERNOR\nWhen His Excellency the new Governor, Sir Geoffrey Northcote, and Lady Northcote arrive in the Colony on October 28 by the P. and O. liner s.s. Ranchi, the Royal Navy will provide an escort of two Destroyers in H.M.S. Duchess and H.M.S. Thracian, while H.M. Aircraft Carrier Eagle will provide an air escort.\n\nAll His Majesty's warships in harbour and Royal Fleet Auxiliary vessels will be dressed overall.\n\n## CHINA OVERLAND TRADE REPORT\n\n### JUNK-SINKING INQUIRY\n#### SURVIVORS TELL OF ALLEGED JAPANESE SAVAGERY ON HIGH SEAS\n##### FISHING JUNKS SINK IN FULL SIGHT OF MERCILESS ATTACKERS\n\nGraphic descriptions of the merciless sinking of a fleet of fishing junks by a submarine, the crew of which were described by one witness as Japanese, were given by survivors at the Supreme Court on Oct. 18 when the \"Junk-sinking Inquiry\" commenced. The inquiry is being conducted by a Government-appointed Commission comprising His Honour the Chief Justice, Sir Atho. MacGregor, the Harbour Master, the Hon. Commander J. B. Newill, and Mr. Justice J. A. Fraser.\n\nMr. J. C. McDouall is acting as Secretary to the Commission. According to the witnesses, the submarine, which came upon the junks near the Che Long lighthouse on September 22, went up to them one by one and systematically sank them.\n\nAt the outset of the proceedings, Mr. John Whyatt, Assistant Attorney-General, who is assisting the Commission in the marshalling of evidence, said:\n\n\"May it please you, Sir:-I have been asked to appear before the Commission during this enquiry for the purpose of assisting you, as far as I am able, in the task which has been entrusted to you under your terms of reference by His Excellency the Officer Administering the Government of the Colony of Hong Kong.\n\n\"It will be necessary, in order that the true facts relating to the sinking of these fishing junks may be established, that you should have before you witnesses who can give sworn evidence of the material circumstances, and the object of my presence at this inquiry is to call before the Commission all the witnesses who are available whose evidence can be of assistance to the Commission in arriving at its conclusions.\n\n\"I desire to say that in calling this evidence, I shall observe strictly the ordinary rules of evidence, and in no circumstances will any evidence be tendered or any questions be asked which would not be admissible in proceedings conducted in accordance with the practice which prevails in a British Court of Justice.\"\n\n#### ORAL TESTIMONY\n\"I do not propose, before calling the witnesses, to make any comments or to outline in detail the evidence which they will give, because I think it is desirable in an Inquiry of this kind that the material to be placed before the Commission for its consideration should be limited strictly to the oral testimony of the witnesses themselves. It will be sufficient, I think, for your purposes, if I indicate to you as briefly as possible the various classes of witnesses who will be called and the nature of the evidence they will give concerning the matters relevant to this inquiry.\n\n\"In the first place, I shall call before you a number of eye-witnesses who were present on board the fishing junks that we are concerned with, who will describe to you the circumstances in which these vessels were sunk. Altogether, ten fishing junks were sunk, and although many lives were lost, there were fortunately a considerable number of survivors, and of these, fourteen are at present in this Colony and will be called to give evidence. Their evidence will be supplemented to some extent by an officer from the British steamship `Kaying` which picked up some of the survivors. Other survivors were picked up by the German liner `Scharnhorst`, but as she has already sailed for Europe and will not call at the port of Hong Kong again until she returns to the Far East in two months' time, I regret to say it will not be possible to call witnesses from the `Scharnhorst` at this inquiry to tell you what they know concerning this matter.\"\n\n#### EXPERT WITNESS\n\"In addition to the evidence of eye-witnesses, I shall call medical evidence from the Queen Mary Hospital and the Kwong Wah Hospital. The witnesses from these hospitals will be doctors who attended to those survivors who required medical attention when they arrived in Hong Kong, and they will describe to you what they found when they examined these men after their admission to hospital. These witnesses, in addition to giving oral evidence, will produce as exhibits a splinter of metal and a copper bullet which have been removed from the bodies of two of the survivors, and also an X-ray photograph which was taken before an operation was performed on one of these men.\n\n\"I shall also call evidence from the Royal Observatory at Hong Kong as to weather conditions that prevailed on the relevant dates in the vicinity of the place where the junks were sunk. And lastly, I shall call a naval officer who will give evidence as an expert on the question of the distinguishing marks which are carried by certain naval craft with which he is familiar.\"\n\n\"I think perhaps I have now said sufficient in this brief summary to indicate to you the nature of the evidence I intend to put before you, and with your leave, I will now proceed to call the witnesses.\"\n\n#### CONSUL NOT ATTENDING\nMr. Whyatt had also intimated that the Japanese Consul had been informed of the inquiry, and correspondence had been exchanged, the last communication from that office having been received that morning. This stated that the Japanese Consul would not be attending the inquiry, nor would he be represented. The Portuguese Consul had also been informed, as Macao had been mentioned as the home port or port of registry of one or more of the Junks. He was present in Court but desired to take no active part in the proceedings. Messrs. Butterfeld and Swire and the Norddeutscher Lloyd wished to have nothing to do with the inquiry.\n\n### FOR THE POOR\nThe Society of St. Vincent de Paul acknowledges with grateful appreciation and thanks the receipt of the following donations and gifts to the Fete on November 7, 1937.\n\n| Donor | Amount/Donation |\n| --- | --- |\n| Mr. W. B. Finnigan | $25.00 |\n| Hon. Mr. M. K. Lo | $10.00 |\n| Messrs. Kayamally & Co. | $10.00 |\n| Mr. G. P. de Martin | $25.00 |\n| Mrs. V. Sorby | $30.00 |\n| Mr. A. el Arculli | $10.00 |\n| Mr. Ho Kom Tong | $25.00 |\n| Mr. A. C. Wilcox | $25.00 |\n| Anonymous (per Mr. Dixon) | $10.00 |\n| The Grand Dispensary, Ltd. | 24 bottles \"Happy Kid\" Baby Water |",
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        "id": 564120,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-575-3 Japanese affairs 2-1-1939 - 21-12-1939",
        "page_number": 83,
        "title": "CO129-575-3 Japanese affairs 2-1-1939 - 21-12-1939",
        "content_text": "## Visits of Colonial Governors-General\n\n184. During the month of May, visits were paid to Tokyo by General Minami, Governor-General of Korea, and Admiral Kobayashi, Governor-General of Formosa. It is reported that new policies in Korea were decided on during General Minami's visit, both in regard to the development of the agriculture and industry of the country, which has acquired a special importance as the \"arsenal base\" for Japan's continental policy, and in regard to the treatment of Koreans in Korea and in Japan. It is said that a system of compulsory education is to be introduced into Korea as soon as possible, and that eventually conscription and suffrage will follow. It is also reported that it is planned to import large numbers of Korean labourers to cope with the growing shortage of labour here. On his arrival here on the 19th May, Admiral Kobayashi gave a press interview in which he referred to the good effect that the incident was having on the morale of the Formosans, more than 9,500 of whom had already fought and worked for the army in China. He also said that the future of Formosa depended on the island's industrialisation. He said that the recently acquired Spratley Islands would be a good stepping-stone for Japan's southward development, but he considered that the recently mooted plan for the administrative combination of Formosa and the mandated islands under a Governor-General of the south would prove difficult of realisation owing to the immense distance which separates Formosa from the eastern end of the archipelago. He also expressed the opinion that Formosa should be developed as the first line of defence against the south and west, and the mandated islands as the first line of defence against the Pacific. This remark is interesting in connection with the statement of General Koiso at the conference of prefectural Governors that the Government was taking appropriate measures for protection and guidance in the South Sea islands.\n\n## Plans for the Development of North Manchuria\n\n185. On the 15th May, the Hsinking Government published details of a comprehensive plan for the development of the northern border districts of Manchuria, which have hitherto been neglected on account of their remoteness. The project is expected to be completed in the main by 1941. The total expenditure involved will be some 1,000 million yuan. The scheme provides for new railways, roads, postal facilities, telephone cables, radio towers, and aerodromes, as well as for repairs and improvements to what already exists, for the development of water power supply, colonisation of uninhabited areas, rationalisation of labour supply, encouragement of agriculture by establishment of experimental stations, guilds, and commissions for the distribution of materials, strengthening of air defences, and provision of clubs and other social facilities.