[
    {
        "id": 238782,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-056 - Sir Bowring - 1856 [6]",
        "page_number": 191,
        "title": "CO129-056 - Sir Bowring - 1856 [6]",
        "content_text": "189\n\nI\n\n90\n\nNEW ADVERTISEMENTS.\n\nNOTICE\n\nThe Hongkong Register.\n\n...parvenus, assuming an official importance which is highly injurious. Some years ago, he was arrested by the French Government, at Boulogne, and is presumed to have been irritated at this circumstance, for he wrote an violent letter to the police in Paris, in which, after lengthy complaining of this infraction of the Law of Nations, he ended by saying, that the Bourbons had committed an act on his person which might hurl them from the throne.—Journal by T. HAYES, Esq., Vol. 1, p. 243.\n\nThe undersigned in our trade requests that claims against him be sent for liquidation immediately, and that those justified to him likewise discharge relatives due. He begs also to state that he has transferred his business to Mr. HENRY VAUCHER, formerly of Custom.\n\nCHARLES WEISS. Hongkong, 31st May, 1856.\n\nMR. HENRY VAUCHER, in retiring from the above, solicits the Patronage hitherto bestowed on his predecessor, and gives notice that the Business will be carried on in his Own Name and Responsibility from the date.\n\nHongkong, June, 1856.\n\nPUBLIC AUCTION.\n\n[No. 23.—JUNE 3, 1856.]\n\nThere is some difference of opinion in these two cases. There is in fact a considerable difference between asserting by the Neutrality ordinance No. 1 of 1865 that the ships of war of our Ally the Emperor of China shall be seized and confiscated by the SUPERINTENDENT OF POLICE AND CHIEF MAGISTRATE!! if found in the harbour of Hongkong, and the second paragraph of the above opinion. \"We (the Law Officers of the Crown) do not concur in the conclusion of the Acting Attorney General\" \"that the Chinese are to be considered as beyond the pale of civilized nations,\"\n\nTHE CHILD OF FRANCE !\n\nOn the evening of Wednesday last, the 28th ult., an unfortunate accident which caused the death of 26 Chinese passengers happened to the steamer \"Knee\" as she was proceeding up the river,\n\nThe Emperor of France has obtained a son. This is a fact, in no way to be disputed. We can all remember instances when political sagacity and party prophecy\n\nThe \"Rose\" left, this about ten minutes past six o'clock, and had reached the western side of Tonkun bay, when having hugged the land too closely, her starboard bow struck on a sunken rock, opening so much of her side that she immediately filled forward and went down, drowning 26 Chinese in the forecastle, Fortunately for others on board, her stern part hung on the rock, and it was but until the next day that the whole of the body of the vessel went down. Before a coroner's jury held on view of ten of the bodies that had been brought here, the engineer stated that he chanced to be on deck at the time the vessel struck, that he heard the Captain saying \"stop her\" which was immediately done,—that in a minute or so, he heard the Captain again cry \"go on, all right,\" when the engines were put to work, but they had only made three revolutions when the water rushed into the engine room; that having again turned off the steam he was engaged in drawing the fires, but before he was enabled to do so, the water had reached his middle. Hay—\n\n144 Dak Kassa, 15 taels long by 9 in. thick and 11 in. deep TEAK BEAMS, before delivery, in Merchant's packages, weighed at $7,4-7.\n\nHongkong, 31st May, 1856.\n\nDE SILVER & Co., Auctioneers.\n\n\"EXSAMUEL RUSSELL\" AND \"QUICKSTEP\"\n\nThe undersigned are landing, and offer for Sale,—\n\n150 Punces Gallego CEDAR. 2,500 Gallons American BRANDY. 10,000lbs Winchester SOAP. 50 Pairbanks PLATFORM SCALES—weight from 240 to 1200lbs.\n\nDE SILVER & Co.\n\nAn Invoice of OYSTERS, Green PEAS, Fresh PEARS, APPLES, QUINCES, and CRANBERRIES.\n\nHongkong, 2nd June, 1856.\n\nJUST RECEIVED. SUPPLY of Sill's New York BUTTER. Also, Trade Dozen Bus's Triangle ALE.\n\nDE SILVER & Co.\n\nHongkong, 1st June, 1856.\n\nThe Hongkong Register.\n\nHONGKONG, TUESDAY, 3 JUNE, 1856.\n\nNOTICE The Hours of DIVINE SERVICE in the Cathedral Church of St. John are, on Sundays at 7 A.M. and 4 P.M.\n\nNOTICE The Hours of PERLIC WORSHIP in the UNION CHAPEL, Hollywood Road, are on the Sabbath at 11 A.M., and at 7 P.M. on the Evening of every Wednesday at half-past 8\n\nBIRTHS.\n\nAt Camberwell Green, London on the 1st April, the Wife of Captain The JAMARON of the P. & O. Steamer \"Brisbane,\" of a Daughter.\n\nAt Hongkong, on the 22nd May, the Wife of Mr. Asterio DUS SANTOS, of a Daughter.\n\nAt Hongkong, on the 28th May, the Wife of Mr. Duxa KIXI E CARNEO, of a Daughter.\n\nMARRIAGES.\n\nAt Macao, the 25th May, Mr. J. M. DE FONSECA, Harbour Master, to Miss MARQUISHA LOUREIRO, Daughter of the late Senhor Antonio Loureiro, Esq.\n\nA Victors. Hongkong, on the 1st June, M. HUSIND CHYTHESHEX to Miss FURSA B. DA SILVA SOUZA,\n\nDEATHS.\n\nAt the Missionary House, Springfei, on the 4th February, Mr. NICASIUS BAYJIES, of Boston, and late of Stungcar, aged 21.\n\nAt Lackbear, near Exeter on the 1st April, the Sister, of du John Bourring, Governor Hongkong\n\nTHE Government Gazette of 31st Ultimo contains\n\nin the natural course of life and death, and in barran—desa. Wow them not a man named Bradshaw, a great man Canterbury, brawler, years since turned to forth the most villanous epithets upon Queen Victoria ? Did he not talk of Josci, using the name in Highest compare Now, that Bradshaw was of the hopeful school who predicted barrenness to the Queen: they had such unquestionable authority for the inevitable fact. Truly, Her Majesty—as, in due season, we shall learn on the Civil List—very soon confounded these prophets; and, at the present hour, most satisfactorily up—plies the picture of Byron :-\n\n\"A lady with her daughters or her nieces, Shines like a sovereign and seven stilling pieces.\"\n\nThus, no delicacy can be more brilliant than the bestowed upon the fanaticism at the Tuileries on Sunday may be only promissary of the many olive-bunches to be vouchsafed to Napoleon and Engine: to the very prophetic party, as in due time rebuked the soothsayer's\n\nThe first flower in this legal parterre is a con—Ordinance No. 2 of 1856, Entitled an Ordinance to explain the law as to the removal of riots—then follows, No. 9 of 1856. Entitled\n\n20\n\nThere can be no doubt of the fact, that Henri Cinq is\n\nas his wife is not yet added a baby—not a sin—\n\nby centricuting to France a boy that, even at Barnum's Baby-show, would, it is said, carry off the first prize for weight and size.\n\nAn Ordinance to explain certain enactments relating to shipping :then comes No. 10 of 1856 Entitled an Ordinance for Lis Pendens and Purchasers; a measure that has duly passed the mock Legislative Council and are in full bloom and lily-bud—\n\nTHE following proclamation appears in the Government Gazette of last Saturday :--\n\nThe Queen, conveyed through The Right Honorable Henry Labouchere M.P., Principal Secretary of State for the Colonies, have been received, approving of and confirming the following Ordinances, namely—\n\nOrdinance No 1 of 1855, entitled—An Ordinance to enforce Neutrality during the Contest now existing\n\nOrdinance No 1 of 1856, entitled—An Ordinance to enforce Neutrality during the Contest now existing\n\nNow, therefore, it is hereby declared, that the said Ordinances have been so approved and confirmed as aforesaid.\n\nOn the death of Sir William Molesworth: as most of our readers are aware, the difficulty of filling the situation of Colonial Secretary as to find the least ignorant person\n\nLord Palmerston was, not so much to\n\nTHE Band of the 59th Regiment will perform to—morrow on the Parade Ground, commencing at 6 o'clock, the following:--\n\n1—Grande: Collscom March—Gay'l\n\n2—Cavatina Op. The Enchantress—Balfe.\n\n3.—Negro Quadrille—Tullien.\n\n4—Bird of Paradise Waltzes—Kémewig.\n\n5—Carmen Fiko—Fritze.\n\n6—Caling, T.Kelly.\n\nQu'un puce y déposa, tribut de sa fleur, Verre les portes, et tuinteur tu enches\n\nJeune fille et Jeune fleur\n\nAh! nos los reals Jamais à no monde profane,\n\nà ce monde de deuil, d'angoisse femelle!\n\nLe te bete et flétrir, le soleil brile et fane\n\nJeune fille et jouoc Beur\n\nTudors, pauvre lisa, si l'ère di un éve: Tu ne trains plus\n\nplus à jour le froid et in allen; Elles ont achevé leurs traiches matins,\n\nJeune file et je flaut.\n\nMais ton père, Elisa, ur ta centre incline.\n\nAux ridden front a more la pleur:\n\nEt Vimix caène, le Temps Canche sur sa razine,\n\nJeune file at jeune flour,\n\nChateaubriand.\n\nmost talented man to fill the situation ci Celo—Colonies, not even in Great Britain, than the\n\nto be shoved into the piace. From the awe Eew long that respectability will be maintained, nil Secretary as to find the least ignorant person\n\nAttorneys of the Hongkong Court at present, precious specimen of a proclamation we are when the profession may be overcrowded with strongly led to believe that Lord Palmerston has 20 exactly hit upon the least ignorant of his dy men from the unusual sources of supply which the present Ordinance opens up, it is not easy to say.\n\nI Colony lies.\n\nancs? The cause of it is perfectly plain. The We asked, What was the cause of the Ordin—Attorney General comes from Botany Bay, that\n\nof the deft. The imperial prince is eager to hear the Pope's suck and, doubtless, will be father digna, we should rather say encored, by godfatherty gifta piece of the true cross set in a bit of gold brengt by Siba to Sulomen: or, in a diamond locket, a pinch of iron filings from the fetters of St. Peter and St. Paul. Yet, his loltasse no thought of Henriking, the lineal descen whilst the Pope is godfather to the son of parceny, baa dit of Joris, now somewhere in any? But such is the conversent memory of the Vatican.\n\nfiength of years be grated to Loria Napoleon, he a Kemperor. Pessibly, we say for history tells us not may possibly rear baby now in his crile inte stuff for to look for grecs mea in the sons of great inen. Crom—\n\na son of sufficient alty to ale a pause. It rany wall fefe has le rouse to rate a gdom; and he loft seem odd, and yet destiny pinys such prawks with la hopes an inations—yet even a Seroud of Tecember may bogo First of April.—Lloyd's W. N., March 23.\n\nWIDOWS, FAMILIES, AND RELATIVES OF OFFICERS.\n\nWe annex the rules and regulations appended to the warrant given in a recent number of the Gazette, for\n\neven teli the quarter of the world in which that even if now, a place to which respectablering a £ards of money in lieu of pensions, coti This may seen an extreme saer—Attorneys were likely to go and the govern passionate lowances, and gratuites, to the widows, tion, hnt we must either suppose this extreme ignorance existing in the Colonial Secretary, or in\n\nment very wisely got hold of the next best families, and relatives of officers killed in action or dying substitute in allowing their officials connected of wounds recived in the face of the enemy, within six\n\nmonths after being wounded.\n\nNo body here\n\nthe Secretary for Foreign Affairs and the Law with the law to become lawyers—but there is no Officers of the Crown, seeing that on the 15th March 1856 the folowing Notification appeared wante, and nobody has asked for the Ordinance. His in the Government Gazette:-\n\nExcellency the Governor and the Attorney Gen—\n\nan or dying of words received in face of the enemy, 1. The cmount of mousy to be paid to a widow, widow and children, ar other relatives of an officer inted in\n\nbranch of the service be sny bave belonged to, be the within six months after being wounded, shall. Whatever\n\ninfantry of the line, as set forth in the following scale, viz.\n\nTo the willow, widow aut chil—dren, ebilen, filies,mativer. state, or sisters of..............\n\nDiffe\n\nDizto\n\nJitk\n\nDitto\n\nDitto\n\nCawley\n\nTref\n\nLieut Colbel £175...£1500\n\nMajor 4575... 9300 Captain 3625, 1960 Lieutenant 1190 700 Coruat... $10..... Ensign... 450\n\nA question having risen as to the Law by which Con—eral, like true cosinopolites, resolved to legislate tracts ethered into with Her Majesty's Subjects on C irrespective of creed or color,\" and with the strong regulation price sized for commissions in cavalry and nese Territory hy Chinese Subjects for the Cession of Property in China, should be regulated; watter shape of getting for the present a cheap interpre—hert retered by the Barl of Clarender to the law ter, bold out this Ordinance as a bait. It is made Gfficers the Crown, whose opinion is as follows\n\n\"War of opinlot that Brdish Tribunala and Jedrini\n\nin a fine large spirited manner \"Alienage or Chin—Authorices in China are bound to ohmerve the rules and Tu fallowing is the charmeter given of Sir John incipies of Publie ur Enternat Tuw, so they are set to do is to take the usual caths, one of which ese status no disqualification \"ail stunt you have Boaring twenty years ago. There are few people we do and oneur in the conclusim of the noting, Ac Now, the persou for whom this Ordinance was and received by the auton consent of European natione nathes is the oath of allegiance to Her Majesty. who have bad anything to do with His Excellency torny-General, that the Chiness are to be considered as who will not agree that the likeness is a wonder—beyond the pale of civilized nations.\n\nIn a queationa that may evine botere any Kritina Tri—\n\nexpressiy mande is, as we have betise sid bunal in Chung relating to the ownership or occupation of\n\na Morrison school boy who has studied in\n\nBut it sun! in no case exceed the sum of money actually The French Gerament has made some slight con—tenses or lands ing within the dominios of the Fingers of America, where he has become an American officer for the purchase of his commission or commissions. paid, in conformity with the regulation. price, by the casina as to duties on a few articles imported from Cars, the law and cast of Chica, if they can be ascer—subject, and ns auch sworn allegiance to the Eugland, rather to meet the clamour of the pation ontained, nat govern de decisions, rilee by the terms of Gavernment of the United States, all which with sex mouths shall leave a widow only, the au thest points, than to prometo any new ceaunercial inter— the contract the law or at home other mantry be as is prepared to repudiate by bis wath on adinis. ned shall be paid to her for her sole and isulate Coura hatween the countries. They are in fact united into the and if in any such rase the Chinese Low can portant, but Dr. B., delighted, after three years infeest te ascertained, the decisis must be governed by the tua pressing and supplization here (u hava obtained even pelticiples of natural justice. There is os pretence for the Tendy to lake onths is exactly Lie person to have a peusion; and sie shall be required to establish het\n\nsion at An Attorney. Whether a person sur\n\nhenefit, provided she be not left in such pecuniary circumstances as would otherwise preclude all claim to introduction of the Engish Law of real property.\n\n\"It is a universal principle of Law in Europe, that in s] a point atretched that be may be admitted on the claim and to sign au acknowledgment of having consent sits prevalin; and we think it both right and useful mat questions sospecting movealbe property, the lex loci rei rull of Attorneys does not allow ef much doubted to receive sich zu in lieu of, and as a full compens\n\ntion for, al pension and gtuity to which sie\n\nful one\n\nthis light relaxation, is gone over to Festion with the proposal. Or ail moon high or low that I ever met in Apeinty, this Dr. B is the act pressing and the rust Aceited Te is fit Charlton, fir Whig employment; the same mile. should be acted in the administration pushing and overb waving in las manner, and, like the Justice in Chink\"\n\n2. When un officer su killed or sa dying of his wounds\n\nsy or\n\n* Acconyplished.\" not need as having any reference to might have proved herself entities, in consequence of \"perfection.\n\nthe luas her husband.\n\nNo. $3.—JUNE 3, 1856.]\n\nThe Hongkong Register.\n\n91\n\n3. In the event of an offer leaving a widow and Mr. Speerivales four paints which particularly re—children, who may or might have established a claim to quire legislative action at this time. He anys the persion, compassionate allowance, or gratuity, then The number allowed to immigrate to this country and in that case the mouey awarded in lieu thereof shall should not be too great. We may not be prepared to he held in trust by the Secretary of State for War, and afford them weful employment. They any code in ex the interest thereof, at the rate of £3 per cent. per ann cess, and not settle down, and assimilate to our institu all be receivable by the widow, ustil her death, when Haas and Waiks. the money shall be divided, share and share alike, among jadicions ineu, and xot unreasonable, to allow for the It is therefore the preference of many the children than alive of such deceased officer, provided present the law which fixes a capitation tax to re they shall have attrined the age of 21, otherwise the provided it is so administered as not to interfere with money shall still continue to be held in trust and the rutamerce,\n\nbusines event, however, of de witlow anrviving her said children future duty from observation of its nulla, or in com And judgunat only indicate the nosey all than become her sole and absolute pro—plinee with the future wants and desires of our own perty, as Inid down in Article 2; but should such chirou people. survive the widow, yet still die before attaining the age of 21, then and in that case the money, after discharging deserves consideration. The amouai freit by the pre—2. The amount of the license required from minera alt just liabinties, shall become the property of the Crow sent law is uppressive. Few are possessed of good 4. In the event of an officer leaving a child or children, claims. The tax beggars them. It drives them to the but no widow, the mouny shalt he laid in trust, and the\n\nmountsics and tickets like wild beasts. It is the interest thereof, at the rate of $3 per cent. per anner,\n\nwith hanger, sickness and despair. It turns theci, what stated in Article 3, shall be applied by the Secretary\n\ntheir honourable character with our trading population of State for War for the benefit of such child or children,\n\nin the country shows is not necessary, int cheats and antit he, she, or they shal! attain the age of 21, when\n\ndoes. It will in time fill our pisose. It makes them fathe and hase us as a people, and our name, our country, property of such surviving child or children. they understand we profess. If put to the fordicz, stand— and our government and the Christian religion, which share and share alike. Should, however, such child asard of four dollars per month, the sum affords a hand Chronicle, March 20,\n\nagain demandell his goods, tendering the whole wit In a genera! urder, Jated Feb. 25, the Commander-la- of freight us by the bill of lading. for all the goods was thereupun offered him, but subject by a correspondent at Kerteh, of \"inute details of lines A delivery order chier draws attrusion to the publication in a newspaper, to the charges for storage and cartage which had an and works, strength of garrison, and various tallitary crued upon them. The goods had, in accordance with a arrangements;\" and, referring General Vivian to the notice to that effect given by the shr's agent, heen particulars, he authorises him to arrest the individual ceased to slischarge; and it is satisfactorily proved that believe that such folly will nes be repeated. He then laced in a public warehouse each night when the ship and send him away at once, unless he has reason to\n\ntheir salty, but rendered unavoidable by the fact that this disposition the goods was not only necessary for proceeds as folows\n\nThe Commander of the forces has occasionally seen\n\ninterest applied for their benefit up to that age. In the in nered the passage to and ice of those engaged the goods are not suffered to retain on the whart at similar things from this cams. Strength of regimenta\n\nthe\n\nahones, us in the case of the widow, shall become the\n\nchildren die before attaining the age of 21 years, then unul in that case the money, after discharging all just labilities, shall become the property of the Crown,\n\nsobe State and County resece, and they appear willing pay it. Iat lower, as some have prepused, there is danger of new legislation, to two or three gene, to incrense it again.\n\nThis appears, after the brief experience of a fe months, to be suc opinion of the people generally the mining districts.\n\ncease.\n\nmight. The bellent, however, declined to pay his freight sickness, butteries, gins, quuntly of ammunition, the and receive his goods subject to these charges, and there state ui preparation, means of transport, the very situa agon fled bis like: for non-delivery. It is not suggested tion of concealed histories, the strength of pickets, the that the charges upon the goods were any other or\n\nbest mes of attacking them, all recklessly detailed as greater thus expenses necessarily incurred in trans. on purpose to usiruet an enemy. Couaou precace—ng the progress of the disenarge, and the question to porting them to and keeping them in a warehouse dur—tion for the sake of the aring requires that this should he determined is, whether under the clearances, He then appeals to the right sense of duty of alt officers ship owner. these chargee should be borne by the shipper, or the and non-comissioned officers, and concludes by requir—ing the generals of disisiou to bring the tenor of the order The decision was in favor of the defendant. The cou—signnee must pay freight in ace for all his merchant belonging to the arany,\" who are permitted to versin to the notice of the \"known correspondent of newspapers ship, or if the ship master storex the metsandise as it she to the rules of the army under whose protection they dives it by wishes to take it away as he comes from the in the canige, and who toast consider themselves ainen— is discharged until the whole roast is discharged, the c consignze must pay storage, curtage, California\n\nTHE CHINESE IN CALIFORNIA.