\n\n## Reorganisation of Municipalities of Dairen and Port Arthur\n\n186. The municipal government of these two cities has hitherto been not unlike that of a Japanese city, comprising an Assembly whose members, apart from four Chinese selected by the Kwantung Government, have been elected every four years by Japanese householders; the mayor was chosen every four years by the Assembly. Under the new system, half the members of the Assembly are to be officially nominated, and the term of service is to be three years only. The mayor and vice-mayor (a new post) are to be Japanese Government officials appointed by the Japanese Ambassador at Hsinking. The mayor actually chosen has for the past four and a half years been Vice-Governor of two provinces in Manchuria, and his appointment illustrates the ease with which Japanese officials can be interchanged between Japan and the \"independent\" State of Manchukuo.\n\nIt is probable that the new Assembly's function will be merely to endorse the decisions of the executive authority headed by the mayor, but the staffing of the executive by permanent Government officials, which forms part of the reorganisation, should bring some increase of efficiency. The change has been received with complete apathy by the inhabitants.\n\n## Trial of Japanese Communists\n\n187. The trial of twenty-two so-called Communists, which began in September last year, came to an end on the 8th May, when Mr. Toshi Futami was sentenced to death. Many of the twenty-one other defendants on trial with Mr. Futami since last September were shown leniency by the court in consideration of their avowed repentance. The judge refused to rule on the case against another of the group, who has been drafted into military service.\n\n188. All twenty-two of the defendants, arrested late in 1935, were said to have been members of the extinct Japan Anarchist-Communist party. They were accused and convicted on various criminal charges, including larceny, attempted homicide, desertion of a corpse, possession of explosives, and violation of the Peace Preservation Law.\n\n189. It was said that they had sought to maintain a vestige of the party after it had been suppressed by resorting to petty racketeering to obtain funds. Procurators handling the case demanded severe penalties for each of them, but the court took note of their penitent attitude and imposed milder sentences on virtually all but Mr. Futami, who was found more deeply implicated in the serious charges.\n\n## Expansion of Wireless Services\n\n190. It is reported in the vernacular press that the Communications Ministry have concluded negotiations with various countries for the inauguration of direct wireless telephone or telegraph services. Communication by wireless telegraph with Kalgan is expected to be opened by the end of June, and will be followed by services to Afghanistan, Peru, and Belgium. Wireless telephone services with France, Peru, Brazil, Australia, and Hong Kong are also to be inaugurated by the autumn. There is said to be a balance in Japan's favour of messages received over messages despatched of some 3 million words; in spite of this, Japan pays annual fees amounting to 10 million yen, owing to the fact that she is obliged to make use of the network of submarine cables owned by Great Britain, France, and the United States. The new expansion in Japan's direct wireless services is designed to remedy this handicap.\n\n## Foreign Misconception of Japan's Aims\n\n191. According to the Yomiuri, the Japan Economic Federation are exercised at the reception being given to Japanese goods abroad, and at the attitude of western countries to Japan's economic expansion in Asia, and are proposing to set up a special committee for the correction of the misconceptions by foreign countries regarding Japan's programme. The paper understands that the committee's first business will be to start investigations on a large scale into the reasons for these misconceptions.\n\n## Improving the Policeman's Lot\n\n192. The tendency of policemen and other underpaid minor officials to drift into munitions factories has already been referred to. During the first four months of this year, more than 400 policemen resigned from the Tokyo Metropolitan Police Force, whereas the present output of the police training school is about 160 a year. It is said that the Metropolitan Police Board are greatly concerned at the effect of these defections on the morale of the force and are doing their best to stop them; but the remaining policemen are said to be asking for better conditions of service. A plan has, however, been worked out by the board, by which certain \"welfare measures\" will take the place of increased salaries. Under this plan, subsidies of from 10 to 15 yen per child per annum are to be granted for the education of policemen's children, new houses with specially low rentals are to be built for the men, loans without interest are to be granted in cases of illness, and arrangements are to be made to...",
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        "id": 564124,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-575-3 Japanese affairs 2-1-1939 - 21-12-1939",
        "page_number": 87,
        "title": "CO129-575-3 Japanese affairs 2-1-1939 - 21-12-1939",
        "content_text": "## British Shipping\n\n124. Interference with foreign and especially British shipping off the China coast became rapidly worse during April. Interference with the loading of British ships in the Yangtze delta had begun earlier in the year and showed no signs of discontinuance, intimidation being used by Japanese naval and military authorities to prevent Chinese from loading British ships. Between the 23rd and the 26th April, six British ships were detained for flag verification purposes in the neighbourhood of Foochow, the ships detained including some which were well known to the Japanese, and about the British registry of which there was no doubt. On the 8th April, a Japanese prize crew was placed on board the steamship Sagres, which was engaged in loading salt for the Chinese Government off Foochow, and the ship was taken off to the Pescadores. Representations by the commander-in-chief to the Japanese naval authorities to the effect that the ship was engaged in peaceful and legitimate trade failed to secure the release of the ship, but after a fortnight's detention and interrogation, the crew were allowed to return to Hong Kong. The matter was still under discussion at the end of the month.\n\n## United States of America\n\n125. On the 30th March, the United States Ambassador in Tokyo protested formally and emphatically to the Japanese Government against the continued disregard by the Japanese forces of American lives and property in China. Mr. Grew reminded the Japanese Government that, although United States nationals had taken voluntary measures to mark their property in China, there had been no less than 135 instances of Japanese aerial attacks endangering American lives and resulting in damage to American property, which the United States Embassy had had to bring to the notice of the Japanese Government.\n\n126. The U.S.S. Astoria arrived on the 17th April at Yokohama, bringing the ashes of Mr. Saito, late Japanese Ambassador in Washington. The officers and crew of the ship were overwhelmed with hospitality and expressions of appreciation, while the American Embassy was inundated with presents. The visit was exploited to the full in the Japanese press, and the arrangements for the funeral were both efficient and impressive; certain events which occurred at the same time, however, sounded a different note. For instance, Mr. Sumner Welles, the United States Under-Secretary of State, informed the press on the 20th April that he had protested to the Japanese Ambassador in Washington about the continued interference by the Japanese authorities with the movement of United States citizens in China, and the United States Ambassador in Tokyo made a similar protest on the 21st April. The transfer of the United States fleet to the Pacific from the Atlantic, which was announced on the 21st April, also received much notice of a surprisingly hostile kind in the Japanese press.\n\n127. President Roosevelt's message to Hitler of the 15th April received lukewarm approval in Japanese newspapers, which eventually resorted to agreement with the Axis view that the message had been sent to the wrong address.\n\n128. On the 27th April, Senator Key Pitman, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, introduced a resolution in the Senate which would empower the President to impose certain important restrictions on trade and credit transactions between the United States and any Power violating the Nine-Power Treaty. The resolution has aroused violent controversy in the United States.\n\n## Anti-Comintern Pact\n\n129. A series of meetings of the Five Ministers' Conference were held during April and created the impression that an announcement giving added force to the Anti-Comintern Pact was imminent. However, as in the previous month, nothing definite emerged, and at the end of April, the newspapers had it that no decision would be taken for another month.\n\n## Germany: Visit of German Journalists\n\n130. On the 27th April, a party of German journalists, who are touring the Far East, arrived at Yokohama for a week's visit to Japan. The delegation, which consists of representatives of many leading German news agencies and newspapers, is returning the visit paid by a Japanese delegation to Germany in 1938.\n\n## German Flight to Tokyo\n\n131. A Luft-Hansa aeroplane left Berlin on the 22nd April, piloted by Baron von Gablenz, a director of the company, who is flying in easy stages to Tokyo. The object of the flight is said to be to collect data for the eventual establishment of a German air service between Europe and the Far East.\n\n## Conditions of Life\n\n132. Mr. Ikuta Yasugi, a former member of the Japanese Embassy in Moscow, was quoted in the press as saying that the restaurants in Moscow served better food to their customers than those in Berlin. The necessary correction was made with exemplary promptitude, accompanied by a suitable expression of Mr. Yasugi's indignation at the misunderstanding.\n\n## Italy: Italian Exhibition\n\n133. An Italian exhibition, sponsored by the Italian Embassy, the Italo-Japanese Cultural Institute, and the Tokyo Nichi Nichi newspaper, was opened on the 12th April. The exhibits consisted mainly of illustrations of the extent and achievements of the Roman Empire and of modern Italy. The most impressive feature of the exhibition was a large room containing photographs of the activities of the Italian armed forces.\n\n## Occupation of Albania\n\n134. General Itagaki, the Minister of War, and Prince Kanin, the Chief of the General Staff, telegraphed to Signor Mussolini congratulating him on the annexation of Albania.\n\n## France: Spratley Islands\n\n135. The French Ambassador addressed a note to the Minister for Foreign Affairs on the 4th April protesting against the occupation of the Spratley Islands. The French Government, he said, could not recognise this action and did not regard it as in any way affecting French sovereignty over the islands.\n\n136. On the 10th April, His Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires left with the Minister for Foreign Affairs a note to the effect that His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom were unable to admit that the claim of the Japanese Government had any legal foundation and that they deplored the procedure adopted by them in this matter, as it could only complicate still further the situation in the Far East. In a reply, dated the 13th April, Mr. Arita stated that the Japanese Government found difficulty in understanding the basis for His Majesty's Government's representations, since not only was the measure taken lawful and based on fact and upon law, but it also was a matter which concerned Japan and France. The Japanese Government also disagreed that the measure would further complicate the situation in the Far East.\n\n137. The Official Gazette of the 18th April contained an order signed by the Governor-General of Formosa on the 30th March announcing the inclusion, as from that date, of the Spratley Islands within the jurisdiction of Takao City, Formosa.\n\n## China: Military Operations\n\n138. Much publicity was given to the Chinese so-called \"April offensive.\" This operation, however, was treated with considerable ridicule by the Japanese press, which gave frequent accounts of invariably successful Japanese counter-attacks and costly Chinese losses.\n\n## Japanese Policy\n\n139. In a speech on the 11th April at the opening of a conference of the heads of Liaison Offices in China of the Asia Development Council, the Prime Minister stated that the Japanese Government had no intention of excluding or restricting unreasonably the economic activities and interests of third Powers beyond the extent necessary for Japan's national defence and her existence as a nation.\n\n140. In a further speech on the 13th April, Baron Hiranuma stated that, when the new régimes in China had expanded and were fully co-operating with Japan...\n\nPage 633-2\n105",
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        "page_number": 1,
        "title": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "content_text": "## 60129/588/3 Hong Kong Education\n**CLOSED UNTIL 1972**\n\nP.83 Mir. hous haat Rs 83  \n123/11  \n24  \n\n**FILE A**  \n`(1579)`. Wt.38400/188. 8,000. 12/41.  \nN.P.CO G6,83/77a.",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "page_number": 2,
        "title": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "content_text": "C.L. Nomine\n\n1. Notes prepared by Mr. Rowell on Education in H.K. for Pacific Relations Conference see Notes in shops.\n\nPerry MB3h 7.24 wh\n\n2",
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    {
        "id": 573309,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "page_number": 3,
        "title": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "content_text": "## EDUCATION IN HONG KONG\n3\n\nThe entire system of education in Hong Kong is controlled and supervised by the Education Department and the Director of Education is responsible directly to the Governor. He is assisted by a Board of Education composed of five members of the Department, and about ten others representing the British, Chinese, and Portuguese communities, Missions, Teachers' Association and the University. The Board acts in a purely advisory capacity but all changes of policy and administration, and the annual departmental estimates are laid before it.\n\n## 2. Administration\n\nIn addition to the Director of Education, the Department embodies two inspectorates. Two senior Inspectors of English schools, a woman Inspector and a Chinese Inspector of private English schools supervise, examine and report on all schools where the medium of instruction is English. There is also a senior Inspector of vernacular schools assisted by two Inspectors and a number of Sub-Inspectors. The schools under supervision by this side of the Department number 1,128 with an enrolment of 96,892; while some English is taught in these schools the medium of instruction is Cantonese. There are 161 English schools with an enrolment of 20,683.\n\nThe Department also has a physical education staff and school medical service.\n\n## 3. General Regulations\n\nA school is taken to mean any building, room or tenement where more than 10 pupils are habitually taught and must comply with rules laid down by the Department in respect of ventilation, lighting, sanitation and floor space per pupil. It must be registered as a school, be open to inspection by the Director or his Inspectors, the school medical officer and the school sanitary inspector. For failure to comply with regulations, after due warning, the school may be closed, or the owner brought before the civil courts.",
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    {
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        "series_id": 27,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "page_number": 4,
        "title": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "content_text": "## 4 \n### Schools and Scholars\n\nThere is no free education in Hong Kong, and fees range from $1 per month (1/3) in private vernacular schools to $10 per month in the secondary departments of Government schools. There are, however, numerous scholarships from Government, private individuals, and bequests which enable 12% of the pupils to receive free education while 4% are partially exempt from fees.\n\n(b) Various races are represented in the population of Hong Kong which totals 1,050,000 excluding some 770,000 refugees who poured in during 1940 and 1941. Taking the former figure as the population in 1940, there would be some 175,000 children of school age (5-14 years) and of these 120,000 (or 70%) were enrolled in various schools. The races represented in this figure were:\n\n| Race | Boys | Girls | % |\n| --- | --- | --- | --- |\n| British (including Europeans & Americans) | 663 | 113 | * |\n| Indian | 200 | ::: |  |\n| Portuguese |  |  | 11,600% |\n| Chinese | 106,000 | 118,576 |  |\n\n(c) Schools are classified as (1) Government, (2) Aided, (3) Subsidised, and (4) Unaided, and their numbers according to the latest available figures were:\n\n| Type | Number |\n| --- | --- |\n| Government | 22 |\n| Aided and Subsidised | 295 |\n| Unaided but inspected | 972 |\n|  | 1,289 |\n\n(a) These schools are divided as follows:\n(1) Primary: \n(a) European (Government, Military & Private) \n(b) Asiatic English (Government, Aided, and Unaided). \n(c) Asiatic Vernacular (Urban & Rural, subsidised & unaided)\n\nSchools which receive Grant-in-aid or subsidy from Government must be passed as efficient by the inspectors of schools as a condition of continuance of such grant or subsidy.",
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        "page_number": 5,
        "title": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "content_text": "## 5\n\n(2) Secondary:\n\n-3-\n\n(a) European (Government)\n\n(b) Asiatic (Government, Grant aided and Private)\n\n(c) Vernacular (Government, Grant aided & Private)\n\n(d) Vocational (Technical Mission)\n\n(3) Post-Secondary:\n- Government and Aided\n  (a) Teacher Training College (Govt.)\n  (b) Rural Teacher Training (Govt.)\n  (c) Evening Institute (Govt.)\n  (d) Trade School (Govt.)\n\n5. Appendix 1 shows the number of scholars in each class of school. Appendix 2 shows the distribution of Government and aided schools throughout the Colony. Appendix 3 shows the \"Educational ladder\".\n\n6. Primary Education — Boys (English Schools)\n\nThe education of European children is dealt with separately (Page 9). There are seven Government English primary schools for Non-European boys, one of which is for Indians only, and in addition there are primary divisions in the two Government secondary schools for boys.\n\nAdmission to these schools is obtained by examination and the standard expected is that which should be reached after four years in a local vernacular school. Chinese, arithmetic, and general intelligence form the basis of the tests, and a knowledge of English is not expected. Successful candidates must be under 12 years of age, and they enter Class 8, the lowest division of the primary schools.\n\n(a) The average ages in primary schools are shown as:\n| Class | Age Range |\n| --- | --- |\n| Class 8 | 9-10 years |\n| Class 7 | 10-12 |\n| Class 6 | 11-14 |\n| Class 5 | 12-14 |\n\nAt the end of Class 5, there is a qualifying examination for those who wish to continue their education in Government or Aided secondary schools, and 35 scholarships are open for competition.\n\nIn some of these schools, English is taught as a foreign language up to Class 6, when it becomes the medium of instruction. In others, the medium of instruction is English, with suitable explanations in Chinese, from Class 8 upwards.",