\n\nWe resume consideration of the Itev. Mr. Speer's \"Pica\" for the Chinese in California.\n\nNUMBER OF CBINASE IN CALIFORNIA.\n\nThe Rev. Mr. Speer pablished, some eight or ten months ago, a statement of the cuber of Chinese the\n\nThe Times, as might be expected, is írate at this under, says that it ever too late, and that Generati Codrington has now loat whatever reputation he formerly\n\npossessed.\n\n\"I\" obsives our temporary, \"the abjectionable commivation appeared in our columes, it was written by a military officer, and, if General Codrington has any real ground of complaint, it is pro—hale that the writer, too trenical in his detaile, did not imitate the exudon which is always practised by por—fessional correspondents.\" In these observations, the\n\nis a melter which demands the attention of the Legisino Lere is not materially differeus, or the departures Times averlooks the fact, that the same general order\n\n3. The mode of collecting the Foreign micers' licenses supposed to be in this country. Probably the number\n\nture.\n\nIt is to be feared there, is some thing radically since last spring may have been about equal to the also draws attention to similar exposures of the prepara wrong in the present system. How often do you reat of Chinamen shot, or stabbed, or wipped, or stripped ted with the five well-known Companies.\" Probubig, pressly prohibits teus for the future—Home News, arrivals. the Chinese in California are chiefly contre—lions of the rug by newspaper correspondents, and ex— and searched, or maltreated and insulto in some other says Mr. Speer, there are not a thousand Chiuames in Marele 25, way, by the collerters. How frequently do we reus the State who are not members of our or other of these under the \"items\" head of our newspaper announce ments like this one Three Chinamen Shot—A For eigu miners' tax collector of Lousty, on Wednesday last, shot three Chiasmon who resisted him in the dis—River.\" charge of his duty. The difficuity took place on the→→→→→\n\n5. In the event of an offices leaving at his death neither widow, child, sur children, then the money shall be paid to his father; and if he leave no father, it may be pa to his mother, for his or her sole and absolute benefit. provided that he or she shall establish a claim thereto. And in the event of there being neither father nor mother, then the money shall be paid to the sister or sisters, as the case may be, share and share alike, provi ded they shall have attanned the age of 21 years, aud that cheie claint shall be established. But should any sister or sisters be under that age, in the money shall be held is as by the Secretary of State for War, and the interest be applied, as stated in Article 4, until such sister or sisters shall become 31 years of age, when it shall become the absolute property of the survivors or Survivor. Simuli wo survivors or survivor ritnin the age of 21, then the tanney, after discharging just liabilities, shall become the property of the Crown.\n\nNow it is admitted that these people are provokingly 6 No grast or money undar provisions of this warrant slow; are fearful and suspicious; are cunning in evading sal be made to Ray person who would not be eligible the enllector, and play maoy tricks to wary L. But far pension compassionate allowance, or gratuity under\n\nhave they no excuse? farther, if they have one, the provisions of the royal warrant of the 15th of June, are they so dangers and ferocious: anges that yield: 1958 ( fadier alone excepted whose claim nnst be esta blished as set forth in Article 5), but the ineligibility of of the forest? Does the humane administration of law to no remelin, tad must he dealt with like furious beasts widow to any grant under this warrant shall not affect aot extend west of the Aueries Desert? Are men to the interests of the legitimate child or children of a decensed ulicer, for whose benefit the money shall be\n\nhe murdered at will by an irrespacaible petty officer, for held in trust, and the interest seplied by the Secretary tionalde entstitutionality? Is such as officer licensed resisting se pecuolery obligation, and that of ques. of State for We, as stated in Article 4, except they be to slaughter a man that is not imble; or because he left in such pecuniary errcumstances as wou'd disquely don't cinderstura Buglish; or because he is a stranger, them for the co:upassionate kilowances wider the pro—\n\n*\n\nvisions of Article 3. Should, however, such chill and poos, and sick, and friendless? ebildren die before attaining the age of 21, then and that use the money, after dislarging t just abilities, shult become the property of the Crowd,\n\npazzuities.\n\nCompanies. The following is the computation hy then, buse erived in Csforma; that have returned hence to in a tabular form, of the total number of Chinese that their native land: that have died here; and faully, their estincale of the number in the spring of last year in the\n\nState:\n\nWe read in the Prassing correspondence of the Times: let: I have lately reserved from Hum. santative there, Calone: Hodges, was led to make various burg informs me that, some few weeks back, our repres representations to the senate of the quantities of am—munition that left, flat neutral port for Russia In the course of the examination that these reclamations gave vine to, I am informed it turned out that thees supplies hud in west instaurea been shipped thither frota England 9,200 or that purpose. For.instance, two houses in England 6,807 had suippes to Hamburg two cargoes of lead, three ofẾ 84'petre, und eleven of sulphur. The parties implicated 38.387\n\nin the air are described to me as standing very high in England, andarsong them a member of Parliament.\" Homes News, March 26.\n\nNames.\n\nArrivals. Deartares. Drecna'd Prasat Young-wo Copy...6,900 Couto Company....8,00 Sza-yap Company1,050 Yun-wo Company.......2,500 Ning- euy Company 2,809\n\n2,503\n\n1,300\n\n400 £tu\n\n14.000 6.500\n\n(ii)\n\n160\n\n$780 1.269\n\n300\n\n173\n\n1.780\n\nTotal 18,249 8,522 1,290 Adding to these, the ana,ber of Chinese not members of the Companies, and probably there may be found 40,000 of the race at present in this country.\n\nM. Mazzini lately sent £30 to some friend at Rome. The letter was intercepten or the past-ofice, the bills\n\nTHE US. STEAM FRIGATE NIAGARA.\n\nThe United States steain frigate Niegore was recently seized, cashed, and applied to the fand for ruising a launched from the socklyn Navy Yard. The last mail have absencterised this act as a slawefu: and grant statue to the Immaculate Virgin. The French papers\n\nThere are two things that can be done. First, the from the Rust brought account of the launch, and a robbery Home News, March 26. penalties of an payment of the miners' license may be description of the magnificent vessel. From the New 7. In the event of it being represented and satisfac—efred, and they may be guarded su us to prevent acts! Yor's Herald we take the following:- torily prove to the Secretary of State for War, that any of brutality to encuarage men of a desirable character The Niagara is one of the five steam frigates now in\n\nAllading to the unsightly smallness of the ladies' bon—wilow na wiose bekali money shall be held in trust for to perform the duties; and also so as to be a heu tu\n\nnets, an eminent musical gentleman in London, writing the henefit of herself and children, under the provisions\n\nprocess of construction for the United States Navy. Her to a friend in Bristol, suys:-\"I have to lames the grezi the region. Legal gentlemen can readily devise such main dimensions are: 2oanage, 5.204; extreme length iparcase, among the fetals part of my practice, of tic of this warrant, shall thereafter so conduct hersell' as t\n\nFor instance, ability to work upon the on deck, 24 feet; load le, 323 feet. She is to be county roads, at a certain rule per day, until the demand shipped egged; mainmast, I feet long and 3 feet 4 ining in the ear, injured, I firmly believe, from the present douloureux in the forehead, loss of sigit, and great juffer—of the license is satisfied.\n\nches in diameter; mein yard, 55 feet long, and mizea Secuud, it seems almost equally necessary to consti—spunker boot 67 fest. Fail complement of vinn .\n\nased fashion of neuting hosneta on the week instead of tute an office, or to appoint an officer, to whom those Some kiea of her immense capacity may be formed fo\n\nthe head. During the past month i have been in attend—ordmarily subject to the foreign mers' tax may appeal the following schedule of her masts and spara, which are\n\nance upon zwn young ladies with the the-doalonzēta in erhead, and several others with similar complaints. frora de collector in speriat rases, and who may decide now be.ug ball:- the circus ces that warrant a remission the tax.\n\nIt is high time that the frivolous bonet of the present There are some cases of exceeding hardship aris: from\n\nYards Length Diam. Length, Diam.\n\nday should be done away with.\"-- Home News, Mirch 28, the caprices and the cores of collectors. They\n\nFr. io. In. Ft. in. If.\n\nhave no rules. One told me that holes old tea, boys,\n\nWOMEN AND WArones-Mr. Beunct, the watah-maker 111:00 871 10:05 24 packure, and sick people, go free.\" There are no de\n\nof Cheapside, in a letter to the Times, recommends that 07:08 21 76:11 191 women should be employed as wetch-makers. We give nius, un real responsibilities in the whole mater. Muinroyal It is mere spullation,\n\nthe practical part of his conuication:-\n\nMainmast Maintop\n\nMaiuto gallant\n\nFereskysa?! \n\nMireutop\n\nbeenme unworthy of the Clown, or stall neglect or ill. treat her children, then and in that use the Secretary of Sture for War shall have full power to tasks such arrange ments for apportioning the interest of the money, and making better provision for the children, as in his judge ment may see must advisabic.\n\n8. The allowances to be granted under the authority of this warrant are not applicable to the cases of others kifled in sesion, or dying of weands before the declin\n\non of war with Russia, hur it is to lake n retrospective rfect up to that date; and therefore, say officer's willow to whom there may have been granted a pensior, com—passionate allowances for children, or gratuity for herself\n\nod children, or any other relative of an officer, who may 4 Betler protectios must be extended to Chinese re. Main skil have receive a peusion under the warrant of 15th June, sinents generally. Some means should be devised by Foremast 1855, who tony wish to rotate such pension, allow-whch the statements of Chinese should be received Burstop acers, or gratuities, for the sun fixed wider the provisions regard to crimes affecting their lives, persons au po Puteopgallant of this warrant, shall be permitted to do so; but in that porty. They do dot perhaps understand sufficiently the Porevoval case, whatever suns may have been received by or al care of on oala to be adicuted in our Courts to enjoy aumuns of the widow or exildren, or other relatives, wil at equal privilege with those acquainted with the sanc Mzent be deducted from any amount to be paid under the terrasons of Christianity. But no other maans prepubly of this warrust. But in every case of a sum of money than receiving their affirmation, allowing it the credence. Mzentopgallant being awarded Guder the provisions of this warrant. that, according to internal evidence and the accompany Mccoyal interest inerton at the rate of 63 per cent. per annu\n\ning Creumstances, it seems fairly to deserve, will prevent\n\nMizens kysall wil he allowed how the day of the officer's death.\n\ndegraded and autward centness from rubbing, bruising. U. Should the widow, or any other relative of a deceas. cheating or killing a Chinaman, wien to white witness ed officer wi. prior to 23rd October, 1855, has been granted pension, and other uliowaned, under the\n\nThe protection of the Chinese miners from marauders is vital to their quite, and to their usefulness to our provisions of the warrant of 15 June, 1835, wish to cocinute such pension and lowances by sum of respect for lass, where they are pistered by night av jihoon\n\nthemselves. They can have no heart for industry, and na money in eu therevf, in conformity with the terms of this wherau, it will be necessary that application to the\n\nby day, by fous wretchies, who battly rob a camp in Spanker hoora fect be made to the Secretary of State for War, within\n\nthe five of a hundred, if no lites are present, and who: Spanker ga year from the October, 1855. And shoul the\n\nhave no compunctions in murdmg even the unresisting. Spanker gaff duw, or my other reiative of a deceased offers, whe.\n\nThere are heen hundreds of sua case, An interior Forespunker gaf since 2311 October, 1855, may have already, or\n\nnewspaper says of these cobbers: -\n\nNot camerated hereafter be granted, a prasion and other allywuuees. wish to epimute such penting und allowsares for of money in hen thereof. mudes the provisions of this warrent, it will be acessary that application to tha fert be made to the Secretary of State for War, with a year from the date of the said pens and user allow lances being granted.\n\n1. A return of all sams paid under the provisions of this warrant and be faid nasly briore Parliament an ufter the 1st of Aynl. Gaven at our Court at Sail James's, Ritis ist day of March. 1856, in the 19th year of Our Reign-By Her Majesty's command,\n\nPATHONE.\n\ny\n\nth\n\nis near.\n\nSwinging boom. Maintop stuldingsafl boom Maintop gallantanil hacm\n\ndo. Mainrayal de Bowsprit, outboard Jihkoom\n\n35:04 12) \n\n51.03 134\n\n23:07 81 32:09\n\nE\n\n14:06\n\nbi\n\n21.00\n\nJUI:GO 35\n\n00:09 23\n\n50.00 YO\n\n07:09\n\n54\n\n31.09 7\n\n21:10 214 47:03 21:06 13:03 34 19:06 35; & 32 72:10 50:04 15 Ai:0x 11 27:09 S 34:10 8 13:00\n\n16\n\n4+\n\n55:00 }] \n\n4:00\n\n11:04 TTE 62:00 21 33:00 8 $1.00 } 23:00 51\n\n22.03 10.11\n\n2xtú\n\n17:00 4\n\n20:00 24\n\n38:00 ia\n\nX5:00 -\n\n.67:00\n\n15\n\nThe French Government has made some slight con—tenses or lands ing within the dominios of the Fingers of America, where he has become an American officer for the purchase of his commission or commissions. paid, in conformity with the regulation. price, by the casina as to duties on a few articles imported from Cars, the law and cast of Chica, if they can be ascer—subject, and ns auch sworn allegiance to the Eugland, rather to meet the clamour of the pation ontained, nat govern de decisions, rilee by the terms of Gavernment of the United States, all which with sex mouths shall leave a widow only, the au thest points, than to prometo any new ceaunercial inter— the contract the law or at home other mantry be as is prepared to repudiate by bis wath on adinis. ned shall be paid to her for her sole and isulate Coura hatween the countries. They are in fact united into the and if in any such rase the Chinese Low can portant, but Dr. B., delighted, after three years infeest te ascertained, the decisis must be governed by the tua pressing and supplization here (u hava obtained even pelticiples of natural justice. There is os pretence for the Tendy to lake onths is exactly Lie person to have a peusion; and sie shall be required to establish het\n\nsion at An Attorney. Whether a person sur\n\nhenefit, provided she be not left in such pecuniary circumstances as would otherwise preclude all claim to introduction of the Engish Law of real property.\n\n\"It is a universal principle of Law in Europe, that in s] a point atretched that be may be admitted on the claim and to sign au acknowledgment of having consent sits prevalin; and we think it both right and useful mat questions sospecting movealbe property, the lex loci rei rull of Attorneys does not allow ef much doubted to receive sich zu in lieu of, and as a full compens\n\ntion for, al pension and gtuity to which sie\n\nful one\n\nthis light relaxation, is gone over to Festion with the proposal. Or ail moon high or low that I ever met in Apeinty, this Dr. B is the act pressing and the rust Aceited Te is fit Charlton, fir Whig employment; the same mile. should be acted in the administration pushing and overb waving in las manner, and, like the Justice in Chink\"\n\n2. When un officer su killed or sa dying of his wounds\n\nsy or\n\n* Acconyplished.\" not need as having any reference to might have proved herself entities, in consequence of \"perfection.\n\nthe luas her husband.\n\nPage 363\n\nPage 363\n\nPage 363\n\nTHE ENGLISH TOWERZ—The English language has its face is stamped the following words: \"Gonds to be million loiters She is to be full rigged and\n\na veritable power of expression, such as, perhaps, ever tual, dated the 21 of October, 1855, our will and ensure new is that our said Royal wariant of the 23rd find thereof, and when the discharge of lus gomis had On the arrival the ship the libellaut was duig moti—Oober 1855, shall trom henceforth be cancelled, aut romcucel he was fully eognizant of the fact On the\n\nTHE ENGLISH LANGUAGE\n\nThe English language har its face is stamped the following words: \"Gonds to be million loiters She is to be full rigged and Mr. Steers stood at the command of any other language of men.\n\na veritable power of expression, such as, perhaps, ever tual, dated the 21 of October, 1855, our will and ensure new is that our said Royal wariant of the 23rd find thereof, and when the discharge of lus gomis had On the arrival the ship the libellaut was duig moti—Oober 1855, shall trom henceforth be cancelled, aut romcucel he was fully eognizant of the fact On the\n\ndevelopment and condition, inve been the result of a It has been erroneously stated that this steamer will surprisingly indmate anion of the two noblest languages be the largest in the world. The Adriatic, now upon in modern Europe, the Teutonic aud Kopanic. It is the stocks at the Messrs. Steers' shipyard, will be larger well known in what relating these two stand to one portion of the contents of his bill of lading by several hundred tons. Her uit diensions are another in the English tongue; the former supplying, estimates that she will go 17 kuols an hour with a good\n\nbreeze, und 18 knots under steamI\n\nted by Di Secretary of State for War, shall be constitu—having been in dieu thereof, and shall be the sole and standing auto—upon the agents of the ship and demanded a delivery of feer: depth of hold, 33 feet 2 inches; tormagt. 5,898, latter, the spiritual conceptions. In truth, the English upon the asters hereis costined; but shall not al or in any way invelidate any act heretvicze per. bed by our Secretary of State for War under the\n\nthe goods so discharging, offering to pay the freight, dur carpenter'z measurement. Like the Niagara, this steamer tunguage, which, be no mere accident, has produced on them. This the consignees of the ship derlined to isions of the last mentioned warrant”—Home News, \n\nis divided into watertight tch 26.\n\nthis our Royal warraul, to be administered and inter—first day aded guan the wharf, he thereupon called Length over all, 352 feet; extreme breadth of hy, sin far larger propuctions, the blaterial groundwork; the\n\nR LEGISLATION WANTED FOR THE CHI—NESE IN CALIFORNIA, continue our notice at the Rev. Mr. Speer's hlet entilled a \"Plea for the Chinese in California,\"\n\nthe whole contents of the bill of lading. The libeliant and cylinders 100 inches. The lenses Steere are rapidly cel poetry (Shakspeare), ans, with ali right, be called a Works, 12 feel stroke, modern times, as distinguished from the audient classi ther, professed his willingness to do so, provided at the hastening the completion of the Adriatic, with all their world language; and, like the English people appears goods were ready for delivery; but he declined to take disposable force, and she will probably be ready fur destined hereafter to pressil with a sway more extensive\n\ndelivery order for the goods and receive them as they laeting by the middle or last of March. offers were repeated from day to day while the vessel about four months.—California Chronicle, bỉarch 26 came out in the usual course of the discharge. These It is thought that the Magura will be ready for ses in was being unladeu; and on the last day the libellam\n\nBorede to, but required him to pay all the freight due on (oscillating) are from the Novelty. Her engines and uphorne the greatest and most predominant poel of\n\nFor in wenith, good sense, and closeness of structure, even than its present over all portions of the globe. no other of the languages at this day spoken deserves to be compared with it.\n\nPage 364\n\nPage 364\n\nPage 364",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-056 - Sir Bowring - 1856 [6].txt",
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    {