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        "id": 573312,
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        "page_number": 6,
        "title": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "content_text": "## 6 \n\n(b) A typical weekly syllabus in these schools would apportion the work as follows:\n\n| Subject | Time Allocated |\n| --- | --- |\n| Chinese (or Urdu for Indians) | 7 hours |\n| English (Dictation, Reading, Composition, Oral, Picture work) | 7 hours |\n| Arithmetic | 3 hours |\n| Geography | 1 hour 20 mins. |\n| History | 1 hour 20 mins. |\n| Hygiene | 40 mins. |\n| Physical Education | 1 hour 20 mins. |\n| Games | 40 mins. |\n| General knowledge | 1 hour |\n| Colloquial | 1 hour 20 mins. |\n| Recreation | 1 hour 20 mins. |\n| **Total** | **26 hours 30 mins.** |\n\n## 7. Primary Vernacular Schools (Boys)\n\nThere is one Government rural vernacular school and one aided secondary school with a primary vernacular department.\n\nOther schools are:\n| Category | Number of Schools | Enrolment |\n| --- | --- | --- |\n| Urban (Subsidised) | 437 | 10,141 |\n| Urban (Unsubsidised) | 91 | 6,353 |\n| Rural (Subsidised) | 115 | 1,993 |\n| Rural (Unsubsidised) | 40 | 39,073 (sic) 11 |\n\n(a) The rural schools have an environmental bias with emphasis on agriculture; otherwise, the time-tables and syllabus are much the same as that shown in 6 (b) except that English is taught as a foreign language and has 40 minutes per day allotted to it.\n\n## 8. Secondary Education (Boys)\n\nAs previously mentioned (6(a)), those requiring secondary education are examined at the end of Class 5. Nearly all pupils take this examination and about 1,000 pass annually into Class 4 of the secondary schools. There are two Government and seven aided schools with a total enrolment of 2,555.\n\n(a) The classes are from Class 4 to Class 1 and the age range is as follows:\n\n| Class | Age Range |\n| --- | --- |\n| Class 4 | 13 - 15 |\n| Class 3 | 14 - 16 |\n| Class 2 | 15 - 17 |\n| Class 1 (School certificate) |  |\n| Class 1 (Matriculation) | 15 - 18 |",
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    {
        "id": 573313,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "page_number": 7,
        "title": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "content_text": "-5- \n## 7 \n\n(b) The numbers who continue the course of secondary education is shown by the examination results (all pupils of Class 2 must take the local School Certificate examination):\n\n| Class 4 | Class 3 | Class 2 | Class 1 |\n|---------|---------|---------|---------|\n|  |  | 1,000   | 790     |\n|  |  | 651     | 330     |\n|  |  | passed School Certificate |  |\n|  |  | 257     | 128     |\n|  |  | passed Matriculation |  |\n\n(c) The curriculum included chemistry, physics, mathematics, English, Chinese, geography, history (French, Urdu, Portuguese, Mandarin, are optional subjects). All instruction is in English.\n\n## 9. Vocational Education\n\n(a) The Evening Institute (Government continuation classes) has been in existence since 1907, and was established in response to popular demand. During 1940-41 there were 844 students enrolled (698 men) and instruction was given in English, book-keeping, shorthand, pharmacy, pedagogy (English and Vernacular), hygiene, physical education, field surveying, building, engineering, ship-building, electro-technics, wireless telegraphy, handiwork, art, kindergarten, biology, and domestic science.\n\n(b) The Junior Technical School provided apprenticeship training for the three dockyards and private firms.\n\n(c) The Trade School (153 students) gave apprenticeship courses in electrical and mechanical engineering and building construction. 11 gained a building diploma, 13 automobile diplomas, and 8 qualified to enter the Chinese Government service as mechanical engineers as a result of a China-wide examination in 1940. 12 obtained wireless operators' certificates (6 Board of Trade and 6 Far Eastern certificates). The school draws its students from the Junior Technical School, Government, and Aided secondary schools.\n\n## 10. Female Education (English)\n\n(a) 452 girls were in attendance at the Government primary division of Belilios School and 2,387 in seven Grant-aided schools. The curriculum is much the same as for boys' schools with the addition of nature study (leading to Botany and Biology), needlework, and domestic science.",
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    {
        "id": 573314,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "page_number": 8,
        "title": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "content_text": "## 11. Higher Education\n\n### (a) Teacher Training\n\nA training college for teachers was opened in September, 1939, in temporary premises and in March, 1941, moved into the new buildings specially designed for the purpose and named Northcote Training College.\n\nCourses were provided for men and women who had passed the local Matriculation (or its equivalent) on the English side, and the Middle School Certificate on the vernacular side.\n\nIn September, 1941, the first graduates appeared (38 out of an original enrolment of 48) and all were employed locally.\n\nAt that time the College had the following composition:\n\n| Category        | Men | Women | Total |\n|-----------------|-----|-------|-------|\n| 1st year English | 9   | 15    | 24    |\n| 1st year Vernacular | 30 | 14    | 44    |\n| 2nd year English | 6   | 18    | 24    |\n| 2nd year Vernacular | 10 | 9     | 19    |\n| Total           | 55  | 56    | 111   |\n\nThe staff consisted of a Principal, 4 permanent lecturers on the English side and 3 on the Chinese side, with some 20 visiting lecturers.\n\n### (b) University of Hong Kong\n\nThe University offers courses of study in the faculties of Arts, Science (engineering) and medicine, and conducts its own Matriculation examination as qualification for entrance.\n\nDuring 1939 there were 538 students on the roll, of whom 118 were women. \n\n-6- \n## 8\n\nIn secondary departments there were 972 students, 157 being in the Government secondary school for girls (Belilios School).\n\n### (b) Vernacular\n\nThere were 17 rural primary schools for girls with an enrolment of 2,387.\n\nIn the Urban areas 30,260 girls attended schools of which three were grant-aided, 61 subsidised and 281 non-subsidised.\n\nThere is one Government vernacular secondary school with an enrolment of 151.",
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    {
        "id": 573315,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "page_number": 9,
        "title": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "content_text": "## 12. Adult Education\n\nThe annual reports devote no more than a single line to this important aspect of education, possibly because only the vocational side comes under the control of the Education Department (para.9). There is, however, a considerable drive in this direction sponsored by the Medical Department, the Midwives' Association, and the St. John Ambulance Brigade. The object is to reduce the incidence of endemic diseases, and whereas little result is to be seen in the cases of T.B. and Cholera, there have been excellent results in the case of smallpox. Due to propaganda by radio, the press, and St. John Ambulance Brigade, 1,400,000 people were vaccinated in 1939, and the number of cases fell from 2,327 to 198. Other departments carry out some adult education: agriculture, Post Office, Railway Department, and the Aerodrome trained adults for various technical posts. Otherwise, there is no organised mass education in the Colony.\n\n## 13. Future Development\n\n(a) The foregoing figures reveal that primary vernacular education stands most in need of reform. Of more than 950 primary vernacular schools, only 266 receive any support from Government, though more than half the school enrolment is to be found in them. A comparison of the amounts spent on various branches of education is interesting:\n\n| Category | European | Chinese | Indian | Total |\n| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |\n| English Schools (Govt.) | £11,215 (secondary) | £42,000 |  |  |\n|  | £7,600 (Primary) | £18,600 | £3,025 | £72,440 |\n| Chinese and Portuguese |  | £17,200 (Grant Aided) |  | £89,640 |\n| Vernacular Schools |  | £1,348 (Higher Grade) |  | £6,764 |\n|  |  |  |  | £8,112 |\n\n(b) From these figures (1939), it will be seen that ten times as much money was spent on the English side.\n\nPage 10\n\nIt can be noted, however, that further provision for Chinese primary education was considered to be the most urgently required development (1940-1, Para. 9). A ten-year plan had been drawn up to give more generous subsidies and to provide 50 schools (20 Urban and 30 Rural) to accommodate 10,000 children. In this connection, plans for a new rural teacher training college had been approved by the Board.\n\n(c) Playgrounds and playing fields are woefully lacking, and playgrounds small and crowded. Only one school in Hong Kong has a playing field attached, and the two secondary schools and one primary in the Western district use a small field in the Eastern district on set days. Kowloon is better off, but even here, several schools use the one ground at King's Park. (See Map, Appendix 2). Some schools have no playground at all. A list of extra areas has been prepared for submission to the town planner.\n\n(d) Art, handwork, and singing are entirely a new departure, and stress was laid on these in teacher training; an exhibition of art and craft, not only finished articles but in the actual making in various stages of development, was held by the students of the training college and attracted over 10,000 people, apart from school classes. Development in this direction was foreshadowed.\n\n(e) The point at which English should become the medium of instruction was being investigated by a committee in the light of experiments in various schools.\n\n(f) The Grant-in-aid, at present a capitation grant, had been revised and was awaiting approval. The new system was based on the salaries paid to teachers.\n\n(g) It is all the more to be regretted that the Colony passed temporarily into Japanese hands at a time when so much energy and long-sighted planning were evident in the Education Department.\n\nPage 11",