        "id": 254599,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-088 - Acting Governor Mercer - 1862 [10-12]",
        "page_number": 231,
        "title": "CO129-088 - Acting Governor Mercer - 1862 [10-12]",
        "content_text": "## MINUTE\n18 is a demand for further advance the same apparently can also be safely afforded by advancing the proposed work of Military occupation. All these subjects will be better explained personally when the Brigadier General comes to Hongkong.\n\nI have, &c.\n(Signed) H. C. B. Broody,\nLieut. Col. Comdg. R. E. in China.\n\n(Fine Copy)\n(Signed) E. Carvalho,\nTemporary block M. E. D.\n\n(Fine Copy)\n\nMA Alexander\nActing Colonial Secretary,\nHongkong\n\n& Hercules Robinson\n\n18!! Robinson FEBY Robinson\nNo Earlier\nри \nAuro 24 Feb 1863\n1129 for 229\nEnt'd 9 Feby /63.\n\nI am directed by His Excellency to transmit to you, for your observations which you may have to offer on the subject, a copy of a despatch from the Acting Governor of Hongkong forwarding copies of Correspondence between **Moody R. E.** & Brigadier General Staveley respecting British Military occupation.\n\nhalmeen 2764 \nNowlson.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-088 - Acting Governor Mercer - 1862 [10-12].txt",
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    {
        "id": 261268,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-103 - Others - 1864",
        "page_number": 495,
        "title": "CO129-103 - Others - 1864",
        "content_text": "# Memorial of the Cotton Supply Association\n\n\"for the erection of houses of business in any part of the \"Burmese territory.\" \n\nThis extends the right of settlement to the very frontier of China, and considerably eastward of that portion of the Upper Cambojia river which runs through South-Eastern Burmah, and has on its right bank the Burmese Shan city of Kiang-Hung. \n\nStill further, the treaty contains a provision all-important for Pegu and our adjacent sparsely-peopled provinces on the east of the Bay of Bengal; for the 9th and concluding article provides thus for the passage of Chinese emigrants across Burmese territory to any adjacent British possession :- \"People, from whatever \"country, who may wish to proceed to the British territory, the \"Burmese ruler shall allow to pass without hindrance.” \n\nIn reference to these provisions of the treaty, we informed our readers, in our issue of the 19th ult., that the Chamber of Commerce of Manchester had addressed a memorial to the Prime Minister, again calling his attention to the great importance to the manufacturing, mercantile, and shipping interests of this country, of taking advantage of the treaty effectively to open the west of China to our trade, by a direct overland route from Rangoon to the Upper Cambojia river at Kiang-Hung. Since then the Cotton Supply Association has also taken the subject into consideration, and sent up a memorial to Lord Palmerston, praying that the country between Rangoon and Kiang-Hung may be thoroughly surveyed to ascertain the best route for a commercial way across it. This memorial we now publish; and may state further that the East India and China Association of Liverpool has also decided once more to press the important subject on the attention of Her Majesty's Ministers. Subjoined is the memorial of the Cotton Supply Association :-- \n\n## To the Right Honble. Viscount Palmerston, K.G., G.C.B., M.P., First Lord of Her Majesty's Treasury.\n\n### The MEMORIAL of the COTTON SUPPLY ASSOCIATION respectfully sheweth :— \n\n\"That your Memorialists have heard with much satisfaction that treaty relations have again been entered into between Her Majesty and the King of Burmah. \n\n\"That your Memorialists observe, from a copy of the treaty as published in India, that one of its provisions is: That British merchants may settle and hold lands for the creation of houses of business, in any parts of the Burmese territory.' And that another article provides:-- That people, from whatever country or nation, who may wish to proceed to the British territory, shall be allowed by the Burmese ruler to pass without hindrance,' \n\n\"That your Memorialists are informed that between British Pegu and the South-West of China proper are the three Burmese Shan provinces of Monee, Kiang-Tung, and Kiang-Hung, which were severally more than once visited—in 1836-37 and other years, before the annexation of Pegu—by Dr. Richardson and Captain M'Leod (now Major-General M'Leod, commanding the troops in British Burmah), under the direction of the Supreme Government of India, to ascertain their commercial capabilities, and open, if possible, a trade with them and Western China from Moelmyen. \n\n\"That those officers found the country they traversed producing much cotton, all of which was being collected by Chinese caravans and carried into China to be manufactured; some of the Chinese merchants so seen by Dr. Richardson being within twenty miles of the north-east frontier of what has since 1852 been British Pegu. \n\n\"That your Memorialists consider that if a commercial way were opened from the port of Rangoon across Eastern Pegu by the most direct practicable line to the above-named Burmese Shan provinces, the cotton there grown, reported to be of a superior quality, would find its way to Rangoon for shipment to England. \n\n\"That your Memorialists are advised that there are upwards of forty millions of acres of waste land in the British provinces of Pegu, Martaban, &c., very much of which can be made highly productive with the necessary labour; and that the suggested road from Rangoon to Kiang-Hung would induce Chinese to come down from the South-West of China to settle on such waste land; which, under their cultivation, would furnish large supplies of cotton. \n\n\"Your Memorialists, therefore, respectfully request your Lordship to take the subject into your serious consideration, and to direct the Viceroy and Governor-General of India to open up a commercial way between the port of Rangoon and the north-east frontier of British Pegu, on or near to the Salween river: and further, to move the King of Burmah for a continuation of such commercial way from that point of British Pegu, through Kiang-Tung, to Kiang-Hung on the right bank of the Upper Cambojia river. \n\n\"And your Memorialists will ever pray, \n\n&c. \n\nFor and on behalf of the Cotton Supply Association, \n\n**(Signed)** \nJOHN CHEETHAM, \n**President.** \n\nCOTTON SUPPLY ASSOCIATION, \n\"Manchester, 13th July, 1853.\" \n\n432",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-103 - Others - 1864.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 330132,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-224 - Foreign Office - 1885",
        "page_number": 455,
        "title": "CO129-224 - Foreign Office - 1885",
        "content_text": "122 \n\nquestion calling for solution; and I ought to be able to collect information that would add to the existing data. The routes in question are:— \n\n1. The Yang-tzu by Sui Fu. \n2. The Irrawaddy by Bhamo. \n3. The Salween by Lung-ling Chou. \n4. The Ssu-mao caravan route. \n5. The new Tonquin caravan route. \n6. The Canton River. \n\n452 \n\nOn the way back I could obtain particulars of opium production in South-east Yünnan and Kwei-chow. \n\nI have obtained instruments and the necessary knowledge to observe for latitude by stars north and south of the zenith, and for altitude by boiling point and by aneroids, and I hope, therefore, to be able to show results of some value to geography. \n\nI have a passport from the Governor-General of this province, which would be sufficient. The expenses incurred would be very moderate. \n\nI have, &c.  \n(Signed)  \n**FREDK. S. A. BOURNE** \n\n## Inclosure 2 in No. 117 \n\nSir, \n\n**Mr. O'Conor to Mr. Bourne** \n\nPeking, September 9, 1885.  \nIN REPLY to your application dated the 10th August last, I have to instruct you to proceed upon a journey of a somewhat more extended nature than you have proposed to undertake. \n\nIt appears to me desirable to gain a more detailed acquaintance with the commercial relations and requirements of those provinces of Southern China which border upon Tonquin, seeing that it is difficult under present conditions to anticipate in what manner or degree the trading facilities given to France by the Franco-Chinese Treaty may be expected to affect British interests. \n\nThe direction which your journey will take must of course depend upon the quiet and undisturbed condition of the country; but as a general programme you will travel from the city of Pu-erh Fu along the southern frontier of Yunnan and Kwangsi, passing not very far from Laokai and Kaobang, and probably ending your southern travel at Nan-ning Fu, whence you will return through Kweichow to Ch'ung-ch'ing. \n\nThe main purpose of your journey will be to inquire into the commercial condition and communications of South-western China, and the probable effect which the trade clauses of the Treaty recently concluded between France and China will exercise upon British commerce with the inland markets of Kwangtung, Kwangsi, and Yünnan. \n\nAlthough I refrain from binding you to observe these instructions in too literal a sense, you will nevertheless be guided by their tenour, and will adhere to them as strictly as circumstances permit. You will on no account enter any district to which the Chinese authorities are disinclined to allow you to proceed. You will bear in mind that the purpose of your journey is to inquire into the trade of the country, and that other subjects, however interesting they may appear, are to be strictly subordinated to that consideration. \n\nYou should start within a few days of the receipt of these instructions, and in such interviews as you may have with local officials it will be sufficient for you to inform them that you are travelling for general purposes in the way in which your predecessors at Ch'ung-ch'ing were accustomed to travel. It is undesirable for the officials to think that your journey has any relation to the question of Franco-Chinese trade on the Tonquin border. \n\nYou will keep me acquainted with your movements, and will report to me, as occasion may serve, upon the general object of your mission. Your expenses will be moderate, and should not, I consider, exceed 5 dollars a-day. \n\nIn conducting your inquiries you will devote special consideration to the trade communications of Pakhoi with the Province of Kwangsi, so far as you may be able to judge of the question from Nan-ning Fu, which city, I have reason to believe, is at present almost the terminus of British imports from Pakhoi. \n\nI am unwilling that you should attempt to make a running survey of the country you pass through. Such work is very severe, and would occupy too much of your time, which may be more profitably devoted to the main purpose of your expedition.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-224 - Foreign Office - 1885.txt",
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    {
        "id": 335712,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-235 - Public Offices - 1887",
        "page_number": 328,
        "title": "CO129-235 - Public Offices - 1887",
        "content_text": "## No. 22.\n### Sir J. Walsham to the Marquis of Salisbury.—(Received May)\n\n**(No. 23. Confidential.)**\nMy Lord,\n\nPeking, March 29, 1887.\n\nI HAVE the honour to forward herewith to your Lordship a copy of a confidential Report drawn up by Mr. Bourne in connection with his recent journey in South-west China. The first part of Mr. Bourne's general Report on his journey was forwarded to the Earl of Rosebery in my No. 234 of the 22nd July last, and Parts II, III, IV, which are now being completed by Mr. Bourne, will be transmitted as soon as they are ready. The accompanying paper, which was drawn up under Mr. O'Conor's suggestion, contains the result of Mr. Bourne's observations as regards the feeling on the frontiers of the provinces of Yunnan and Kuei-chou with regard to the proceedings of the French in Tonquin and those of our own troops in Burmah, and embraces matter which it was thought advisable not to include in a general Report.\n\nI have, &c.\n(Signed) **JOHN WALSHAM**.\n\n### Inclosure in No. 22.\n#### Confidential Report by Mr. Bourne in connection with his Journey in South-west China.\n\n**Tonquin.**\n\nTHE proceedings of the French in Tonquin supply examples of all that should be avoided by a Western Power coming into frontier relations with China. The district embraced by the provinces of Yunnan and Kuei-chou has been under the direct rule of China for about 1,400 years; it is a mountainous plateau, if that expression may be allowed, with an average altitude of 5,000 feet, breaking abruptly away to the plains of the Irrawaddy, the Salween, the Mekhong, and the Sang-koi, so that there is no navigable water between the plateau and the plains. The only traffic is by caravan of traders who have never seen the sea, and who know of no Great Power in the world but China. I have talked to many of these men, merchants and drovers; the only Governments of which they have heard are the Ta-ch'ao (the great Court), i.e., China, and the Hsiao-ch'ao (small Courts), i.e., Burmah, Tonquin, Chê-li, &c. The Chinese traders and coolies who leave the Eastern provinces in such numbers to settle on the coast of Indo-China have no more rapport with these people than the North American Indians have.\n\nWhen, therefore, a Western Power comes above their horizon, these Yunnan-Chinese, Shans, Lolos, &c., have nothing but what goes on before their eyes to judge it by.\n\nThe impression which the French have produced on the people who inhabit these regions is as bad as it can well be, considering the object which the French presumably have in view, that is, the settlement of the country under their rule. They look on the French with a mingled feeling of dread and distrust, dread of their \"huo-kung\" (artillery and musketry practice), and distrust of their justice and good faith.\n\nThe General of the Lin-ngan Brigade, whom I saw at Mêng-tzu Hsien, gave it as his opinion that the Tonquinese were in wretched plight and much to be pitied (\"tsao nich k'o lien\"); \"the French will kill them, of course,\" he said, \"but you can't reduce a country to order by merely killing the inhabitants, and the people have no confidence in the French, and will not submit so long as they can help it.\"\n\nThe Mông-tzu Magistrate said the same thing, alleging that the French treat the Tonquinese very badly in the matter of women, making them provide girls and change them every few days, a proceeding which, to say no worse of it, undermines the position by destroying confidence in the security of property under the new régime, for girls are usually sold in those parts.\n\nIn the matter of the delimitation of the frontier, the French have damaged their credit with the Chinese officials by their childish want of forethought in rushing to",
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    {
        "id": 335793,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-235 - Public Offices - 1887",
        "page_number": 409,
        "title": "CO129-235 - Public Offices - 1887",
        "content_text": "## \nwith an elevated broken plateau having an average height of about 5,000 feet, and no communication by water with the plains that encompass it on the north, south, and east, and that this plateau breaks away precipitately to the valleys of the Yang-tzu on the north, and the Irrawaddy, Mekong, and Red River on the west and south, and somewhat more easily to the valley of the Canton West River and to the plains of Kwang-si and Hunan on the south and east. It should farther be noted that this elevated district, which projects for 10° of longitude between Indo-China and the Yang-tzu, has no level surface whatever except an occasional lake basin, and that on the west and south-west its rivers and streams have eaten out deep broad ravines that are often impassable and always difficult and dangerous, both from their steepness and from the poisoned air which they harbour. (See next Part-Yuan-chiang Chou-and Baber's account of the Salween, R. G. S. Supplementary Papers, p. 177.) \n\nTo return to Yünnan Fu, it will now appear clearly that this city is at the end of each of these routes, and occupies a central position admirable as a seat of Government, supplied as it is with abundant food from the drained part of the ancient lake. If there were water communication, or even fair roads across the plateau, there would doubtless be a great entrepôt at Yunnan Fu, but an inspection of the altitudes observed on this journey and by Mr. Baber must make an exchange of products across this district a priori very unlikely. Actually, I found that the different sides of this plateau are supplied from the nearest lowland. Thus, to take two examples, cotton and tobacco, both absolute necessities to Chinese existence, which the plateau does not produce: cotton is supplied to North Yünnan from Ssü-ch'uan, to West Yünnan as far east as Yünnan Fu from Burmah, to South-west Yünnan as far east as Mêng-tzu Hsien from the Shan States and Siam, to South-east Yünnan from Canton, and to Kuei-chou from Hankow by the Yuan River. Tobacco is supplied to the north of the province from Ssu-ch'uan and to the south from Canton. Salt, another necessary, of which the plateau does not afford a sufficient supply, enters the province from Ssu-ch'uan, Burmah, Tonquin (before the new Treaty), and the Kwang-si Province. \n\nBut there are adventitious circumstances which make Yünnan Fu more important as a trade centre than it deserves, or is likely to remain. The whole of the tea consumed in the province and a large share of the better quality of tea consumed in Ssu-ch'uan, together with a small quantity sent to Thibet, come from the Shan States outside Ssă-mao, and of this trade Yünnan Fu is the depôt. Excepting small quantities consumed locally and a few caravans that go direct to Western Yunnan and Thibet by the Ching-tung Valley, the whole out-turn of this tea-Pu-erh tea as it is called-goes to Yünnan Fu; this tea may be valued at about 50,000l. per annum. A great part goes to Western Yunnan, for the supply of which we may expect our Assam planters to provide in the future. \n\nAgain, the exhaustion caused by 20 years of indiscriminate slaughter and pillage, involving the destruction of the old industries of the province-mining, silk rearing, and manufacture, &c.—with which increased demand for opium in Ssú-ch'uan and the eastern provinces happened to coincide, led to the adoption of poppy cultivation as the great industry of the plateau. Yunnan and Kuei-chou now pay for the whole of their foreign imports in opium, the merchants of Nanning Fu and Hongkong having often to wait for their money until the Canton and Kwang-si Provinces have paid for the Yunnan and Kuei-chou opium crop. Yunnan Fu is a depôt of the opium trade of Eastern Yünnan and of the foreign and Canton goods that are received in exchange. \n\nExports from Yünnan Fu are opium, Pu-erh tea, drugs, and copper, and the imports are cotton, tobacco, and foreign goods. \n\nThe first thing to notice about foreign imports is that the description of piece-goods, much the most important item, differs greatly from that in vogue on the Yang-tzu, so that the reason for this is that, there being water communication to Chungking, a heavier description of goods is sent than to Yunnan, where pack animals and porters are the only means of carriage, so that every additional pound of weight per piece forms a serious addition to cost of transit. Prices for my samples would therefore have been delusive, but the conclusion seemed to be that prices were rather higher, and that for goods of lighter texture and inferior quality than at Ch'ungking. Foreign goods, almost without exception, come from Hong Kong by way of Pakhoi or Ch'in-chou to Nanning Fu, thence by boat to Po-sê T'ing and Po-ngai, and thence by caravan through Kwang-nan Fu. Suggestions as to improvements were, that aniline dyes should regain their former excellence; that long ells should be stouter, somewhat absurd considering that the same merchant had explained why they were so flimsy; and that piece-goods should be dyed a light blue, which was all the fashion, instead of the habitual indigo. \n\n## ROUTE SKETCH \nTO ILLUSTRATE REPORT BY \nF. S.A. BOURNE. \n\n## II. \nPI-CHIEH HSIEN \nΟΙ \nYUN NAN-FU. \n\n| Location        | Altitude (English Feet) |\n|-----------------|-------------------------|\n| Kan-show-p      |                         |\n| PI-CHIEH KSIEN  | 4950                    |\n| Piny shan pay   |                         |\n| Lane Cha-hoing R.(not nav.) | 9180        |\n| WEI-NING CHOU   |                         |\n| Chin-to         |                         |\n| apr 5 Lion san p'u | 6430               |\n|                         | 3853               |\n| Ko tu B. (not nav.)     | 5220               |\n| (Boundary between Yunnan and Kao-chou) |        |\n| Gure man        |                         |\n| T'ang tang      | 5830                    |\n| (not nav.)      |                         |\n| HSUAN WEI CHOU  | 6650                    |\n| Pan ch tao      | 6530                    |\n| Ramy - ouye - Bway | +6740              |\n| 2 CHAN-) CHOU   | +6350                   |\n|                 | 6370                    |\n| YUN-NAN FU      |                         |\n| Yorry lin       |                         |\n| MA LUNG CHOU____| 6930                    |\n|                 | 6830                    |\n| 1.1ung          | (12 -8/97, 1331/8.0 486  |\n\nEnglish Miles \n10 5 0 \n\nSema að saga Jumam \nHarrison & Sons, Lith. S' Martien Lana.W.C",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-235 - Public Offices - 1887.txt",
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        "id": 365026,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-279 - Public Offices - 1897",
        "page_number": 273,
        "title": "CO129-279 - Public Offices - 1897",
        "content_text": "Frontier Line.\n\nFrontier Line.\n\nCession of Mung Lem and Kiang Hung to China.\n\nDelimitation Commission,\n\nARTICLE III\n\n[The Shweli to the Mekong.]\n\n€\n\nFrom the junction of the Namwan and Shweli the frontier shall follow the northern boundary of the State of North Hsinwi, as at present constituted, to the Salween, leaving to China the loop of the Shweli River and almost the whole of Wanting, Mong-ko, and Mong-ka.\n\nStarting from the point where the Shweli turns northward near Namwan, i.e., from its junction with the Namyang, the frontier shall ascend this latter stream to its source in the Mong-ko Hills in about latitude 24° 7′ and longitude 98° 15', thence continue along a wooded spur to the Salween at its junction with the Namoi stream. The line shall then ascend the Salween till it meets the north-west boundary of Kokang, and shall continue along the eastern frontier of Kokang till it meets the Kunlong circle, leaving the whole circle of Kunlong to Great Britain.\n\nThe frontier shall then follow the course of the river forming the boundary between Somu, which belongs to Great Britain, and Mêng Ting, which belongs to China. It shall still continue to follow the frontier between those two districts, which is locally well known, to where it leaves the aforesaid river and ascends the hills; and shall then follow the line of water-parting between the tributaries of the Salween and the Mekong Rivers, from about longitude 99° east of Greenwich (17° 30′ west of Peking), and latitude 23° 20', to a point about longitude 99° 40′ east of Greenwich (16° 50′ west of Peking), and latitude 23°, leaving to China the Tsawbwa-ships of Kêng Ma, Mengtung, and Mengko.\n\nAt the last-named point of longitude and latitude the line strikes a very lofty mountain range, called Kong-Ming-Shan, which it shall follow in a southerly direction to about longitude 99°30′ east of Greenwich (17° west of Peking), and latitude 22° 30′, leaving to China the district of Chen-pien Ting. Then, descending the western slope of the hills to the Namka River, it will follow the course of that river for about 10 minutes of latitude, leaving Munglem to China and Manglün to Great Britain.\n\nThe frontier shall then follow the boundary between Munglem and Kiang Tong, which is locally well known, diverging from the Namka River a little to the north of latitude 22°, in a direction somewhat south of east, and generally following the crest of the hills till it strikes the Namlam River in about latitude 21° 45′ and longitude 100° east of Greenwich (16° 30′ west of Peking).\n\nIt shall then follow the boundary between Kiang Tong and Kiang Hung, which is generally formed by the Namlam River, with the exception of a small strip of territory belonging to Kiang Hung, which lies to the west of that river just south of the last-named parallel of latitude. On reaching the boundary of Western Kyaing Chaing, in about latitude 21° 27′ and longitude 100° 12′ east of Greenwich (16° 18′ west of Peking), the frontier shall follow the boundary between that district and Kiang Hung until it reaches the Mekong River.\n\nARTICLE IV.\n\nIt is agreed that the settlement and delimitation of that portion of the frontier which lies to the north of latitude 25° 35′ north shall be reserved for a future understanding between the High Contracting Parties when the features and condition of the country are more accurately known.\n\nARTICLE V.\n\nIt is agreed that China will not cede to any other nation either Mung Lem or any part of Kiang Hung on the right bank of the Mekong, or any part of Kiang Hung now in her possession on the left bank of that river, without previously coming to an arrangement with Great Britain.\n\nARTICLE VI.\n\nArticle VI of the original Convention shall be held to be modified as follows:- It is agreed that, in order to avoid any local contention, the alignments of the frontier described in the present Agreement shall be verified and demarcated, and, in event of their being found defective at any point, rectified by a Joint Commission appointed by the Governments of Great Britain and China, and that the said Commission shall meet, at a place hereafter to be determined by the two Governments, not later than twelve months from the date of the signature of the present Agreement, and shall terminate its labours in not more than three years from the date of its first meeting.\n\nIf a strict adherence to the line described would intersect any districts, tribal territories, towns, or villages, the Boundary Commission shall be empowered to modify the line on the basis of mutual concessions. If the members of the Commission are unable to agree on any point, the matter of disagreement shall at once be referred to their respective Governments.\n\nARTICLE VII.\n\nIt is agreed that any posts belonging to either country which may be stationed within the territory of the other when the Commission of Delimitation shall have brought its labours to a conclusion, shall, within eight months from the date of such conclusion, be withdrawn, and their places occupied by the troops of the other, mutual notice having in the meantime been given of the precise date at which the withdrawal and occupation will take place. From the date of such occupation the High Contracting Parties shall, each within its own territories, hold itself responsible for the maintenance of good order, and for the tranquillity of the tribes inhabiting them.\n\nThe High Contracting Parties further engage neither to construct nor to maintain within 10 English miles from the nearest point of the common frontier, measured in a straight line and horizontal projection, any fortifications or permanent camps, beyond such posts as are necessary for preserving peace and good order in the frontier districts.\n\nARTICLE VIII.\n\nSubject to the conditions mentioned hereafter in Articles X and XI, the British Government, wishing to encourage and develop the land trade of China with Burmah as much as possible, consent, for a period of six years from the ratification of the present Convention, to allow Chinese produce and manufactures, with the exception of salt, to enter Burmah by land duty free, and to allow British manufactures and Burmese produce, with the exception of rice, to be exported to China by land free of duty.\n\nThe duties on salt and rice so imported and exported shall not be higher than those imposed on their import or export by sea.\n\nARTICLE IX.\n\nPending the negotiation of a more complete arrangement, and until the development of the trade shall justify the establishment of other frontier Customs' stations, goods imported from Burmah into China, or exported from China into Burmah, shall be permitted to cross the frontier by Manwyne and by Sansi.\n\nWith a view to the development of trade between China and Burmah, the Chinese Government consent that for six years from the ratification of the present Convention the duties levied on goods imported into China by these routes shall be those specified in the General Tariff of the Maritime Customs diminished by three-tenths, and that the duties on goods exported from China by the same route shall be those specified in the same Tariff diminished by four-tenths.\n\nTransit passes for imports and exports shall be granted in accordance with the rules in force at the Treaty ports.\n\nSmuggling, or the carrying of merchandise through Chinese territory by other routes than those sanctioned by the present Convention, shall, if the Chinese authorities think fit, be punished by the confiscation of the merchandise concerned.\n\nIn addition to the Manwyne and Sansi routes sanctioned by the Convention of 1894, the Governments of Great Britain and China agree that any other routes, the opening of which the Boundary Commissioners may find to be in the interests of trade, shall be sanctioned on the same terms as those mentioned above.\n\nPage 269\n\nPage 280",
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    {
        "id": 365029,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-279 - Public Offices - 1897",
        "page_number": 276,
        "title": "CO129-279 - Public Offices - 1897",
        "content_text": "C\n\n2\n\no the Molè stream, running between Kadon and Laisa; thence the Molè to its confluence with the Cheyang Klia; thence the Cheyang Kha to Alaw Pum; thence the Nampaung stream to the Taping.\n\nARTICLE II.\n\n(The Taping to the Shweli River.)\n\nFrom the junction of the Taping and the Nampaung streams the frontier shall follow the Taping to the neighbourhood of the Lwalaing ridge; thence a line running approximately along the Lwalaing ridge and the Lwalaing stream to the Nawan; thence the Namwan to its junction with the Shweli.\n\nGreat Britain engages to recognize as belonging to China the tract to the south of the Namwan River, near Namkhai, which is inclosed to the west by a branch of the Nam Mak River and the Mawsiu range of hills up to Loi Chow Peak, and thence by the range running in a north-easterly direction to the Shweli River.\n\nIn the whole of this area China shall not exercise any jurisdiction or authority whatever. The administration and control will be entirely conducted by the British Government, who will hold it on a perpetual lease from China, paying a rent for it, the amount of which shall be fixed hereafter.\n\nARTICLE III.\n\n(The Shweli to the Mekong.)\n\nFrom the junction of the Namwan and Shweli the frontier shall follow the northern boundary of the State of North Hsinwi, as at present constituted, to the Salween, leaving to China the loop of the Shweli River, and almost the whole of Wanting, Mong-ko, and Mong-ka.\n\nStarting from the point where the Shweli turns northward near Namwan, ..., from its junction with the Nanyang, the frontier shall ascend this latter stream to its source in the Mong-ko Hills, in about latitude 24° 7' and longitude 98° 15', thence continue along a wooded spur to the Salween at its junction with the Namoi stream. The line shall then ascend the Salween till it meets the north-west boundary of Kokang, and shall continue along the eastern frontier of Kokang till it meets the Kunlong circle, leaving the whole circle of Kunlong to Great Britain.\n\nThe frontier shall then follow the course of the river forming the boundary between Somu, which belongs to Great Britain, and Mêng Ting, which belongs to China. It shall still continue to follow the frontier between those two districts, which is locally well known, to where it leaves the aforesaid river and ascends the hills, and shall then follow the line of water-parting between the tributaries of the Salween and the Mekong Rivers, from about longitude 99° east of Greenwich (17° 30' west of Peking), and latitude 23° 20', to a point about longitude 99° 40' east of Greenwich (16° 50' west of Peking), and latitude 23°, leaving to China the Tsawbwaships of Kêng Ma, Mengtung, and Mengko.\n\nAt the last-named point of longitude and latitude the line strikes a very lofty mountain range, called Kong-Ming-Shan, which it shall follow in a southerly direction to about longitude 99° 30' east of Greenwich (17° west of Peking), and latitude 22° 30', leaving to China the district of Chen-pien Ting. Then, descending the western slope of the hills to the Namka River, it will follow the course of that river for about 10 minutes of latitude, leaving Munglem to China and Manglün to Great Britain.\n\nThe frontier shall then follow the boundary between Munglem and Kiang Tong, which is locally well known, diverging from the Namka River a little to the north of latitude 22°, in a direction somewhat south of east, and generally following the crest of the hills till it strikes the Namlam River in about latitude 21° 45' and longitude 100° east of Greenwich (16° 30' west of Peking).\n\nIt shall then follow the boundary between Kiang Tong and Kiang Hung, which is generally formed by the Namlam River, with the exception of a small strip of territory belonging to Kiang Hung, which lies to the west of that river, just south of the last-named parallel of latitude. On reaching the boundary of Western Kyaing Chaing, in about latitude 21° 27' and longitude 100° 12' east of Greenwich (16° 18' west of Peking), the frontier shall follow the boundary between that district and Kiang Hung until it reaches the Mekong River.\n\nARTICLE IV.\n\n[No addition to original Convention.]\n\nARTICLE V.\n\nIt is agreed that China will not cede to any other nation either Mung Lem or any part of Kiang Hung on the right bank of the Mekong, or any part of Kiang Hung now in her possession on the left bank of that river, without previously coming to an arrangement with Great Britain.\n\nARTICLE VI.\n\nArticle VI of the original Convention shall be held to be modified as follows:-\n\nIt is agreed that, in order to avoid any local contention, the alignments of the frontier described in the present Agreement shall be verified and demarcated, and, in the event of their being found defective at any point, rectified by a Joint Commission appointed by the Governments of Great Britain and China, and that the said Commission shall meet, at a place hereafter to be determined by the two Governments, not later than twelve months from the date of\n\nPage 272",
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    {
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-279 - Public Offices - 1897",
        "page_number": 379,
        "title": "CO129-279 - Public Offices - 1897",
        "content_text": "Skeleton Map \n\nto illustrate generally the Agreement of Feb 4 1897.\n\nBETWEEN \n\nGREAT BRITAIN AND CHINA \n\nMODIFYING CONVENTION \n\n05 MARCH 157 1894 \n\nKing Chong Fri \n\nScale in7860 at 1 Inch 35 Miles \n\n* \n\nto the Moll strona, raming between Kadon and Taisa; thence the Melé to its confluence with the Cheyang Kha; thence the Cheyang Khu to Alaw Pinn; thence the Nampaung stream to the Taping.\n\nARTICLE IL \n\n(The Taping to the Shwali River) \n\nFrom the junction of the Taping and the Nampang streams the frontier shall follow the Taping to the neighbourhood of the Lalaing ridge; thence a line running approximately along the Iwalang ridge and the Lwaling stream to the Nawan; thence the Narwan to its junction with the Shweli.\n\nGreat Britain engages to recognize as belonging to China the tral to the south of the Narawan River, near Namkhai, which is inclosed to the west by a branch of the Nam Mak River and the Mawsiu range of hills up to Loi Chow Peak, and thence by the range vaning in a not-tasterly direction to the Shoveli River.\n\nIn the whole of this area China shall not exercise any jurisdie- tion or authority whatever. The administration and control will be entirely conducted by the British Government, who will hold it on a perpetual lease from China, paying a vont for it, the amount of which shall be fixed hereafter.\n\nARTICLE HI.\n\n(The Slavel to the Mekong) \n\nFrom the junction of the Namwan and Shweli the frontier shall follow the northern boundary of the State of North Hsiawi, as at present constituted, to the Salween, leaving to China the loop of the Shweli River, and almost the whole of Wanting, Mong-ko, and Mong-ka.\n\nStarting from the point where the Shweli turns northward near Namgwan, .., From its junction with the Nanyang, the frou- tier shall ascend this latter stream to its source in the Mong-ko Hills, in about latitude 247 and longitude 98° 15', thence con- tinue along a wooded spur to the Salwoon at its junction with the Namoi stream. The line shall then ascend the Halween till it meets the north-west boundary of Kokang, and shall continue along the eastern frontier of Kokang till it meets the Kunlong circle, leaving the whole circle of Kandong to Great Britain.\n\nThe frontier shall then follow the course of the river forming the boundary between Somu, wirich belongs to Great Britain, and Meug Ting, which belongs to China. It shall still continue to follow the frontier between those two districts, which is locally well known, to where it leaves the aforesaid river and ascends the ills, and shall theu follow the line of water-parting between the tributaries of the Halween and the Meikong Rivers, from about longi- tude 99° cast of Greenwich (17° 30′ west of Peking), and latitude 23° 26', to a point about longitude 99° 40′ east of Greenwich\n\nKania \n\nBaming \n\nMithwinn \n\nMogeung \n\n{indowgyi L.\n\nSuitca Hanchon \n\nLONG WHE \n\nWARLING PUM \n\nJo Realong DARU FIM NAVIENAS PATRUNG ?2 \n\nNerang \n\nCUMRA SHIKONGLA \n\nwrapingh \n\nMaver \n\nMungko \n\nMongkon \n\nStamg Nin the \n\nMrenteau \n\nALAW \n\nMaawaing \n\nampaang \n\nJavni dona \n\nMengke \n\nCheng \n\nMony Klang \n\nNougko \n\nPale Byuton \n\nหล \n\nConglon \n\nShwe Hirer! \n\nMassing Kaymaz \n\n„Laipony *.. \n\nNam Fing \n\nLoipuningane's \n\nT \n\nMonga \n\nS \n\nhanglange \n\nthaw HE \n\n(ENTING \n\nMogok \n\nBong Sat: \n\nR T \n\nS \n\nII A N \n\n\"Meny You \n\nMover Rena \n\nMan Inony \n\n*Kengins \n\nMengke \n\n4.06.28 40 € \n\n* Mawsin \n\nLOI CHOW PEAK \n\nNG \n\nA W \n\nCongmau \n\nJhalor \n\nMAP \n\nENLARGED Shewing the track of contury.\n\nbelonging to Chma leased to \n\nGreat Britem \n\nSuscribed in Art. 2 of the Agreement \n\nSesle à miles Finch \n\nMerg Saa \n\nL \n\nBoundary between Burme & Chan according to the Convention of 1590.\n\nN \n\nAgreement....-1857. \n\nC \n\nI \n\nN \n\nA \n\nPIFER \n\nNu Lawt \n\nMag Lem \n\nMTNG L \n\n\"Mons Ma \n\nKEN \n\nMong & \n\nK E \n\nN \n\nMeng tion \n\n& \n\nHham Fan \n\nKong Thing \n\nKonghkani \n\njo Mony Darau \n\nHong Yuany \n\n:00 \n\nPu-erh-fic \n\nSu mao \n\nKeng Big \n\nHERO CHENG \n\nMong Using \n\nBack \n\nMong La Meng Hping \n\nVPN โล \n\nLith at the intell. Div. W. 9. July 1897.\n\n376",
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        "document_key": "CO129-286 - Acting Governor Major Gen Black Governor Sir Blake & Public Offices - 1898 [11-12]",
        "page_number": 568,
        "title": "CO129-286 - Acting Governor Major Gen Black Governor Sir Blake & Public Offices - 1898 [11-12]",