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        "page_number": 11,
        "title": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "content_text": "# Education of British Children\n\nGovernment provides primary education for British children in three mixed primary schools and one secondary school. The curriculum is based on modern British methods and pupils are entered for the local school certificate, Cambridge school certificate, and London matriculation.\n\nThe military authorities provide two primary schools for children of the local garrison, and these are run by its Army Education Corps, though scholarships are offered by Government for free places in the British secondary school. This European education costs Government £11,215 per annum for the secondary department and £7,630 per annum for the primary departments.\n\nThe cost per student is £29. 19. and £19. 11., which compares with £14. 8. and £10. 5. in the Chinese English schools. The difference is due to the fact that the staff in the British schools are all English men and women recruited from England (with a sprinkling of locally employed married women) whose salaries are naturally much higher than those of the Chinese graduates who comprise 90% of the staff of Chinese schools. The products of these schools have acquitted themselves well locally, and those who have returned to England to continue their schooling have found themselves under no handicap, and indeed have been in advance of their contemporaries in some subjects.\n\nIn July, 1940, owing to the evacuation of women and children, these schools closed down with the exception of a small class (mainly Dutch, Scandinavian, and American children) in the Peak School.",
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    {
        "id": 573317,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "page_number": 12,
        "title": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "content_text": "## APPENDIX 1\n\nGraphical representation of Scholars in various stages of Education\n\n### (a) English Schools for Asiatics\n\n| Category | Boys | Girls | Totals |\n| --- | --- | --- | --- |\n| University & Teacher Training | 550 | 150 |  |\n| Secondary | 3,572 | 972 |  |\n| Primary | 10,542 | 3,542 |  |\n| Total |  |  |  |\n\n| University & T. Tr. | 2,600 |  |  |\n| Secondary | 7,000 |  |  |\n| Primary |  |  |  |\n\nOnly Copy 12\n1400 university & Teacher Training\n2,600 \nSecondary 7,000. \nPrimary \n\n### (b) Vernacular Schools. Asiatics\n\n| Category | Boys | Girls |\n| --- | --- | --- |\n| Teacher Training | 50 | ... |\n| Secondary | 6,690 | ... |\n| Primary Vernacular | 25,645 | ... |\n| Teacher Training | ... | 52 |\n| Secondary | ... | 6,000 |\n| Primary Vernacular | ... | 58,000 |\n\n### (c) British Schools for Europeans only\n\n| Category | Mixed |\n| --- | --- |\n| Secondary | 80 |\n| Primary | 490 |\n\n1939 figures",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942.txt",
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    {
        "id": 573318,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "page_number": 13,
        "title": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "content_text": "## APPENDIX 3.\n\n### EDUCATIONAL LADDER\n\n| Level | Type of School/Institution | Boys/Girls | Remarks |\n| --- | --- | --- | --- |\n| University | UNIVERSITY OF H.K. |  |  |\n| Secondary | CENTRAL BRITISH SECONDARY MIXED |  |  |\n|  | GOVERNMENT SECONDARY Boys |  |  |\n|  | GOVERNMENT SECONDARY GIRLS |  | 18 FREE SCHOLARSHIPS |\n|  | ST. STEPHENS COLLEGE (PRIVATE) | Boys |  |\n| Trade/Junior Trade | JUNIOR TRADE SCHOOL | Boys | 2 FREE SCHOLARSHIPS |\n|  | TRADE SCHOOL | Boys |  |\n| Primary | PRIMARY BRITISH SCHOOLS (MIXED) |  | 8 FREE SCHOLARSHIPS |\n|  | PRIMARY ENGLISH SCHOOLS MIXED |  | 35 FREE SCHOLARSHIPS |\n|  | PRIMARY VERNACULAR SCHOOLS | Boys AND GIRLS | ALL SCHOLARSHIPS SHOWN ARE GOVERNMENT |\n|  | GOVERNMENT DISTRICT SCHOOLS (Boys) |  | 30 FREE SCHOLARSHIPS |\n| Teacher Training | TEACHER TRAINING COLLEGE |  | FREE TUITION, Books & SUBSISTENCE |\n|  | RURAL TRAINING COLLEGE |  | Planned |\n|  | RURAL NORMAL SCHOOL TAIPO | MEN |  |\n|  | RURAL TRAINING SCHOOLS |  | 1 FREE SCHOLARSHIP |\n| Grant-Aided | GRANT AIDED SCHOOLS | Boys & GIRLS | 45 8 FREE SCHOLARSHIPS |\n| Army | ARMY SCHOOLS |  |  |\n\n### \nPage 13",
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "page_number": 14,
        "title": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "content_text": "## 14 END \n\n1",
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    {
        "id": 573320,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "page_number": 15,
        "title": "CO129-588-3 Royal Institute of International Affairs Institute of Pacific Relations Conference 1942- education in Hong Kong... 1-1-1942 - 31-12-1942",
        "content_text": "2\n\n53541",
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    {
        "id": 575529,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-590-23 Situation in Hong Kong 25-4-1905 - 25-4-1905",
        "page_number": 171,
        "title": "CO129-590-23 Situation in Hong Kong 25-4-1905 - 25-4-1905",
        "content_text": "## naval forces european waters \n\n00.28 \n\n**ALINEA** \n\nJG I/LMB \n\n**FLASH TWO** stark is londonwarding soon to relievo Vice-Admiral Ghormley. Ghormley, who at present senior United States Naval Officer Britain.\n\n## ALINEA \n\n00.29 \n\nJG I/LMB \n\n**FLASH THREE** Admiral King, Commander-in-Chief United States Fleet, will absorb duties of Chief of Naval Operations hitherto held by Stark.\n\n## ALINEA \n\n00.30 \n\nJG I/LMB \n\n170 \n\n**FLASH FOUR** Ghormley will take up duties at sea after period temporary duty in Washington.\n\n01.40 \n\n## ALINEA \n\nJG I/LMB \n\nWINANT UNE - NEWYORK. United States Ambassador to Great Britain, Winant, after two hours conference with Roosevelt Monday, told press he did not believe some recent newspaper reports suggesting Churchill might be replaced within three months. \"British people trust Churchill and Churchill trusts British people,\" he said. Winant said morale of British people was excellent. \"Everybody is part of war machine, particularly since conscription of women,\" he said. As result recent reverses in Pacific, there been \"definite increases in efficiency of production and in drive\" of British people making them all more determined. British people, he declared, had fullest confidence in Russia, United States.\n\n## JGI/LB/LMB",
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    {
        "id": 575541,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-590-23 Situation in Hong Kong 25-4-1905 - 25-4-1905",
        "page_number": 183,
        "title": "CO129-590-23 Situation in Hong Kong 25-4-1905 - 25-4-1905",
        "content_text": "## 182\n\n10.3.42.\n\n**RUSH WASHINGTON**  \nRoosevelt summoned Admirals King and Hart to conference White House. King is newly appointed Commander-in-Chief United States Navy in European waters, and Hart has just returned from Pacific operations.\n\nRP/GN\n\n**LONDON**  \nIn Commons today, Liberal National MP Henry Morris Jones asked whether Prime Minister would set up inquiry commission on lines Dardanelles and Mesopotamian Commissions during last war to investigate \"loss Malaya\" and \"disaster to our arms at Singapore.\" Deputy Prime Minister Attlee replied, \"No, Sir. As already been stated, no information about what happened in Singapore, Malaya is yet available.\" Morris Jones: \"Can he tell House when Prime Minister will keep his promise that we should have debate on whole question Malaya and Singapore?\" Attlee: \"That was dependent on having information. It is no use having inquiry or debate on matter on which there is no information.\"\n\n## MORESBY ONE\n\nHEB/TD/GN\n\n**SYDNEY**  \nInterpreting intense bombing Port Moresby as preliminary to heavy raids on Australian northern bases and eastern mainland, Royal Australian Air Force is now carrying fight to Japanese. This is part of new strategy to forestall Japanese by taking offensive. Air Minister Drakeford is convinced RAAF's bombing, strafing attacks past week considerably hampered Japanese plans. Therefore, maximum force will continue to hammer enemy invasion lines to disrupt smooth running which accounted for its success to date. Every day gained by such disruption is most valuable in race for time in which Japan sees hope to strike before Allied nations gather force necessary for offensive demanded by Australia, New Zealand.\n\n## MORESBY TWO\n\nFull use has been made of breathing space given by Japanese hesitation at Rabaul while Java was being overrun. But what is even more valuable is fact that RAAF's blows, combined with Major-General Gordon Bennett's battle cry, are inspiring public with offensive spirit which, even in grimmest moments, Australian Imperial Force never lost. False optimism is noticeably absent, but everywhere there is heard Van Mook's words, \"There should be end to destroying and retreating.\" It is realised major problem is to hold off Jap's nose while Allied forces are marshalling to cut into their flanks. As they prepare to fling themselves into that task, Australians' grimness is lightened by knowledge that at long last they are being given action instead of inquests.\n\nRP/TD/GN\n\n**SYDNEY**  \nMaximum and minimum prices for future dealing in company shares and debentures were issued today, Tuesday, and come into operation tomorrow when free trading is resumed on modified scale. Shares may be sold without Treasury permission and based on 10 percent margins above and below values ruling on February 19th, last day of free trading.\n\nGMC/TD/GN",