        "content_text": "832 \n\n10 \n\n\n11 \n\n550 \n\n561 \n\n**Chief articles of commerce**. \n\nEstimated total trade. \n\nImports living animals have largely increased, while there is a growing trade in fruits, paints, and provisions. In the import trade of the future, timber promises to hold an important place. \n\nThus, taking all the trade in the direction of the Chinese frontier, we find that the leading exports are raw cotton, cotton twist and yarn, cotton piece goods, provisions, salt, silk stuffs, woollen goods, jade, metals, and other merchandise consisting mainly of manufactured goods. Raw cotton and cotton goods, and in a less degree woollen goods, are among the chief wants of the Chinese. There is an apparently increasing demand in Yunnan for articles of pedlary, such as fans, glass tumblers, lamps, candles, and curios. These, together with aniline dyes, are mainly supplied from Germany, though France is also in the field with objets de Paris. With regard to imports from Yunnan, raw silk, orpiment, provisions, living animals, hides and horns, fibrous products, rice, tea, fruits, gold-leaf, and timber, together with miscellaneous unmanufactured goods, constitute the bulk of the trade. But the values of imports and exports alike show great fluctuations. \n\nIf we take the total direct trade with China at Rx. 375,000, and assume that indirect trade through the Shan States and by less important routes, together with the trade that escapes registration, amounts to one-third of this sum, we get a total import and export trade with Western China of Rx. 500,000, possibly an under estimate. The trade in silk, which comes partly from Ssuchuan through Yunnan, seems capable of expansion, as silk clothes are universally worn in Burma. There is said to be little prospect of growth in the imports of tea, though there will probably be a larger trade in ponies, mules, asses, goats, sheep, pigs, and poultry, and perhaps in cattle and buffaloes. It can hardly be doubted that the present trade is capable of considerable increase in staple articles, although, as the Chinese customers are for the most part poor, their mode of life primitive, their wants few, and their dealings chiefly by barter, trade must for a long time be of small extent and progress must be slow. Apart from railways, much might be done to improve the existing difficult means of communication, and so facilitate exchanges. Improvements of the roads in the Bhamo district and the bridging of the Taping river have produced excellent results by enabling caravans to make more frequent trips. Again, as the Chinese traders make enormous profits on the sale of European goods, a better commercial organisation might do much to extend the market. \n\nIt has been suggested by Messrs. Colquhoun and Hallett that this frontier trade, now comparatively insignificant, can be indefinitely expanded by the construction of a Burma-China railway. Mr. Holt Hallett has said that Western China is a field where manufacturers will find markets beyond even their utmost powers to overstock, and that railways will ensure customers for any amount of cotton manufactures. And again, he affirms that if the French anticipate the English in making a railway, the \"largest and richest undeveloped market in the world\" will pass to them. In the face of such assertions, which have been widely accepted in this country, it appears desirable to investigate somewhat fully the existing resources of Western China, the possibilities of their exploitation, and the prospects of constructing and working railways successfully on a commercial basis. \n\nAs Yunnan is the only Chinese province conterminous with Burma, it will be dealt with more minutely than Kueichou and Ssuchuan, the other two provinces of Western China. What little there is to say of Kueichou, which lies east of Yunnan, may be said in connection with the latter province. Ssuchuan, though far more important in itself than the other two provinces, is more remote from Burma, and will be most conveniently studied in connexion with the Yangtze routes to Yunnan. \n\n## II. YUNNAN. ITS RESOURCES, TRADE, AND TRADE ROUTES. \n\n### (1.) Area, Physical Features, and Population. \n\nThe mountain barriers that separate Western China from other parts of the Empire have given its provinces a special character, which has largely determined their commercial as well as their political relations. This remark especially applies to Yunnan, the comparative inaccessibility of which has rendered it more or less independent of India on the one hand and of China on the other. The sway of China over Yunnan has always been somewhat precarious, and has been frequently challenged in fierce rebellions. As a consequence the people have enjoyed a considerable measure of freedom. Richthofen says that the attention of foreigners has been attracted to Yunnan largely owing to its trade routes connecting distant and important countries, and to the rumoured existence of quantities of gold and precious stones. \n\nThe area of Yunnan is estimated at 100,000 square miles, but it is impossible to assign an exact area to the province, as its frontiers on the north-west and west are ill-defined. \n\nYunnan forms the lower terrace of the huge Tibetan plateau, and it has been described as an uneven tableland, or as an inclined plane trending from north-west to south-east, with a mean altitude of 6,000 to 7,000 feet. From this extensive plateau arise lofty mountain chains that separate from one another the plains in which lie the chief towns of the province. The plateau, nowhere really level, is intersected by deep defiles or cañons eroded by the great rivers which either rise in Yunnan, or traverse it on their way to the ocean, the Taping, Shweli, Salween, Mekong, Black River, Red River (Songkoi), West River (Sikiang), and Yangtze (Chinshakiang). These rivers are often impassable, and always difficult and dangerous owing to their precipitous gorges, and the poisonous air they harbour. None of them are navigable in Yunnan itself, because of their rapids and the rocks that bestrew their beds, but they become navigable beyond its borders. All travellers agree as to the broken and tortuous configuration of the country and the difficulties of traversing it. The south-east and south-west corners of the province are almost unexplored. In the north, the south, and the west, the country breaks away steeply to the Yangtze, the Mekong, and the Irrawaddy basins respectively, and more gently to the Red River in the south-east and the West River in the east. In the west the succession of lofty mountains with narrow intervening plains constitutes the formidable barrier which English commerce has to penetrate. \n\nThe population of Yunnan has been largely reduced by fever and plague, and especially by the Mohammedan rebellion which raged from 1856 to 1873 and caused a great destruction of people and property. Before the rebellion the population is said to have been 15,000,000. The official estimate of the population is 12,000,000, while one non-official estimate places it at only 1,000,000. Some writers affirm that the province has been recovering rapidly from the results of the rebellion, and that natural growth of population, combined with immigration from the provinces of Ssuchuan and Kwangsi, has largely restored the numbers of the people. But Mr. Bourne, in his recent report, says that recovery from the effects of the rebellion has been very slow, and that, excepting Yunnan-Fu, the towns on his route looked no better than they did ten years before. It is also said that though great inducements have been held out to immigrants, the people of other provinces dread Yunnan on account of the bad repute of the authorities, the supposed ferocity of the aboriginal tribes, and the alleged unhealthiness of the climate. Most of the people are found in the river valleys. The towns are not usually very populous, but they have large suburbs, and the plains containing towns generally contain also numerous villages, the people of which resort to the town fairs. Amid the conflicting assertions it is difficult to arrive at a conclusion as to the population of Yunnan. But, if one bears in mind the large area of thinly peopled mountainous country and the effects of rebellion and plague, it is impossible to adopt a high estimate of the population. Mr. Hosie and Mr. Turner give 5,000,000 to 6,000,000 and M. Brenier 8,000,000, and it would not be safe...",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-286 - Acting Governor Major Gen Black Governor Sir Blake & Public Offices - 1898 [11-12]",
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        "title": "CO129-286 - Acting Governor Major Gen Black Governor Sir Blake & Public Offices - 1898 [11-12]",
        "content_text": "# 557 \n## Introductory\n508 \nBhamo to Tali-Fu. \n21 \nYunnan, and be recommends that it should be connected by railway with Bhamo. Mr. Turner says that it is conveniently reached from Myitkyina, Bhamo, and Namkham, and that Tibetan traders might visit it direct without going to Tali. If it were made a centre for the import of calico, yarns, woollens, and other English goods into Yunnan it would save the Yunnanese eight days' journey to Bhamo. Mr. Turner would prefer Yungchang to Momien. He calls the former the busiest town in Yunnan. It is a manufacturing place, and the centre of important trade routes, running north, south, east, and west.\n\n## Trade Routes\nMr. Colquhoun has very truly said that \"the configuration of Yunnan is such that no single route can reach or tap the whole trade of the province.\" All the possible routes to the capital are long, difficult, and expensive, and each is more or less fitted to feed one part of Yunnan, while other parts remain inaccessible from it. Different sides of the plateau are supplied from the nearest low lands. Ssuchuan sends goods to the somewhat poor regions of north and north-east Yunnan and north Kueichou, Pose to east and central Yunnan and south Kueichou, Tonkin to south and central Yunnan, and Burma to south-west and west Yunnan, probably the most satisfactory portions of the province from a commercial standpoint. The chief routes will be considered in order.\n\n### Burmese Routes\n#### (a.) Bhamo-Tali-Yunnan-Fu\nTrade passes into China from Burma by many routes, but, as mentioned before, the bulk of the trade is conducted by this route, the most direct road to the capital and the Yangtze valley. The fact that a route presenting so many physical obstacles should have been used for centuries is strong evidence of the difficulties of communication between India and China. According to a note on the Venetian map of Frà Mauro (middle 15th century), merchandise was transferred in what is now the Bhamo district in order to pass on to Cathay. Moreover, the travels of Marco Polo show that this, \"the Ambassador's road,\" was the most ancient and frequented way of passage to Tali (Marco Polo's Carajau), Yunnan-Fu (Yachi), and Pekin. By this route Chinese troops and officials kept Burma in suzerainty to the Middle Kingdom. A road, however, that has satisfied the needs of an earlier time may be utterly unable to cope with the exigencies of modern commerce, and a track that is suited to mule caravans and porters may be utterly unfitted for railway construction.\n\nThere is a striking consensus of evidence as to the impracticability from a commercial and financial standpoint of a railway from Bhamo to Tali. Mr. Turner found hardly two consecutive miles of level road between Bhamo and Yunnan-Fu, and Mr. Colquhoun said it was by far the worst road he had traversed since leaving Canton. The distance from Bhamo viá Momien to Tali-Fu is 18 to 20 days, and thence to Yunnan-Fu 12 to 14 days. Mere distances in miles give no conception of the actual time required, still less would they indicate the space a railway would have to cover. The ordinary trade route runs to Momien up the valley of the Taping and its affluent the Nam-ta. This valley, or succession of valleys, containing many thousands of Chinese Shans, may, according to Mr. Lenz, be regarded as the largest and most fertile in Yunnan. The places passed are Myothit, Nampaung, Manwyne, Santa (where the valley is very rich and thickly populated, and whence mule tracks lead north to the jade mines), Nantien, and Meung La. The road is level for 83 miles, while for the remaining 37 miles it runs over hills that are not very difficult. There is an ascent to Momien (5,540 feet), but Captain Davies holds that a railway could be constructed, and, as it would pass through a prosperous district, would probably pay, though no extension beyond Momien would be possible. This route is kept safe from the depredations of the Kachins by Chinese troops, while at Nampaung the British and Chinese telegraph lines are linked up, thus connecting Bhamo with the leading cities of China.\n\nOther routes that should be mentioned are those from Bhamo to Momien vid Mattin and Mongwan. There are four routes from Bhamo to Namkham, and an important route runs thence through Longling to join the main road at Yungchang. Apparently a good deal of trade exists with China through Maing Long, two days west of Momien. There is a route by boat up the Shweli to Momeik, and thence to Meung-mao, where it strikes north to join the Tali road. The road from Myitkyina through Sansi to Momien (120 miles) may become important on the completion of the railway, but it is much more difficult than the present direct route from Bhamo.\n\n### Difficulties of the Bhamo-Tali Route\nThe difficulties of the Bhamo-Tali route really begin at Momien. Between this town and Tali there are from seven to ten almost parallel ranges of mountains (either main or subsidiary chains) running from N.W. to S.E., besides minor ascents and descents. In a space of 150 miles there are six passes of more than 8,000 feet above sea-level, the elevations varying from 3,500 to 4,000 feet above the plain. Moreover, there are three great rivers to be crossed, the Shweli, Salween, and Mekong. The chief ascents on the route are from the valleys, or rather gorges, of these rivers. In going from Bhamo the descent to the Salween is from 6,810 to 2,580 feet, with an abrupt ascent beyond the bridge to 4,880 feet. The zigzags of the rocky mule track leading up from this wild gorge traverse 7 miles. Further, these low-lying ravines are the lurking places of malaria and have for ages been dreaded by the Chinese. Marco Polo said the air in summer was so bad that foreigners attempting this country would die for certain. The poisonous emanations of the Salween are said to decimate the population, but it has been maintained that the insalubrity of this region has been exaggerated, though the reputation it possesses prevents the Chinese from bringing traffic along the route except in the cold months of the year. The term applied to this route by Prince Henry \"a route of ascending penetration\" aptly describes its characteristics, for it has to cross numerous mountain chains with profound intervening river gorges. It seems clear that though mules may traverse such a route, it is impracticable to construct a railway across precipitous ravines or to tunnel or cross many lofty ranges, except at an incalculable outlay of labour and capital which the traffic would never repay. Extraordinary difficulties were encountered in constructing the telegraphs. Baber believed that by an improved system of paving and a better selection of gradients the route might be made convenient enough for transport by mules and coolies, but that it seemed hopeless to think of making it practicable for wheeled carriages.\n\nBeyond Momien the district is comparatively poor and thinly peopled, while great stretches of land are barren and uncultivated or covered with forests. Yungchang is a town with ruined suburbs in a large well-irrigated plain, known as the \"rice-field of Yunnan\" from the fine grain it produces. Opinions differ as to its commercial importance, though the latest, that of Mr. Turner, is favourable. From Yungchang European goods from Bhamo go to Kongma, a prosperous town with a good many Chinese traders. Before reaching Yangpi, Chuting, a ruined town, and Shayang, a large market village, are passed, but the region generally is said to be the least populous in western Yunnan. Yangpi is an important fortress. The fertile Yangpi valley running to the Mekong is thickly peopled throughout. From Hsia-Kwan a road in bad condition runs north to Tali (10 miles), while the route to Yunnan-Fu continues east.\n\n### Tali to Tibet\nTali has an important transit trade with Tibet, exporting mainly tea and importing woollen goods, skins, furs, and jewels. One day north of Tali is Ninchieh, a plain with numerous villages. Prince Henry says generally that the regions north are ill-suited for trade, thinly peopled, and of little commercial interest. The route to Likiang (situated one day from the Chin-sha-kiang or Upper Yangtze, here unnavigable) is not difficult, being reached by a mule track in a few days. M. Bonin speaks of it as a very important point, the market in the direction of Yunnan where all the Tibetan productions are centralised and exchanged with Chinese merchants, its importance being comparable to that of Tatsien-lu in relation to Ssuchuan. Likiang is the natural outlet of produce from the Sangakchouzong country, from Yerkalo, and from the Mekong valley to the south of Yerkalo. Captain Davies thinks a line thither from Tali would meet with no serious difficulties. Likiang is a great breeding place for ponies and mules. Still farther north is Atentzu (10,725 feet), a Customs station, peopled mainly by Chinese, with a considerable business in skins, tea, and musk. Lieutenant Roux calls it an important centre of exchange and the meeting place of routes to Tali, Tsaron, Lassa, Batang, and Tatsien-lu. The trade is conducted by barter by Chinese merchants. A small trade goes on as far as Batang (30 days from Tali).\n\n### Tali to Ssumao\nThis route might become important if a railway were carried from Kunlon Ferry to Tali, as it is the only road from south-west to north-west Yunnan. It is very mountainous, and has many traces of the rebellion and plague. In going from Tali a pass of 9,300 feet must be crossed.",
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        "document_key": "CO129-286 - Acting Governor Major Gen Black Governor Sir Blake & Public Offices - 1898 [11-12]",
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        "title": "CO129-286 - Acting Governor Major Gen Black Governor Sir Blake & Public Offices - 1898 [11-12]",
        "content_text": "## Tali-Fu to Yunnan-Fu\n\nTali-Fu to Yunnan-Fu is a significant route that passes through various towns and villages. 26 days are required to reach Menghua-Ting, a town of some importance in a large plain. The Nantien plain is prosperous and contains many villages. Chintong, halfway between Tali and Ssumao, is in a large and fertile plain, with iron mines. After passing Enlo, a busy village, and Mohci, the depot of a large salt trade, the road crosses a ridge of 6,215 feet to Puerh, a town of 15,000 people, situated in a closely cultivated valley in which are many villages. Its trade is not very important. From Puerh to Ssumao, over a pass of 6,350 feet, occupies two days. By this road, on which are found many caravans with salt, cotton, and general merchandise, Ssumao is reached from Tali in 20 days.\n\nContinuing the main route from Bhamo, the road to Yunnan-Fu is traversed in 12 days. M. Bonin, a recent traveller, describes this as one of the most difficult routes in the province, and says that, when he traversed it, the road was transformed into lakes of mud and cascades of disembedded paving stones. Years ago Margary spoke of the route as full of deserted villages and difficult passes, while Baber said that no one would attempt this wild route from Tali to Yunnan-Fu. Hosie says that Yunnan-Fu derives its requirements from Shanghai and Canton, and supplies the country E. of Tali. Under present conditions, indeed, it is difficult for merchandise to pass from Bhamo to the E. of Tali without meeting the competition of goods forwarded more cheaply by other routes. According to Lenz, the bulk of the comparatively small traffic is in Burma cotton, together with some tea, rhubarb, &c. The road crosses the high watershed separating the Yangtze from the West River and Red River basins. It involves many ascents and descents, and the traversing of much waste and of many hills that are either barren or covered with pine forests. Excepting Chennang, where Ssuchuanese cultivators are found, all the towns and villages show the ravages of the rebellion, while the people are very poor and almost without clothes. Chaochou appears to be the most thriving and promising of the places on the route. Others worth naming are Hungai, Chuhsiung, Lufeng Hsien, and Anningchow.\n\n## Tariffs, &c.\n\nFrom the above description it will be seen how unpromising are the commercial position and prospects of the route from Bhamo to Yunnan-Fu. The cost of transport is necessarily high, owing to the long distance to be traversed, the difficulties and fatigue, and the danger of disease; and Mr. Neville (of the Blackburn mission) says that there are seven likin or other dues payable on this route. Few goods can bear such heavy expenses in the way of transport and duties. The largest importing merchant in Yunnan-Fu said that he had tried to import yarn by the Bhamo route, but owing to the excessive taxation thus incurred, he now had to import everything via Tonkin and Mengtsz. Mr. Hebbert, late officiating manager of the Burma Railways, has called attention recently to the desirability of improving the caravan track up the Taping valley, which is, according to travellers, worse in British than in Chinese territory.\n\nIt should be mentioned that little Indian traffic passes over the telegraph lines between Burma and the Yangtze valley, though the wires are now maintained in much better order than at first.\n\nIn recent years political efforts have been made to promote frontier trade. By the Anglo-Chinese Agreement of 1st March 1894 (extended by that of 4th February 1897), the British Government allow Chinese produce and manufactures (except salt) to enter Burma by land duty free, and British and Indian products to be exported to China by land free of duty (except pulse, rice, and all grains). The duties on imports are less than the general tariff of the Imperial Maritime Customs and those on exports are less. Transit passes are to be in accord with the rules in force at the Treaty Ports. The importation and exportation of opium and spirituous liquors are prohibited. The British Government also consented, in order to encourage mining in Yunnan, to allow Chinese vessels carrying merchandise, minerals, and ores of all kinds to navigate the Irrawaddy on the same terms as British vessels. If Mr. Neville's statement as to duties is correct, it is clearly necessary that the Government should constrain the Chinese to enforce the transit pass system on this route, as the French have done on the Tonkin route to Yunnan-Fu. Our goods cannot well compete with the Tonkin route at Yunnan-Fu and in the country S. and E. of the capital, but under transit passes (which would reduce the duties from about 15 or 20 to 2-4 per cent. ad valorem) they might go to many of the chief places in Yunnan. Consul Jamieson considers that cotton yarn can be laid down on the Burma-Yunnan frontier at a fraction of the cost with which it is burdened in reaching Mengtsz through Tonkin. He believes that with lower freight, lower duties, and consequently a lower laying down cost on the frontier, combined with an emporium at Bhamo or elsewhere where the Chinese can purchase direct and so save commission and agency expenses, the Bhamo route may deprive the Red River route of a great deal of trade in yarn and other Indian or British goods.\n\n## Mandalay-Kunlon Ferry Route\n\nThe great difficulties of the Bhamo to Yunnan-Fu route have caused attention to be turned to other ways of penetrating China from Burma. Baber long ago suggested that an attempt should be made to reach some town of importance, such as Shunning-Fu, by ascending the river valleys. The ascent is considerable, but any line or route into Yunnan must rise from 2,000 up to 6,000 feet. For centuries the trade route passing from Mandalay via Maymyo and Thibaw (Hsipaw) to Thienni and the Kunlon Ferry on the Salween near the border of Yunnan has been recognised as a highway from China to Burma. Although a railway via Kunlon (now a collection of huts) to Shunning may revive this trade and will shorten the distance to Ssumao, it will not bring us nearer the present centres of trade in western Yunnan, as Momien, Tali, and Yungchang are about the same distance from Kunlon as from Bhamo, though Kunlon is much nearer to Kenghung and Monglem. The Mandalay-Kunlon line, now under construction, is being made, says Mr. Bagley, along the only practicable railway route into China.\n\nBeyond Kunlon the country is very mountainous, but, according to the report of Captain Davies, it appears possible to continue the line to various points in western Yunnan without encountering serious difficulties as hilly countries go, though he questions whether such a line would pay. The Chinese Government have agreed to the extension of the line into Yunnan. The possible extensions into China are: \n| Extension | Description |\n| --- | --- |\n| (1) From Kunlon to Yincho and Shunning (and perhaps Tali) | The Nam-ting valley would be followed for 50 miles to Mong Kyen, a practically level route; then, by an easy gradient of 50 miles, the road leads to Monglai, whence in 18 miles it crosses the watershed (5,600 feet) of the Salween and Mekong (rise of 2,400 feet-chief obstacle on the route), and down (1,800 feet) to Yincho, 12 miles. This line would, for the rest, follow fairly broad valleys. From Yincho to Shunning it could be continued along 25 miles of good road (ascent 1,600 feet). Mr. Bagley estimates the cost at 14 lakhs of rupees per mile. Under treaty a line may be made to Tali, and, according to Captain Davies, could possibly be carried out by ascending river valleys, though difficulties would arise from the precipitous river banks or the mountain barriers. Mr. J. G. Scott said it is practically certain a line can be carried along a stream to the Mekong and thence on to Tali. The line, however, from Yincho to Tali (150 miles) would be difficult and expensive. |\n| (2) A line from Kunlon to Yungchang (190 miles) | would meet with similar difficulties, though the gradients are practicable in the opinion of Captain Davies. The line would, however, pass through some rather poor country, and no extensions would be possible. This line would hardly be necessary, as Yungchang is only six days from Shunning. |\n\nThe line to Yincho and beyond would be useful, for, if only carried to Shunning, it would collect to itself the Yungchang and Tali trade, create a local trade, and open up all south-west Yunnan to the east of the Mekong. Supposing the Tonkin line not made, it might attract a great deal of the Yunnan-Fu trade also. There is strong evidence as to the importance of Yincho. Prince Henry, while disparaging Shunning as inferior to Ssumao, speaks of Yincho as a district fertile in sugar, maize, and rice, and he met in the vicinity numerous mules with iron and cotton. Captain Davies states that it has a trade with the Shan towns, and is larger and more prosperous than Shunning. Mr. Turner says Shunning-Fu is of no account for foreign trade and is off the main trade routes. But he states that, though the town has no industries, it stands in a large plain growing excellent rice, much opium and sugar, and some tea. Yincho, however, he considers more important. It has quite a large trade in foreign goods from Canton, and supplies Shunning-Fu. It has direct trade with Yunnan-Fu and Hsia-Kwan.\n\nPage 27  \nPage 558  \nPage 509",
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        "content_text": "## Trade prospects. \n\n## Railways. \n\n44 \n\nfrom Lower Burma or from India proper. Commodities cannot bear the greatly enhanced prices which such long transport entails. That the roads may be improved by engineering skill and by proper attention to repair is probable, but there is no prospect that the authorities will provide the means. Nor is there any likelihood that they will lighten the burden of taxation, which so greatly impedes exchanges, except under pressure from without. Traders complain that Burma-China trade is severely handicapped by the failure to enforce transit passes on the Bhamo-Tali-Fu route. Considering the great impetus given to the trade via Mengtsz by the enforcement of such passes, it has been suggested that the British Government should take speedy action in this matter. Trade, even under present conditions, could be greatly facilitated by the opening of more Treaty Ports. Tali-Fu in west Yunnan, Hsünchow, Nanning, and Pose on the upper West River, Chiating, Chengtu-Fu, Luchow, Yachou, and Sui-Fu in Ssuchuan, are peculiarly suitable. It is also worth considering whether the Chinese could not be constrained to withdraw their prohibition against the import of salt. According to Mr. Holt Hallett, Russia is not prohibited from sending salt into China, and England may fairly demand the most favoured nation treatment.\n\nWith regard to the future, it must be remembered that Yunnan has no valuable exportable product except opium, and although the vegetable, animal, and mineral products are varied, there is no evidence that they are sufficiently plentiful to form the foundation of a greatly extended trade. The restricted area available for cultivation, the scanty supply of labour, and the almost complete absence of capital preclude any large production of commodities. The people's mode of life is primitive and their wants are few, so that their demand for foreign goods is not great. Prince Henry of Orleans has admitted that the province is not very rich, and M. Rocher has cast doubt on the question whether foreigners can profitably exploit the mines. Recent commercial missions were strongly impressed with the poverty of the people and the wild character of a large part of the province, and Mr. Bourne thought that the recovery of Yunnan from the effects of the rebellion had been slow beyond belief. Whatever the causes of this lack of progress—and they are doubtless many—it is clear that with such a low degree of economic development, there is no sufficient prospect of trade to justify a heavy outlay on railways.\n\nRailways to certain points within Yunnan do not appear to be impracticable, and they may possibly repay the cost of their construction. Those projected from Kunlon to Shunning (or Tali) and from Laokai to Yunnan-Fu can probably be constructed, and possibly also lines from Bhamo to Momien, from Mandalay to Kenghung, and from Pose to Yunnan-Fu. But railways across Yunnan appear to be quite out of the question from a commercial and financial point of view, for they could only be built at a very high cost, which neither the British nor the French Government could be expected to guarantee. No available route has yet been discovered for a Burma-Yangtze railway. According to Mr. Little, the distance from Chungking to Tali-Fu is 47 stages of 70 each. As to the character of the country to be traversed, authorities all concur. Mr. Bourne, in his earlier report, spoke of this railway scheme as quixotic. Davenport said there was no level road along the main route from the Yangtze to Momien, while Mr. Lenz, an American cyclist, stated that in going from the Yangtze to the Burmese frontier he crossed 44 ranges of mountains in 1,724 miles. According to M. Rocher, the configuration of the country and the expense of construction (which the Chinese Government would not incur) forbid railways; and, moreover, the earnings would not correspond with the enormous outlay on the gigantic works which would be involved, not to mention the inevitable difficulties with the authorities in the districts to be traversed. M. Chailley Bert also agrees that the realisation of the various railway schemes is not within measurable distance. Mr. Hosie, who has traversed all the chief routes connecting Yunnan-Fu with Ssuchuan, has spoken of the absurdity of the attempts to tap Ssuchuan through Yunnan, which is hemmed in west and south by range after range of formidable mountain barriers.\n\nIf the main object of a Burma-Yangtze line be political, viz., to prevent the French from driving in a wedge between Burma and the Upper Yangtze, it is worth while to recall M. Brenier's declaration that the projected French line from Tonkin to Yunnan-Fu will not be the work of a day, and that a line north of Yunnan-Fu to the Yangtze is practically impossible. M. Leroy-Beaulieu says that even if the Red River were, what it is alleged to be, a \"splendid navigable waterway\" instead of having only half a metre of water in parts for the greater portion of the year, the French would still have to construct difficult and costly railways in order to tap the whole of the Yunnan trade. The extension of these lines to the Yangtze for the diversion of the trade of Ssuchuan to Tonkin, he regards as a purely visionary idea owing to the mountain barriers to be traversed. By the time France has carried a railway to Laokai, it may be hoped that the Mandalay-Kunlon line will be completed, and when France begins an extension to Yunnan-Fu, England will probably be ready to proceed to Shunning or Tali-Fu. Travellers, as already remarked, agree that the country between the Salween and the Yangtze is unsuitable for ordinary railway construction, though they differ as to the population, the nature and quality of exportable produce, and trade possibilities. A railway could never carry goods from Rangoon at rates that would enable them to compete with the sea and river-borne goods that reach Hankow by steamer, and then go to Chungking by junk. Bombay yarn and Indian opium, the chief exports to China, would still go by sea. But a line that would not pay commercially might be justified by strategical reasons, and if England intends to make an effective occupation of the Yangtze basin, a railway from Tali to Chungking is almost indispensable. It will, however, subserve Imperial rather than purely Indian objects, and its cost should not, therefore, fall upon Indian revenues. A British line from Nanning to Pose and Yunnan-Fu would be useful for supporting British interests in Yunnan, but from the West River, the most effective line would perhaps be one from Kowloon through Kwangtung and Hunan, to connect with a line running from some point on the lower Yangtze to Chungking or Chengtu.\n\n## 45 \n\nH. J. TOZER.\n\nIndia Office, October 1898.\n\n## NOTE on the Chinshakiang, or Upper Yangtzekiang.\n\nThe Chinshakiang (River of Golden Sand) is one of the two great streams—the other being the Min—that unite to form the Yangtzekiang at Sui-Fu. As Western China is opened up, the valley of this river must become a subject of great importance. The China Association has recently advocated \"the survey of a railway between Burma and the highest point of navigation on this river.\"\n\nThis point is usually stated to be Pingshan, about 50 miles above Sui-Fu (see pages 38-9), and the boatmen of Captain Blakiston in 1861 refused to ascend above this town, beyond which only small boats penetrate owing to the rapids. As it is, the boats have to be carried round some of the more dangerous rapids. Mr. Hosie, in travelling by boat from Manissu to Pingshan (50 miles), encountered twenty rapids. The fact that practically no boats ply on the Chinsha above Manissu is strong evidence that the river is unnavigable, for the Chinese utilise water carriage whenever possible.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-286 - Acting Governor Major Gen Black Governor Sir Blake & Public Offices - 1898 [11-12].txt",
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    {
        "id": 394711,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "page_number": 48,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\n# SOUTH-WEST CHINA.\n\n## CONFIDENTIAL\n\nNo. 1.\n\n4237\n\n[September 24]\n\nSECTION\n\nREGE 8 FEB 04]\n\n46\n\nC\n\nIndia Office to Foreign Office.-(Received September 24.)\n\nIndia Office, September 23, 1903.\n\nWITH reference to the correspondence regarding the provisional boundary between Burmah and China in the N'Maikha region, ending with your covering letter of the 3rd June last, transmitting Mr. Townley's telegram, I am directed by Lord George Hamilton to inclose, for Lord Lansdowne's information, a copy of a letter from the Government of India, dated the 27th August, and inclosures.\n\nThat Government recommend that a clear intimation should be made not only to the Chinese Government, but also to the local authorities in Yunnan, that His Majesty's Government claim as their frontier in this region the watershed of all streams that drain into the N'Maikha from the east, and that they will not be responsible for the consequences if that boundary is violated.\n\nI am also to point out that more recent explorations have shown that the description of the provisional boundary used by Sir C. MacDonald in his note to the Tsung-li-Yamên of the 28th July, 1898, and in subsequent communications to the Chinese Government, viz., \"the watershed between the N'Maikha and the Salween rivers,\" is applicable only to the northern portion, and may have led the Chinese authorities to suppose that His Majesty's Government intended to claim certain Chinese Settlements which are said to exist on the upper waters of the Shweli (Lung Chiang) River.\n\nA full description of the boundary claimed by the Government of India is given in the inclosures to Sir A. Godley's letter of the 17th April, 1901, of which a copy is inclosed for ready reference.\n\nIn conclusion, I am to say that Lord George Hamilton would commend the proposal of the Government of India to Lord Lansdowne's favourable consideration.\n\nI am, &c. (Signed)\n\nHORACE WALPOLE.\n\nInclosure 1. in No. 1.\n\nGovernment of India to Lord G. Hamilton.\n\n(Secret.) My Lord,\n\nSimla, August 27, 1903.\n\nWE have the honour to forward, for your Lordship's information, copies of the papers described in the attached list regarding matters connected with the Burmo-Chinese frontier on the east of the N'Maikha River.\n\n2. On the 2nd April last your Lordship informed us by telegram that His Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires at Peking had been instructed to ask for a reply to Sir Ernest Satow's note of the 18th September, 1902, and we have since received a copy of the communication which, on the 10th April last, Prince Ching handed to Mr. Townley in response to this request. The document, however, does not carry the negotiations beyond the point which they had reached more than three years ago. The claims which are now advanced to Tzu Chu and other places are practically identical with those urged by the Tsung-li-Yamên in May 1900*; and recognition is still withheld from the boundary which, after sufficient investigation, we have suggested as alike the most convenient and the most consistent with the respective limits of past control. During the recent visit of Sir Ernest Satow to Burmah, the Lieutenant-Governor took the opportunity to discuss the question with the Minister, and has now submitted his recommendations in the telegram, dated the 24th July, and the letter, dated the 10th August, of which copies are inclosed. We agree that the course suggested is the only one which, in the circumstances, is likely to lead to any practical result, and we trust that the proposals will be accepted by His Majesty's Government.\n\n* Vide their note, dated May 10; copy received with Secretary's letter, dated July 20, 1900.\n\n[2260 aa-1]\n\nPage 2\n\n \n\n \n\nPage 2",
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        "id": 394712,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "page_number": 49,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "3. A copy of this despatch, with inclosures, is under transmission to His Britannic Majesty's Minister at Peking.\n\nWe have, &c. (Signed)\n\nCURZON.\n\nT. RALEIGH. E. F.-G. LAW. E. R. ELLES, A. T. ARUNDEL. DENZIL IBBETSON.\n\nPage 3\n\n4. Viceroy Wei is a far more honest and straightforward man than his predecessor, so there is ground to hope that in future matters connected with the delimitation of the frontier will be easier to arrange.\n\nInclosure 4 in No. 1.\n\nInclosure 2 in No. 1.\n\nGovernment of Burmah to Government of India.\n\nDelhi, January 9, 1903. WITH reference to correspondence ending with your indorsement dated the 17th December, 1902, I am directed to submit a copy of a letter, dated the 14th November, 1902, from Mr. Litton, Consul-General at Yunnan-fu.\n\n2. The Lieutenant-Governor proposes to furnish Mr. Litton with copies of the Reports and papers referred to in paragraphs 1 and 2 of his letter, to inform him that paragraph 2 of his letter contains an accurate statement of facts regarding the incident referred to, and to intimate that there is no objection on the part of this Government to his addressing the Viceroy of Yunnan as proposed.\n\n3. With regard to paragraph 3 of Mr. Litton's letter the Lieutenant-Governor proposes to inform him of the views of the Government of India on the subject of the provisional boundary, as stated in their despatch dated the 14th June, 1900, and to intimate to him the present state of the negotiations.\n\n4. I am to solicit sanction to address Mr. Litton as proposed.\n\n(Telegraphic.)\n\nGovernment of India to Mr. Townley.\n\nFort William, January 17, 1903. PLEASE refer to your despatch of the 6th October, 1902, regarding the Burmah-China frontier. Litton, under date the 14th November, informs us, through Burmah, that Chinese officials at Yunnan-fu profess ignorance of any understanding as to provisional boundary. Litton himself appears to be unaware of recent negotiations, and Burmah Government wishes to supply him with complete papers as to past occurrences in Northern Irrawaddy basin, and arrangements now under consideration.\n\nIs there any objection to supplying these papers to Litton for use in discussions with Yunnan Viceroy?\n\n(Telegraphic.)\n\nInclosure 5 in No. 1.\n\nMr. Townley to Government of India.\n\nPeking, January 19, 1903. WITH reference to your telegram of the 17th instant, regarding the Burmah-China frontier, Litton is returning to Têngyueh. Wilkinson, newly appointed Consul-General for Yünnan, has left Ningpo for his new post. He travels via Burmah, and will put himself in communication with the officials of Mandalay. I think it highly desirable that he should be furnished with complete information as to the arrangements now under consideration and the past history of the Northern Irrawaddy basin.\n\nInclosure 3 in No. 1.\n\nActing Consul-General Litton to Government of Burmah.\n\nYunnan-fu, November 14, 1902.\n\nI BEG to report that in recent official conversations which I have had with them, the provincial authorities here have constantly brought up the case of the fight at Hparé in February 1900, and have requested me to suggest a means of \"settling\" it. I have always replied that in my opinion the Government of Burmah was the aggrieved party, and that therefore there was nothing to settle; as, however, it is apparent that the Yunnan Viceroy has only a very incomplete and garbled account of what really took place, I have on several occasions promised to submit to his Excellency a true report. I have written to Tengyueh for the papers concerning the case, which I thought were on record in that office, but I have not received them, and therefore I presume that they are not there.\n\n2. Failure to fulfil my promise to the Viceroy may be misconstrued, and I would suggest for the consideration of your Government that I should be authorized by you to point out to the Yunnan Viceroy that the Government of Burmah was within its rights in sending such an expedition to explore, that due notice of its nature was given to the Têngyueh officials, that an attempt was made in country, which Burmah does not acknowledge as belonging to China, to cut off the members of the expedition, and that therefore your Government can accept no responsibility whatever for what occurred. I should also be greatly obliged if I could be supplied with a copy of the reports of Mr. Hertz and other papers relating to the case, to enable me to state to the Viceroy what actually occurred.\n\n3. I understand that your Government are inclined to regard the water-parting between the Irrawaddy and the Salween as the provisional boundary. If this is the case, and if it is not the intention of your Government to permit the Chinese to establish themselves along the east bank of the Irrawaddy, I would suggest that formal notice of your views should be given to the Chinese officials who, here at least, profess ignorance of understanding as to a provisional boundary.\n\nany\n\nInclosure 6 in No. 1.\n\nGovernment of India to Government of Burmah,\n\nFort William, January 21, 1903.\n\nI AM directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter dated the 9th instant, regarding a proposed communication to Mr. G. Litton, His Britannic Majesty's Acting Consul-General at Yunnan-fu, on the subject of the Burmah-China boundary in the Northern Irrawaddy Valley, and connected matters.\n\n2. I am to inclose copies of the marginally noted telegrams and to request that, with his Honour the Lieutenant-Governor's permission, Mr. Wilkinson may be supplied with full information on these subjects.\n\n(Confidential.) Sir,\n\nInclosure 7 in No. 1.\n\nGovernment of Burmah to Government of India.\n\nRangoon, March 9, 1903. IN continuation of this office letter, dated the 9th January last, I am directed to submit a copy of letter dated the 1st ultimo from Mr. Litton, acting Consul at Yunnan-fu, concerning the demarcation of the Burmah-China frontier north of Manung Pum, the northernmost point of the boundary demarcated by the Burmah-China Boundary Commission.\n\nMr. Litton discusses various possible lines of boundary, and he states the line of boundary which he considers the most convenient, This boundary is the boundary marked on the map submitted with my letter dated the 30th January, 1901.\n\nPage 47",