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    {
        "id": 579708,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-592-8 Future Policy in Hong Kong 1-1-1945 - 26-11-1945",
        "page_number": 65,
        "title": "CO129-592-8 Future Policy in Hong Kong 1-1-1945 - 26-11-1945",
        "content_text": "Shanghai Evening Post & Mercury, August 1, 1945.\n\nAS A BRITON SEES IT\n\nTHE FUTURE OF HONGKONG--British Interests and Claims\n\nBy H.G.W. Woodhead, C.B.E.\n\n65-6\n\nAt the Cairo Conference, at which President Roosevelt, General Chiang Kai-shek, and Mr. Winston Churchill were present, the British Prime Minister made it quite clear that there was no question of Britain's waiving her claims to the recovery of the British Crown Colony of Hongkong. It must have come as a serious shock to members of the British Government when news dispatches from Chungking stated that Chinese troops were facing for Hongkong to occupy it before the British could get there. To put it mildly, such action on the part of the Chinese Government could hardly be regarded as a friendly act to an Ally who had played a major role in the defeat of the Japanese Empire. There are, of course, some circles in this country who would not be sorry to see a clash between China and Great Britain on this issue. There are others, not actually malicious, whose inconsistencies in commenting on British claims to Hongkong have come perilously near hypocrisy. To these it is not imperialistic for America to retain permanent occupation of a number of Pacific Islands--some of them formerly possessed by Britain, Australia, France, Holland, and Portugal; or for the U.S.S.R. to regain possession of Port Arthur, and a large portion of the Tsarist regime's privileges in Manchuria, part of which were wrested from Russia by Japan, and the other portion theatrically renounced as the fruits of aggression and exploitation, between 1919 and 1924. But it is imperialistic and immoral for the British Empire to reoccupy a Colony which it has administered with strikingly successful results for over a century.\n\nThe issue is dormant for the moment, General Chiang Kai-shek having avoided the flux plus which he was alleged to have contemplated, and the Chinese Government having openly admitted that even if Chinese troops were the first to enter the British Colony, they would only do so to hold it until the British returned. Moreover, under orders from the Supreme Commander for the Allied Forces, the Japanese are to surrender Hongkong direct to Rear Admiral C.H.J. Harcourt of the British Navy. The future of Hongkong will remain a question for discussion between Great Britain and China. I do not for a moment believe that the British Government will agree to any third Power participation in any discussions on this subject.\n\nMost Chinese criticisms of the British reoccupation of Hongkong have been anonymous. Mysterious \"Chinese circles\" are credited with stating that they are determined not to return if the British retain the Colony. Obviously there must be transient residents, for if they were domiciled in Hongkong they would not be Chinese, but British, nationals. Occasionally some critic comes into the open. Dr. B.A. Liu, for example, addressing the Shanghai Tiffin Club, likened \"a prospective British return to Hongkong to occupation of Manhattan by a foreign Power.\" I am afraid the logic of this argument is rather weak, unless one may also assume that for the Chinese to take over Hongkong would be like taking away Manhattan from the British Empire. Anyhow, there is no comparison between Hongkong and Manhattan. A treeless, pirate-infested, unhealthy island, annexed to the British Crown in 1841, was under British administration and control developed into one of the world's major ports. Its administration may not have been perfect, but it was admittedly far ahead of that of any port under purely Chinese control. I say admittedly, for did not the late Dr. Sun Yat-sen, on one of his last visits to the Colony inquire \"how it was that foreigners, that Englishmen, could do so much as they had done, for example, with the barren rock of Hongkong within seventy or eighty years, while in four thousand years China has no place like Hongkong?,\" and advise his fellow countrymen--not to grab it back but--to \"carry this English example of good government to every part of China?\"\n\nHongkong has never been selfishly administered. From the date of its first Charter it was an open and a free port, available without discrimination to the trade and shipping of the whole world, and thus, as an American Official Commercial Handbook put it, occupying a position in the world's trade that was unique and without parallel. The population of the Colony enjoyed every form of freedom--other than open sedition--during years when China was driven by internal strife, and to many it was the only place off the China coast where they could reside free from persecution or oppression. It never became an important industrial centre--if one excludes ship-building, cement manufacture, and sugar-refining--the main efforts of the Government and community being concentrated upon developing it as a great trans-shipment and communications centre, where railways, air services, and ocean-going steamship lines met. If Hongkong and other British ports in Asia had applied the same shipping restrictions as were enforced in American possessions, not a single Dollar Liner...\n\n+1",
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    {
        "id": 579795,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-592-8 Future Policy in Hong Kong 1-1-1945 - 26-11-1945",
        "page_number": 152,
        "title": "CO129-592-8 Future Policy in Hong Kong 1-1-1945 - 26-11-1945",
        "content_text": "TELEPHONE \n\nTEMPLE BAR 2179.\n\n14814\n\n協中英\n\n會華商\n\nCHINA ASSOCIATION.\n\n507-510, CECIL CHAMBERS,\n\n19\n\n86, STRAND,\n\nLONDON, W.C.2.\n\n5-AFF\n\n4th April, 1945.\n\nSir,\n\nIt is unnecessary to stress to you the importance which is attached by the China Association to the retention of Hong Kong as part of the British Empire. It would seem reasonable to expect that at the Conference soon to be held at San Francisco, following on the Yalta Conference, there will take place important discussions in regard to the future of the Pacific area.\n\nWe have noted that in a reply on the 6th March to a Parliamentary Question by Colonel H.W. Burton, M.P., the Member for Sudbury, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs agreed that the status of British Colonies will not be altered without consultation with such Colonies and the sanction of Parliament.\n\nIt would greatly relieve the anxiety of our Members if you could assure us that Mr. Eden's reply included Hong Kong and, further, that there is no intention on the part of His Majesty's Government that its delegates at San Francisco shall in any way compromise the full restoration of The Colony of Hong Kong as a part of the Empire.\n\nWe are, Sir,\n\nYour obedient Servants,\n\nTHE CHINA ASSOCIATION,\n\n1. Mason Acting Secretary.\n\nThe Secretary of State for the Colonies.",
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    {
        "id": 579828,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-592-8 Future Policy in Hong Kong 1-1-1945 - 26-11-1945",
        "page_number": 185,
        "title": "CO129-592-8 Future Policy in Hong Kong 1-1-1945 - 26-11-1945",