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    {
        "id": 394713,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "page_number": 50,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "Lieutenant-Governor understands it is the boundary which the British Government has already decided to adopt, and which the Ambassador at Peking has been instructed to insist on. Under these circumstances it appears unnecessary for the Lieutenant-Governor to discuss Mr. Litton's observations on possible lines of frontier. It is sufficient to say that he advances new and cogent reasons for adhering to the line of frontier which the British Minister at Peking has been instructed to insist on.\n\n3. Mr. Litton goes on to point out the advisability of dealing with this question at an early date. The Lieutenant-Governor fully agrees with Mr. Litton that a settlement of the question is desirable.\n\nearly\n\n4. Mr. Litton represents further that it is undesirable that the demarcation of the boundary should be intrusted to a Commission of the same character as that which demarcated the frontier further south. His objections to the adoption of this procedure are that the country to be operated in is very inaccessible, and that the Chinese Commissioner would be obstructive. These objections carry great weight. The country is inaccessible, inhospitable, and unexplored, and is inhabited by wild tribes who would resist intrusion into their territory. Any Boundary Commission which operated in this country would need the protection of a large escort, and the work of demarcation would be very expensive. Mr. Litton's second objection has equal force. Our experience of the proceedings of the recent Boundary Commission is certainly not such as to afford encouragement to the appointment of a second. It will be within the recollection of the Government of India that on one section of the frontier the whole of the season 1897-98 was wasted by the obstruction of the Chinese Commissioner, and that in the season of 1899-1900 practically no work was done because the Chinese Commissioner insisted on basing his claims on a map which Mr. Litton correctly describes as a forgery. Under these circumstances the Lieutenant-Governor concurs with Mr. Litton that the demarcation of the boundary should not be intrusted to a Commission. His Honour advises that the Chinese Government should be pressed to execute an Agreement recognizing the provisional boundary as the permanent boundary. When this Agreement had been executed any local claims of the kind mentioned by Mr. Litton can be considered and dealt with locally.\n\n5. In the latter part of his letter Mr. Litton refers to certain claims of the Ming Kwang, Headman to country along the N'Maikha, and even to the west of the N'Maikha. It is no doubt in connection with these claims that the Chinese have made incursions from time to time into the N'Maikha tract. Particulars of these incursions are given in Chapter VI of Captain Holloway's \"Report on the Country East of the N'Maikha, &c., 1901.\" Mr. Litton suggests that these claims should be disposed of by a money payment, or by concessions in connection with the delimitation of the frontier. As the Lieutenant-Governor is aware, there are no valid grounds for admitting the claims referred to by Mr. Litton. In paragraph 3 of their despatch, dated the 14th June, 1900, to the Secretary of State, the Government of India pointed out that China had never exercised control in the valley of the N'Maikha, and they advised against the admission of such claims. In the Lieutenant-Governor's opinion this attitude should be adhered to.\n\nSo far\n\n6. If the Chinese claims to which Mr. Litton refers should be admitted, the Lieutenant-Governor advises that whatever concession may be made should take the form of a money payment. There would be little use in offering concessions in the Wa country, because the demarcation of the frontier in that locality has been suspended indefinitely, and, in view of the practical difficulties of the work, is not likely to be resumed at an early date. The Lieutenant-Governor is altogether opposed to Mr. Litton's second alternative. Such a line as he suggests would insert a wedge of China into British territory, and in view of the notorious inability of the Chinese to maintain order among the Kachins, would render any satisfactory administration of the country north of the N'Maikha a permanent impossibility. This country has not yet been brought under administration, but the necessity to administer it may arise at any time. The difficulties of administration would be immensely increased if a belt of territory belonging to China traversed the tract. This belt would certainly become an Alsatia in which lawless characters would take refuge, and from which they would raid into British territory on each side.\n\n7. At the end of his letter Mr. Litton makes suggestions regarding the constitution of a Boundary Commission in the event of such a Commission being appointed. As he is opposed to the appointment of a Boundary Commission, the Lieutenant-Governor considers it unnecessary to remark on this part of Mr. Litton's letter at present.\n\n8. Finally, Mr. Litton proposes that a small joint survey expedition should be dispatched to survey the country between the N'Maikha and the mountains on the east.\n\n5\n\nThis proposal is open to the same objection as the proposal to appoint a Boundary Commission—namely, that owing to the nature of the country and of its inhabitants, a survey could not be executed without the support of a large escort, nor otherwise than at great expense.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nC. G. BAYNE, Chief Secretary.\n\n(Signed)\n\nInclosure 8 in No. 1.\n\nActing Consul-General Litton to Government of Burmah.\n\nYünnan-fu, February 1, 1903.\n\nI HAVE the honour to submit a copy of a Memorandum on the undelimited frontier which I have prepared for His Majesty's Minister.\n\nDuring a recent journey from Chien Chuan to Têngyüeh by a direct route, I have had some special opportunities of conversing with the officials and people; respectfully urge upon your Government the advisability of taking up this question at as early a date as possible. Even now I anticipate that it will be a matter of serious difficulty to secure a satisfactory frontier by peaceful negotiations, and every season's delay will greatly increase that difficulty. I would also venture to call special attention to the improbability of a Boundary Commission, similar to those appointed in previous seasons, achieving any satisfactory result,\n\nInclosure 9 in No. 1.\n\nMemorandum by Acting Consul-General Litton on the Undelimited Frontier between Burmah and Yunnan.\n\nFROM the point of view of demarcation, the country to the north of Manung Pun, the most northerly point of the present delimited frontier, presents some obvious features of difference from the country to the south, which has been already demarcated. To the south, with the exception of the Wa hills, the ancient rights of China and Burmah were conterminous or overlapping; that the territories of certain Chiefs belonged either to China or Burmah was known, and the work of the Commissioners consisted in defining, field by field, or village by village, the limits of those territories. But to the north there is a wide tract of almost unknown country, which has never been brought under control either from the Indian or the Chinese side, and to which, on the ground of actual jurisdiction, Burmah can put forward no claims and China only very shadowy claims.\n\nSecondly, the geographical features of this northern undelimited region are of a very special character: four great rivers, the Irrawaddy (east or N'Maikha branch), the Salween, the Mekong, and the Yangtse, flow south parallel to each other. In the latitude of Wei Hsi (about 27° north) a line 100 miles long, or less than two degrees of longitude, would cover all four; great mountain ranges, rising to many thousands of feet above them, divide the narrow basins of these rivers, leaving very little open country.\n\nSo far as is known the Kachins do not appear to extend east into the Upper Salween basin, which, north of approximate latitude 26° 10′ north, is inhabited by Lisaws, who stretch across the Mekong basin and mingle with the Chinese, Semi-Thibetan, and Minchia population on the east of that river.\n\nTo the north of Tengyueh, and to the east of Manung Pun, the Chinese population is thick in the valleys of Ku Yung and Tienyang, which are subject to Tengyueh, though Tien-Tang also has a hereditary Headman or \"tu'ssu\" named Liu; further to the north-east is Ming Kwang with a \"tu'ssu\" named Tso, subject to Têngyüeh; the head of the family was killed in the Hparé affair. On the east of Ming Kwang Valley is the valley of Kai To'u, which extends as far north as Ta T'ang, one day's journey north of Kai To'u market, where there is a petty civil official subordinate to Têngyüeh, but no “tu'ssu.”\n\nTien Tang \"pa'tzu,\" or valley, is on the upper waters of the T'aiping, or Ta Ho River, as it is called, above Ku Yung. Ming Kwang and Kai To'u Valleys are each\n\nPage 48",
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        "document_key": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "page_number": 51,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "6\n\nwatered by the two head branches of the Shweli or Lung Chiang, locally known as the Ming Kwang and Ta T'ang Rivers respectively. Further north, beyond the headwaters of the Shweli, the country is not under China, but is inhabited by independent Kachins and Lisaws. Ta T'ang is the furthest point of Chinese jurisdiction north of Kai Ton, though I was informed that Chinese traders are settled in the Lisaw tracts still further north, and especially at a place called Langsu, three days from Kai Ton.\n\nMoving east out of the Kai To'n Valley and the basin of the Shweli we pass the Ma Mien Kuan into the Salween system. Along this river the Chinese seem to be settled further north than was commonly supposed. They state that north of the great suspension bridge there is comparatively little malaria, and that Chinese can live near the river banks. The riparian population is, however, of a mixed character.\n\nAt the Salween we enter the country of the Tuan clan; this important Chinese family is descended from an ancestor who possessed himself of this part of the country, as I was informed, some seven or eight generations ago. It is now split into five branches; the head of each branch is a \"tu'ssu,\" with his Chinese title and his appropriate position in the Chinese hierarchy of officials; the following is a list of the places of residence of these five brothers:-\n\nTeng Keng, on the west bank of the Salween, about 30 miles, or two days' journey north of Meng-ku Ferry, .., in approximate latitude 25° 58′ north.\n\nMao Chao, on the west bank, two days further north, on about the same parallel as Tu Wo (see below).\n\nLu Ku, on the east bank, about 4 miles below Teng Keng.\n\nLao Wo, in the hills, a short day's journey to the north-east of Lu Ku.\n\nChiu Chou, on the west bank of the Mekong, 8 miles below Fei Lang Bridge, or approximate latitude 25° 45′ north.\n\nThe first two of the above five \"tu'ssu\" are subject to Yung Chang and the last three to the Sub-Prefect of Yun Lung and through him to Ta Li; Yun Lung City is one long stage east of the Mekong at Fei Lung Bridge.\n\nOther \"tu'ssu\" on the Salween are Lien Ti, on the west bank, some 12 miles north of Meng Ku Ferry; this is a Chinese \"tu'ssu\" named Yang and Lu Chang, a small district between Teng Keng and Mao Chao, with, I believe, a Shan \"tu'ssu\" named \"Cha.\" Lien Ti, Lu Chang, Teng Keng, and Mao Chao are all between the River Salween and east of the range on the west bank. This takes the Chinese up to about latitude 26° 10′ on the Salween, but north of that point the Salween Valley appears to be wholly out of control.\n\nOn the west bank of the Mekong, in about latitude 26° 10′, is an important \"tu'ssu\" named \"Lo;\" he is a Minchia and has an extensive strip of territory along both banks of the Mekong and over the hills to the east of it. He has also claims over the wild tribes of the Lou Tzu, who inhabit the great range between the Salween and the Mekong to the north of La ku, Lao Wo, and Tu Wo; but the Lou Tzu are far from recognizing his supremacy, and fighting of a kind is now proceeding.\n\nGoing north along the Mekong, beyond Su Wo, which is subject to Li Chiang, it appears that the whole of the east side of the river, but only the foot hills on the west bank, are under the ordinary jurisdiction of the Li Chiang Magistrate, or, further north, of the Wei Hsi Magistrate, but the upper slopes of the west bank range are under no sort of control; even on the east bank, near Wei Hsi itself, it is admitted that the control of the Mandarins over the Lamas and Thibetans is very slight. However, there is a small post of troops at Tse Ku, on the west bank near latitude 28° north, where there is a Catholic Mission, and the Wei Hsi Sub-Prefect has claims to the allegiance of several districts to the north and west of his city; as I did not visit Wei Hsi, but only heard of these claims from the Prefect of Li Chiang (Wei Hsi's official superior), I regret that I cannot give details.\n\nThus, Chinese jurisdiction may fairly be said to extend from Manung Pun in an easterly direction along the headwaters of the Shweli or Lung Chiang River; thence along the foot hills on the west bank of the Salween to about 26° 10° north latitude; thence east across the mountains by Lao Wo to Tu Wo, on the west bank of the Mekong, and thence north along the foot hills on the west bank of that river.\n\nThe disturbances which took place last year to the north of Tien Tang Kwan point to a pressure of Chinese population in a northerly direction beyond the headwaters of Shweli.\n\nFrom the above remarks on the present administrative frontier of China, I would\n\n7\n\nbeg permission to deduce the suggestion that a Boundary Commission of the same owing character as those which demarcated the south district would be out of place. Owing to the distance from the base, the extreme difficulty of the country, and the great likelihood of armed conflicts with Kachins and Lisaws, it will be hugely expensive, and, further, it is unlikely to be effective. On the other hand, I would point out that in the country to be dealt with there exists a series of boundaries, already marked out by Nature, and I would suggest that by negotiation one of these may be declared the boundary, and that then the question would be settled beyond the possibility of doubt, and without any expense at all.\n\nOf such natural boundaries only two need, I think, be here considered. The first would give all that Burma would require or could fairly claim, and, if attainable, would be a satisfactory solution of the question. It would read somewhat as follows: \"From Manung Pun, the most northerly point of the present frontier, the line will continue in a north-easterly direction, following the crest of the range forming the water-parting between the Taiping or Ta Ho and the Shweli or Lung Chiang on the Chinese side, and the Irrawaddy (N'Maikha branch) on the British side, until that range joins the main range forming the water-parting between the Irrawaddy and Salween Rivers. From this point the frontier will follow the crest of the latter range in a northerly direction to latitude ??\"\n\nThis is in effect what the Government of Burma, on the strength of an arrangement between Sir Claude MacDonald and the Tsung-li Yamên in July 1898, now regards as the provisional frontier, but I would remark that the Chinese officials in Yunnan by no means recognize it as such. It is violated every season by Chinese, whose proceedings, it is true, are not formally authorized by the Yunnan Government, but whose presence on N'Maikha, will, when it comes to demarcation, infallibly be put forward as giving China a claim to that region. I am doubtful if the Yunnan local officials have ever really been informed of what Burma regards as the provisional boundary, or that any protest against the presence and proceedings of Chinese in the undelimited tracts has ever been notified to the Chinese officials.\n\nThe second boundary is the utmost I suppose that Burma could under any circumstances yield, i.e., the N'Maikha or east branch of the Irrawaddy and the frontier line would descend from Manung Pun to that river at a point to be agreed upon. Either of the above frontiers might be laid down by Treaty in Peking or London and the necessity of a Commission be obviated. Burma would then be able to proceed at leisure to extend her administration up to the line laid down.\n\nUnless speedy and firm action is taken, serious difficulty is to be anticipated in securing Frontier No. 1, and it is to be expected that China will put forward claims far more than No. 2—in fact, that they will claim Kâhmti and want the boundary to be west of that valley.\n\nThere are, however, grave objections to granting the Chinese even as much as the N'Maikha (Frontier No. 2). The weight to be attached to these objections can be properly estimated only by the Burma officials, but I may point out that these objections are the following:---\n\n(1.) Frontier No. 1 would give Burma practically all the Kachin country; it would therefore be a good ethnological line, which is a matter of some importance.\n\n(2.) The Upper N'Maikha is not well known, and it might be hard to say which of many possible headwaters should be considered as the main river. Therefore Frontier No. 2 would leave the door open to future difficulties.\n\n(3.) It is highly unlikely that any of the country on the east bank of the N'Maikha is suited for permanent occupation by Chinese peasantry. If it were, much of the objection to Frontier No. 2 would be removed, as Chinese peasants are good and peaceable neighbours; but as it is, if this strip of country is given to China, it is likely to become a jumping-off ground for raiders, filibusters, and smugglers, both Kachins and Chinese, who will be beyond the control of Burma, and render the work of administering the Trans-N'Maikha very difficult. It is safe to say that the Yunnan Government is too feeble and corrupt to undertake the efficient control of so difficult and distant a country.\n\nFrontier No. 1 would do no real harm to China: no Chinese inhabited village would be given up—in fact, the less wild country is given to China the better, not only for her neighbours, but also for herself. The Chinese Government never really gets an administrative grip of any district where Chinese peasantry cannot settle. If, therefore, China is to come down to the N'Maikha, Burma must be prepared either to have her frontier repeatedly insulted, or to keep up an expensive line of posts along the N'Maikha. China, though diplomatically treated by us as a civilized Power, is not, in point of fact,\n\n49",
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    {