        "content_text": "# Confidential: For Publication Not\n\nThe Royal Institute of International Affairs\n\nChatham House, 10 St James's Square, London, S.W.1.\n\nUnited Kingdom Brief No. 3.\n\n## Institute of Pacific Relations Conference. 1945.\n\nI asked Mr. Warren Swire to let me have a short note on the importance of Hong Kong to British business interests trading with the Far East. He has been good enough to do so, and I am circulating it for the confidential information of the Group.\n\nI.S.M.\n\n## HONG KONG\n\nWhatever its value as a fortress, the Colony should be kept under the British flag as a trade base and symbol of our Far Eastern interests. Without it, our valuable trade with China would be gravely endangered.\n\n1.\n\n2.\n\nWhile the surrender of extraterritorial rights was the only sound policy for us to pursue in China, it has made the retention of Hong Kong more than ever necessary as an oasis of law and order, where commerce can be carried on normally and a man and his possessions are safe. It must not be forgotten that the Japanese occupation has set China back many years and that disorder is bound to be rampant there during the period of reconstruction.\n\n3.\n\nFor the reasons given in (2) above, Hong Kong will mean even more as a transhipment port than in the past to British ocean tonnage and therefore to British exporters. It will mean efficient port services, the protection of the law, and freedom from discrimination, while it will give the merchant safe storage for his goods and the use of efficient British coastal services from Hong Kong to the terminal port on the coast or even to Hankow. In view of the exclusion under the treaty of the British flag from cabotage rights, the need for keeping Hong Kong British is obvious, as it follows that ships under the British flag can at any rate trade between Hong Kong and the Coast ports.\n\n4. With the exception of those in Hong Kong, there have been no modern shipbuilding or repair facilities between Singapore, where they were poor, and Japan. The Hong Kong yards did work, which before this war was beyond the powers of the rest of the Empire outside Great Britain, and the port itself is geographically a convenient point for ocean ships as well as coasters to do repairs and overhauls.\n\n5.\n\nHong Kong always has been an important centre for British insurance, and under the new conditions in China, it may well become of absolutely first-rate importance and even the British insurance centre for the whole of the Far East.\n\n6.\n\nSo far, its airport has been inferior; but in view of its geographical situation, that should and can be put right.\n\nIts University, backed by shipyards and technical establishments, makes it a first-class training centre for Chinese, who can be of service to China and thus spread British influence and a demand for British capital goods.\n\n7.",
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        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-596-3 Hong Kong University- recognition of wartime training of medical students 24-1-1946 - 10-3-1949",
        "page_number": 60,
        "title": "CO129-596-3 Hong Kong University- recognition of wartime training of medical students 24-1-1946 - 10-3-1949",
        "content_text": "# ESCAPE FROM HONG KONG PEACE CONFERENCES\n\n(Continued from Page 3)\n\nAfter this I had no idea where I was to go, but as my escort boarded one of the buses I got on at the other off. At last we began to breathe freely but, to my disappointment, my escort got off and we only sailed across Three Fathoms Cove to another village called Sam Chung. Here we stayed for two days and nights and, as it was only one more day to Chinese New Year, we almost gave up hope of reaching Free China. Late in the afternoon of the sixth day after the start of my journey, however, we proceeded as far as Tong, and when my escort alighted I started to sail down Tolo Channel.\n\nNear the mouth of the Channel we anchored at about 10 p.m. We were then spent about the most uncomfortable night that I can ever remember. There were 17 people, with luggage, crammed into the small well at the stern of the junk. The floor space was approximately 36 square feet, so there was little more than 2 square feet per person. I think very few of us slept more than a few moments that night.\n\nAt the crack of dawn we were off again, and soon came in sight of the pretty islands at the mouth of Tolo Channel. At last we sighted Tap Mun, the island home of my mythical patient. Fortunately, I never had occasion to produce the letter summoning me to visit a hypothetical patient on Tap Mun island, and I started off in the wake of my guide who took the road which led towards Kai Tak airport.\n\nThe guide, who had been twice over the road, had already ascertained at what points Japanese sentries were posted, and at what times they changed guard. The guards at the entrance to the airport changed duty at 8 a.m. and it was planned that we should pass by at that time, when presumably the soldiers would be somewhat less intent on scrutinising the passers-by.\n\nThe plan worked perfectly, and the incoming guard marched past us a few moments before we reached the entrance to the airport. I was instructed, in a note handed to me by my second guide, to send a message to my friends after passing the island of Tap Mun in safety. I scribbled the following message on a piece of paper: \"Patient on island is well. Anticipate satisfactory progress.\" The star (*) was a pre-arranged signal indicating my name and continued safety. I handed the note to my guide, and over a year later learned that the message had been safely delivered.\n\nFrom Tap Mun we steered north-east across Mirs Bay towards Peng Chau Island and then almost due north to Sha U Chung. I carried a small watch-chain compass in my waist-coat pocket and, sewn into my inside parts, I had a map of the whole area, extending as far north as Kukong, which I had cut out of a Postal Atlas. These two things were of the utmost value during the rest of the journey, and I still count them among my most treasured possessions.\n\nLater we picked up a small sailing boat and made somewhat quicker progress. Two days before reaching Lulong I was able to send a telegram to the British Ambassador in Chungking telling him of my escape and asking him to inform my family in Australia, and at the same time to request my wife to cable out some much-needed money. On the way up we ran into two or three parties of men who had escaped from North Point and Shamshuipo camps and were delighted to make their acquaintance and to hear their stories. Some of them, I am glad to say, are back in Hong Kong again at the present moment.\n\nAfter reaching Lulong we felt, for the first time, that all risk was over. We had reached a point where motor transport was available and there was a well-made road leading to our immediate destination of Kukong.\n\nAt Lulong, we parted company. Marsman, Lavrov, and their remaining Chinese friend had an opportunity of travelling by private car to Kukong, so they went ahead. I proceeded by the somewhat more tedious transportation offered by a salt truck. It was my first experience of the devious methods necessary for obtaining the privilege of joining the crowded mass of humanity on one of these trucks, and I shall always be grateful to a young student of Lingnam University who initiated me into the technique.\n\n## Journey To Kukong\n\nOn the journey to Kukong was the inevitable breakdown of the boat and made somewhat quicker progress. Two days before reaching Lulong I was able to send a telegram to the British Ambassador in Chungking. The weather was extremely cold and there was actual snow on the hills above Sha U Chung. I felt very glad that I had sewn an old goatskin into my raincoat.\n\nWe passed through beautiful country, and some of it reminded me forcibly of parts of Surrey. If it had not been for the circumstances of our journey we could have imagined ourselves on somewhat strenuous walking tour.\n\nThe hospitality of the villagers was amazing. We met with nothing but the utmost kindness, courtesy, and generosity at their hands. We were robbed by a lone bandit, who robbed us each in turn of wrist watches, fountain pens, and money. I only lost my fountain pen; I had no money and my Rolex wrist watch was pushed above my elbow and covered by a bandage over skin painted with mercurochrome.\n\nMy time has already gone and I shall not attempt to tell the story of the Hong Kong University students in China, as that has already been told in full elsewhere. But I think there is no time to tell the story of the rest of my experience in ex-China.\n\n## Guide Turns Up\n\nOn the following morning my permanent guide turned up. I recognised him at once by the fact that he was carrying my suitcase and a bundle containing my Jaeger sleeping bag. For the rest of the journey, about 4 p.m. on the afternoon of the fourth day, there was a great commotion in the village. Villagers dashed about excitedly and soon gunboats had apparently come up from Hong Kong, and at last I was able to get into touch with friends whom I knew.\n\n## Reach Wai Chow\n\nWe reached Wai Chow after five strenuous days of walking and on the third day after leaving Lulong. It had taken me twenty days to complete the journey from Hong Kong.\n\n## Future of University\n\nUltimately some 346 Hong Kong University students, out of a total student body of about 600, made their way into Free China, of whom no fewer than 319 continued their studies at 17 different Chinese Universities.\n\nIn Chungking I went to see the British Ambassador, Sir Horace Seymour, and Mr Han Lih-wu, of the Sino-British Cultural Association. As a result of conversations with them, and with the Chinese Minister of Education, I returned almost immediately to Kukong, via Kweilin, carrying relief money for the students from British Government funds.\n\nThe addition of Marsman and his friends made the party six, and my plans had all been made on the assumption that a party of two could make good speed and would attract little attention. However, as things turned out, we had a very unpleasant experience during the second night. The guerillas and the crew of the junk slept on shore, leaving only the five of us who were refugees to sleep on the boat.\n\nAbout 3 a.m. I was awakened by the blinding light of an electric torch shining in my face and the barrel of a revolver pointed straight at my head. It was the first time I had been confronted with this particular type of situation and I must say one feels in rather a weak and essential position to be suddenly awakened out of a confused sleep to face such circumstances flat on one's back!\n\nThe lonely robber then dropped from the side of our junk into a waiting boat and was rowed away into the darkness.\n\nAt the Hosai Hospital I could literally say that I was penniless. I shall never forget the warmth of the welcome I received, nor the luxury of lying on a real bed again after sleeping for three weeks on bare boards, boat decks, and stone floors.\n\nAfter three hours I was taken up to the school on the hill and here, to my surprise, was ushered into a room where Messrs Marsman and Lavrov and two of their Chinese colleagues were waiting.\n\n\"No Impossible Problems In Pacific\"\n\n## FRASER IN AMERICA\n\nMr Fraser said he wanted such a conference immediately to follow the Paris Conference which would draft the peace treaty for the war in Europe.\n\n## SWORD SURRENDERED\n\nJapanese Commander At Malaya Ceremony\n\n### SERVICE CHIEFS PRESENT\n\nWashington, Feb. 25.\n\nOne of the highest-ranking Japanese officers in South-east Asia General Itakgaki, Commander of the 7th Area Army, embracing Malaya, Java, Sumatra, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, and parts of Siam and Borneo, has formally surrendered to the General Officer Commanding in Chief, Malaya Command, General Messervy, at a ceremony at the Command Headquarters in Kuala Lumpur, witnessed by a large gathering of Service chiefs.\n\nBe-ribboned, greying Itakgaki, at the head of a line of his staff officers, was marched onto the parade ground and halted between the lines of British and Indian guards to come to attention as General Messervy took up his position at a flag-draped table and called on him in a loud voice to surrender his sword.\n\nAt a slow, halting pace, the Japanese commander advanced to the table bearing his sword, encased in a colourful cloth bag tied with purple ribbon, and offered the sword across the Union Jack, after which General Messervy announced that the remaining 12 senior Japanese officers, headed by General Itakgaki, would hand over their swords to Brigadier C. P. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., the General's Staff Brigadier, at Malaya Command.\n\nMr Fraser foresaw \"no impossible problems in the Pacific. There will be problems, naturally. China has her many problems. There are other problems of organising the so-called trusteeships. There are also the economic and political problems concerning the stability of all Asia.\"\n\n## DANISH KING BETTER\n\nCopenhagen, Feb. 26.\n\nIt was officially announced today that King Christian's condition has improved.-United Press.\n\nPage 60\nPage 61",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-596-3 Hong Kong University- recognition of wartime training of medical students 24-1-1946 - 10-3-1949.txt",
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    {
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-619-1 Parliamentary delegation to China 1-9-1947 - 23-12-1947",
        "page_number": 103,
        "title": "CO129-619-1 Parliamentary delegation to China 1-9-1947 - 23-12-1947",
        "content_text": "-23-\n\n# ANNEX A\n\n## CAIRO DECLARATION OF 1ST DECEMBER 1943\n\nPresident Roosevelt, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, and Prime Minister Churchill, together with their respective military and diplomatic advisers, have completed a conference in North Africa. The following general statement was issued.\n\nThe several military missions have agreed upon future military operations against Japan. The three great Allies expressed their resolve to bring unrelenting pressure against their brutal enemies by sea, land, and air. This pressure is already rising.\n\nThe three great Allies are fighting this war to restrain and punish the aggression of Japan. They covet no gain for themselves and have no thought of territorial expansion. It is their purpose that Japan shall be stripped of all the islands in the Pacific which she has seized or occupied since the beginning of the first world war in 1914, and that all the territories that Japan has stolen from the Chinese, such as Manchuria, Formosa, and the Pescadores, shall be restored to the Republic of China. Japan will also be expelled from all other territories which she has taken by violence and greed. The aforesaid three Great Powers, mindful of the enslavement of the people of Korea, are determined that in due course Korea shall become free and independent.\n\nWith those objectives in view, the three Allies, in harmony with those of the United Nations at war with Japan, will continue to persevere in the serious and prolonged operations necessary to procure the unconditional surrender of Japan.\n\n10",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-619-1 Parliamentary delegation to China 1-9-1947 - 23-12-1947.txt",
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        "id": 595516,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-621-5 Grant of land- to General Conference Corporation of Seventh Day Adventists 20-9-1949 - 11-10-1949",
        "page_number": 1,
        "title": "CO129-621-5 Grant of land- to General Conference Corporation of Seventh Day Adventists 20-9-1949 - 11-10-1949",
        "content_text": "## 54439/19 \n6B \n**CLOSED UNTIL 102** \n\n## GRANT OF LAND TO HONG KONG 1949 \nLO and PACIFIC HONG KONG \n\n54439/19 \n`C.O.129/621/5` \n## THE 1980 GENERAL CONFERENCE CORPORATION OF SEVENTH DAY ADVENTISTS \n| Previous | Subsequent |\n|---------|-------------|\n| H.452   | Im Risknek 30/9 |\n\n## FILE A \n51402/780 3,000 11/47 N.M.Ltd.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-621-5 Grant of land- to General Conference Corporation of Seventh Day Adventists 20-9-1949 - 11-10-1949.txt",
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    {
        "id": 596658,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-623-6 Education Department- annual report 1-5-1950 - 31-12-1950",
        "page_number": 48,
        "title": "CO129-623-6 Education Department- annual report 1-5-1950 - 31-12-1950",
        "content_text": "FIJI\n\nIntroduction\n\nANNEXE.\n\nREPORT FROM THE PACIFIC AND THE FAR EAST\n\nThe illustrations I have taken from the experiences of my recent tour have been chosen to show to what great or lesser degree the territories I have visited are responding to the following education challenges.\n\n1. That the expansion of education in quantity should be paralleled by a similar expansion in quality.\n\n2. That education should relate the past to the future, i.e., it should link tradition with progress.\n\n3. That education should provide a medium for common intercourse between language groups in one territory and between people of neighbouring territories. The need for this was shown particularly in April this year when the Pacific Peoples Conference was held at Suva, and where the choice of participants had to be made from those who had enough English to use it as a means of expression. This particular challenge also has to meet the need for a language for further education.\n\n4. Through education to rally people to a positive and explicit loyalty, both because it is a good thing in itself but also because it is the main constructive contribution that we can make to combat communism and any other subversive influences.\n\n5. Ways and means of harmonizing cooperation between all races and persons and all agencies engaged in the provision of education.\n\nFiji has a population roughly of 277,000 people, of whom 123,000 are Fijians and 127,000 are Indians. There are about 51,000 children in school, which represents 90% of Fijians and 60% of the Indians.\n\n(1) The Fijians are a fascinating and absorbingly interesting society, closely knit, carefully organised, with its whole pattern of life regulated by ceremony and tradition. The people themselves have a charm of manner and courtesy, and it is delightful to be in touch with them. The price paid for these delightful characteristics is very often a rather bland satisfaction with things as they are and a reluctance to accept change or to recognise that change is necessary.\n\nIt is the custom in Fijian boys' schools, particularly in the Queen Victoria School, which is the only secondary school for Fijian boys, to devote one session a week to teaching Fijian ceremony and custom, and the teacher is always a wise man from the district, well-versed in these ancient practices. At the Adi Cakobau Government Fijian Girls Intermediate School, which is now just over a year old, the same theme persists, for a beautifully built Bure (traditional house) is both literally and metaphorically the centre of the school. The outstanding feature...\n\nPage 54",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-624-13 Finances- financial conference of 1950; correspondence 1-1-1951 - 31-12-1951",
        "page_number": 1,
        "title": "CO129-624-13 Finances- financial conference of 1950; correspondence 1-1-1951 - 31-12-1951",
        "content_text": "19.51\n\n54126/13 HONG KONG and PACIFIC 54126/13\n\nHONG KONG\n\nPrevious 1950 Subsequent\n\nCLOSED UNTIL 1982\n\nFinance Financial Conference 1950\n\n4452 5617 112\n\nM. A.3. Fawdaugh In Clark (H) 5/10\n\nMr Ashton Her 52\n\nMr Fairclough 15/2 The Bryant (s) 2/2\n\nH 452 Pin Petherich H K 3.1\n\n1 452 Mis Petherich H\n\nA 452\n\n%% 24\n\n* 16/11 Mrs Petherich 22/\n\n... 26/11 27.4....\n\n8.631 Ho 3 Has 2 14/1\n\nM. Fairelman! th Anderas\n\nFILE A\n\nwt. 24406 5568 lim in 7 sorts 10/50 TCP/JB",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-624-13 Finances- financial conference of 1950; correspondence 1-1-1951 - 31-12-1951.txt",
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