        "id": 394715,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "page_number": 52,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "likely to be able to fulfil her duty to her neighbour, if that duty is to keep in order a wide tract of country inhabited by wild tribes.\n\nI would, therefore, suggest that it may be worth while to make a strong effort to secure the Salween-water parting (Frontier No. 1). I doubt if the Chinese Foreign Office knows or cares much about the frontier of Yunnan, which it would be inclined to regard as a local question. The previous Treaty, as a glance at the text will show, seems to have been based almost wholly on information supplied by Burma, and as the Chinese Boundary Commissioners are appointed locally, the idea seems to be that if the Provincial Government does not like the Treaty signed by the central authorities, it can give its Commissioners instructions at variance with that instrument, which was, in fact, done in 1899-1900 respecting the Wa country. The possibility of inducing Prince Ching to grant the line proposed as Frontier No. 1 can only be judged by His Majesty's Minister; but, if it is possible, it is the best solution of the question.\n\nIn any case, a frontier running criss-cross over the rivers and up and down the mountains, which Nature seems to have set as the natural frontier between two neighbours in this part of the world, would, I submit, be a great error. Besides, it would probably take years, great expense, and much fighting to delimit.\n\nAnother reason which Burma may reasonably give for declining to appoint a Boundary Commission on the same lines as in previous seasons is the treatment which the last of such Commissions received at the hands of the Yunnan Government. I do not wish to rake up old scandals unnecessarily, but I may recall that in the season of 1899-1900 the Chinese Commissioners, evidently under orders from Yunnan, put forward and obstinately maintained a gross forgery as the map which they alleged to have been signed by Lord Rosebery and Hsieh, Chinese Minister in London. The forgery was so clumsy that a well-known place like Thibaw was shown as far on the east of the Salween, and the map actually professed to lay down part of the French frontier. This map was concocted in Yunnan, and probably represented local ideas of what the frontier ought to be, quite apart from what the Treaty said it was to be; now, after the Hparé affair in February 1900, the Têngyüeh officials put forward a rough map of what they claimed as the frontier in the undelimited district, showing a line along the N'Maikha. Thus, we know that such a document as a Chinese map of part of the undelimited frontier does exist. I think it is a safe prophecy that if a Boundary Commission on the former lines is appointed, that document will be put forward by the Chinese Commissioners as the only authentic map of the frontier, quite irrespective of what the Treaty may have laid down, and that the labours of the Commission will therefore be foredoomed to failure if the Treaty and the Chinese map do not agree.\n\nThe Chinese claim at the very least to come over the range on the north-west of Ming Kwang Valley and down to the N'Maikha River; this claim, as the Têngyüeh officials have told me, is based on certain alleged rights of the Headman of Ming Kwang Valley, which is undoubtedly Chinese; but if, as I learn, the west slope of the range referred to is inhabited by Kachins, the control exercised over them by a petty Headman is likely to be very shadowy, and, indeed, such control is not admitted to exist by the Kachins concerned; on the other hand, so far as the exercise of the actual jurisdiction is concerned, Burma can, I suppose, put forward even less a priori claim to this tract, and her rights are based rather on geographical and ethnological grounds. Nor is it clear how far north the Ming Kwang Headman at present claims to go up the N'Maikha. On the east side of the range, on the east bank of that river, they do not go very far, nor at present beyond the headwaters of the Shweli; but if, as I am informed, the Ming Kwang men have salt wells on the Upper N'Maikha, they will probably claim to go a long way.\n\nThe difficulty respecting this strip of country between the N'Maikha and mountain range to the west of it is not merely the fact that the Ming Kwang Headman has claims, but that those claims will be strongly supported by the local officials and by the Têngyüeh gentry, who have a heavy interest in the opium-smuggling industry. It is safe to say that the great majority of the Chinese who pass the N'Maikha do so either to smuggle opium into Burma via the jade mines, or to meddle in Kachins' tribal disputes, which do not properly concern them. No matter what may be laid down in a Treaty, I doubt if any locally-appointed Chinese Commissioner would venture to assign this strip of territory to Burma in demarcation.\n\nIf my views meet with assent, I would venture to mention two possible means of compromise:\n\n(1) The alleged rights of the Ming Kwang Headman along the banks of the N'Maikha might, if substantiated, be bought off by a rent or money payment, with the possible addition of concessions to Chinese views in the Wa country, which, I venture to assert, is of far less importance to us than this northern question. The Wa Hills are likely always to be a natural buffer, and such through trade as may grow up in this part of Yunnan will flow either north of the Wa Hills, past Kunlong, or south of them, by Meng Ma and Meng Lem. I am persuaded that in the future there may be important lines of communication between Assam and Burma on the one side, and Wei Hsi, Li Chiang, and Tibet on the other.\n\n(2) The Chinese might be permitted to come down to the N'Maikha a little above N'Sentaru, follow up the river for a short distance, and the line might then be taken east, up one of the east tributaries of the N'Maikha, back on to the main Salween water-parting. The objections to what I have styled Frontier No. 2 would not be removed, but they would be greatly lessened by this expedient.\n\nIf the views now submitted do not meet with approval, and it is decided again to lay down a skeleton frontier in a Treaty to be demarcated on the spot by a Commission, I should wish to call attention to the following points:\n\n(1) A good deal of difficulty has been caused in former cases by the Yunnan provincial authorities not having been sufficiently consulted in the Treaty negotiations: I would point out that a Consular officer of high rank is now to be stationed at Yunnan-fu, and would suggest that if negotiations cannot be wholly transferred to the provincial capital, that at least some preliminary arrangement should be come to between the Government of India, the Consul-General, and the Yünnan Viceroy before a Treaty is signed in Peking or London.\n\n(2) I would avoid as far as possible the insertion in the Treaty of the names of Chinese districts or dependencies, i.e., if it is said that the boundary shall follow line A, giving State B to China, the limits of State B will promptly be extended by the imagination of the Chinese Commissioners far beyond the line A, and serious, perhaps unnecessary, difficulty be caused.\n\n(3) I would, as far as possible, and save where positions have been accurately fixed, leave out latitudes and longitudes in the text of any Agreement which may be made. These mysterious figures, unknown to the orthodox classics, excite the utmost suspicion on the part of a Chinese official, and make him think that he is being cheated.\n\n(4) The Chinese should be limited to one Commissioner, or at least to one with each party, if the Commission is divided into more than one section. To have two Chinese Commissioners more than doubles all difficulties and obstructions, as they are more occupied in trying to trip each other up than in attending to the business in hand. It must be remembered that the position of a Chinese Commissioner is a precarious one; I believe that after each season of the Burma-China Commission the officials so employed have been exposed to damaging accusations and impeachments by their enemies.\n\n(5) Finally, I would submit that this question ought to be taken up as soon as possible. It will entail expense and probably the establishment of posts on the British side, but the longer it is delayed the heavier will be the cost, and the more difficult it will be to secure the interest of Burma. It might be supposed that as India is a very living, and China a very decaying, empire, we should have everything to gain by delay; but I am convinced that this is not the case.\n\nThe Chinese have been nearer to the debatable line than India for many years, and if the Chinese Government is decrepit, the Chinese people increase like rabbits, in Yunnan as elsewhere; while India has no surplusage of population pressing upon the frontier of the territory in question. Time will therefore ripen and strengthen the Chinese claims.\n\nIn view of the special difficulties surrounding this question, it may be thought advisable to get a complete map and more accurate information than is now possessed of the country which will have to be divided between India and China. In this connection, I think relations between Burma and Yunnan are now of a sufficiently satisfactory character to justify hopes of good results from a small joint survey expedition to be accompanied by a picked escort and only one or two officials of both Governments, who would have instructions to map and report upon a fixed portion of the country—to avoid, say, the strip between the N'Maikha and mountains to the east of it. To avoid misunderstandings with the Chinese, it would be necessary to issue clear instructions that the officers of the expedition had no authority to decide a boundary, but only to map and report.\n\nIf and when the Government of India considers that the time has come to take up this question, I would suggest that negotiations be commenced by a statement on the part of India addressed to the Peking Government per His Majesty's Minister, and to...\n\n[2260 au-]\n\n-1]\n\nD\n\n50",
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    {
        "id": 394716,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "page_number": 53,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "any \n\nthe Yunnan Government per the Consul-General, setting forth what is regarded by India to be the frontier, and requesting to be informed if the Chinese have objections to raise. This would perhaps elicit from them a statement of what they really mean to claim.\n\nIf the Government of India decides in no case to give up the west or right bank of the N'Maikha, I would suggest the establishment of a post on that river at an early date. If the Government of India decides to maintain a claim to the frontier which I have styled No. 1 then such post should be on the left or east bank.\n\nFinally, I would venture to assert that China, or at least Yünnan, is showing no signs whatever of a genuine wish or power to reform; though now all is quiet, and seems likely to continue so for some time, it is also possible that a collapse may occur at any moment. In Yunnan the advance of the French railway, badly though that affair is being managed, may very likely lead to an acute crisis, and it is altogether to be deprecated that in such an event we should be found without even a frontier. The work of pacification and administration in Burmah has been such a splendid success that it would be a pity that any part of it should be endangered even in the remote future by an unscientific boundary. \"Frontier coronat opus.'\"\n\nInclosure 10 in No. 1.\n\nGovernment of Burmah to Government of India.\n\n(Telegraphic.)\n\nRangoon, July 24, 1903. REFERENCE my letter of 9th March last. Lieutenant-Governor has discussed the question with Sir Ernest Satow. They agree in suggesting that communication on the subject should be addressed simultaneously to Peking Government and Viceroy of Yunnan. This communication should make it perfectly clear that British Government intend to regard provisional boundary as actual boundary between China and Burmah, unless and until settlement is arrived at, and should warn Chinese that if this frontier is not respected and armed parties are sent across it, there will be a risk of their coming in contact with our forces. Lieutenant-Governor and Sir Ernest advise that communication should be made at Peking by British Legation and at Yünnan by Litton, and that it should clearly set out that provisional boundary is watershed between N'Maikha on one side and Shweli and Salween River on the other, and not merely watershed between N'Maikha and Salween River, as stated in Sir Ernest Satow's communication of the 18th September, 1902, to Prince Ching. If Government of India approve, is suggested that Foreign Office should be asked to instruct Peking Legation and Consul-General at Yünnan accordingly.\n\nInclosure 11 in No. 1.\n\nGovernment of Burmah to Government of India.\n\nRangoon, August 10, 1903.\n\nIN continuation of my telegram dated the 23rd July last, I am directed to report briefly the grounds on which the Lieutenant-Governor has recommended that a communication should be addressed to the Chinese Government on the subject of the provisional boundary north of Manung Pun.\n\n2. The present position of affairs is that the British Government have declined to admit discussion of any proposals which would involve an extension of Chinese influence in the valley of the N'Maikha, and have so recently as September 1902 instructed His Britannic Majesty's Minister in Peking to insist on the acceptation of the boundary proposed by the Government of India, of which a detailed description was given by Mr. Hertz in December 1900. This boundary is the crest of the range forming the watershed between the stream flowing on the one side into the N'Maikha and on the other side into the Shweli and Salween.\n\n3. So far, however, this boundary has not been accepted by the Chinese Government. The Chinese local authorities still claim,* though so far as our information goes without any adequate grounds, that the boundary lies to the east of several Chinese villages, and from Mr. Litton's Memorandum of the 1st February, of which a copy was submitted with my letter dated the 9th March, 1903, it appears likely that the Chinese, unless checked, may continue to make incursions to the west of the boundary, as they have occasionally done in the past, and may at a later date point to these incursions and to any temporary settlements made in the course of them as proof of a claim which at present has no substantial foundation.\n\n* Telegram from the Foreign Department, dated June 11, 1903.\n\nAs we are not at present in a position to administer the region between the N'Maikha and the watershed which lies on our side of the boundary, and as we cannot, therefore, obtain always accurate information of what local parties of Chinese may be doing, or turn back Chinese incursions on the spot, it is desirable to reiterate as clearly as possible, both to the Government at Peking and also to the local authorities at Yunnan, that we intend the provisional boundary to be observed, and that we will not be responsible for the consequences if the boundary is violated. Plain language of this kind is likely to make the local officials exceedingly cautious, and, if it is used, the watchfulness of our Consular officers at Yunnan and Têngyüeh, through whom the communications to the local authorities will be made, and who are not likely to lose any suitable opportunity of reminding the Chinese officials of their purport, will probably suffice to keep our side of the border free from intrusions for a considerable time to come. Also by making it clear to the Chinese, as suggested in this Government's telegram, that the watershed, which we claim, is not merely the western watershed of the Salween, but also the watershed of the N'Maikha and the Shweli, we shall help to satisfy the Chinese local authorities on a point which probably is not fully understood by them at present, viz., that there is no desire on our part to claim the Chinese Settlements which are said to exist on the upper waters of the Shweli in the Mienkawang and Singan Valleys.\n\nInclosure 12 in No. 1.\n\nGovernment of India to Lord G. Hamilton.\n\n(Secret.)\n\nMy Lord,\n\nFort William, March 14, 1901.\n\nYOUR Lordship's Secret despatch, dated the 3rd August, 1900, accepted our view that there should be no discussion with the Chinese Government of any proposals which would involve an extension of Chinese influence in the valley of the N'Maikha. We have now the honour to forward a copy of a letter from the Government of Burmah, giving cover to a Report (with map) by Mr. H. F. Hertz, C.I.E., which contains a description of the natural boundary to the north of the most northerly cairn on the demarcated portion of the Burmah-China frontier. The line indicated by Mr. Hertz may, in our opinion, be regarded as identical with that which was notified to the Tsung-li Yamên by the British Minister at Peking, on the 29th November, 1898, as being the provisional boundary. We have already recommended that the frontier on the east of the Irrawaddy, from the demarcated border northwards, should be fixed at the watershed of the streams which drain into the N'Maikha from the east.\n\n2. We take this opportunity of inclosing a copy of a letter recently received from the British Minister at Peking, to whom we are transmitting a copy of our present despatch, with copies of the inclosed papers (and map*) as received from the Government of Burmah.\n\nWe have, &c.\n\n(Signed)\n\nCURZON.\n\nE. H. H. COLLEN.\n\nA. C. TREVOR.\n\nC. M. RIVAZ.\n\nT. RALEIGH.\n\nE. F.-G. LAW.\n\n* Not printed.",
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    {
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "page_number": 54,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "12\n\n13\n\nInclosure 13 in No. 1.\n\nGovernment of Burmah to Government of India.\n\nRangoon, January 30, 1901. IN compliance with the orders contained in paragraph 3 of your letter, dated the 19th September, 1900, I am directed to submit a copy of a Report by Mr. Hertz, C.I.E., District Superintendent of Police, Myitkyina, with map in original, regarding the description of the Burmah-Chinese boundary north of the most northern boundary cairn, Mr. Hertz' Report on the boundary, to which he refers in this Report, was submitted with Mr. Gates' letter, dated the 3rd May, 1900.*\n\n2. I am to say that the Lieutenant-Governor agrees with Mr. Hertz that it would prevent future misunderstanding if the boundary north of the northernmost cairn were declared to be the watershed of all streams that drain into the N'Maikha from the east.\n\nInclosure 14 in No. 1.\n\nDistrict Superintendent of Police, Myitkyina, to Deputy Commissioner.\n\nMyitkyina, December 21, 1900. IN compliance with the instructions contained in the Confidential forwarded papers I have the honour to submit the following Report\n\nDescription of the Burmah-China Boundary north of the most northerly Boundary Cairn.\n\nThe northernmost boundary cairn was built under the joint supervision of British and Chinese officers in the 1897-98 season, and is situated at latitude 25° 33′ on a range of hills called Manaung-Bum, which forms the southern portion of the eastern watershed of the N'Maikha. North of the cairn the boundary continues along the eastern watershed of the N'Maikha, or, in other words, the watershed of the streams which drain into the N'Maikha from the east. Its general direction is north-east up to latitude 26° longitude 98° 45', near which point the eastern watershed of the N'Maikha connects with the Salween watershed. Between the northernmost boundary cairn and this point the hill range which forms the eastern N'Maikha watershed is drained on the west by streams flowing into the Shingaw Kha, Tammu Kha, Chipwi Kha, and Ngaw-chaung Kha (tributaries of the N'Maikha), and on the east by streams flowing into the Lawnma Tanza Khas (tributaries of the Taping, the Chinese Tahaw), and streams further north flowing into the Shweli (the Chinese Lung Chiang) through its tributaries in the Tintang (or Tinhtang), Mienkawng (or Minkwang), Tatang (or Tahtang), and Sanjang (or Sanchiang) valleys.\n\nFurther north the eastern watershed of the N'Maikha connects with the western watershed of the Salween.\n\nWith the materials at my command I do not think I can give any fuller description than is contained in the above Report and \"Report on the Boundary\" submitted previously. A skeleton map, similar to the one submitted before, is forwarded with this Report. The boundary line north of the most northerly cairn is marked by a red line, and some additions in red ink have been made by me on the map to illustrate the Report more fully.\n\nIn conclusion, I would respectfully suggest that, as the Chinese are a people who seemingly do not recognize latitudes and longitudes, and frequently will not identify hills and lesser streams by the names known to us, it would be convenient, and leave no excuse for misunderstanding on their part, if the boundary north of the most northerly cairn be described as the watershed of all streams that drain into the N'Maikha from the east.\n\nInclosure 15 in No. 1.\n\nSir E. Satow to Government of India.\n\nPeking, November 28, 1900.\n\nI HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Lordship's despatch of the 14th June last, received the 24th instant, inclosing copy of a Secret despatch to Her Majesty's Secretary of State for India, regarding the exploration conducted during the past season up the valley of the N'Maikha and the boundary between Burmah and China in that region.\n\nIn paragraph 4 of the Secret despatch a recommendation is made that the Tsung-li Yamên should be pressed to execute at an early date a formal Agreement recognizing as the frontier between Burmah and China on the east of the Irrawaddy, from the demarcated frontier northwards, the watershed of the streams which drain off into the N'Maikha from the east.\n\nNo instructions on this point have as yet reached this Legation, your Lordship's Secret despatch having arrived in London after communication with Peking was cut off. The only recent mention of the boundary question was in Lord Salisbury's telegram No. 120 of the 9th October, approving the proposal contained in Sir Claude MacDonald's telegram No. 89 of the 31st May, which was repeated to your Lordship.\n\nThe occupation of Peking by the allied forces and the flight of the Government have given rise to a situation in which it seems difficult to pursue the negotiation about the boundary for the moment. The only Representatives here of the Emperor of China are the two Plenipotentiaries, Prince Ching and the Viceroy Li Hung Chang, who have been appointed to negotiate with the Representatives of the Plenipotentiaries for a resumption of amicable relations.\n\nAs soon as this much-to-be-desired event takes place, and the Chinese Government is established here, I shall, in the absence of instructions to the contrary, proceed to act upon the suggestion contained in your Lordship's Secret despatch.\n\n0\n\nSee Inclosure 10 in Secret despatch to the Secretary of State for India, dated June 14, 1900,\n\n52",
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    {
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        "page_number": 57,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "Majesty's Legation at Peking had made any representation on the subject. We have not overlooked the fact that the boundary laid down by Sir George Scott extends in parts beyond that shown on the map appended to the Agreement of 1897. The reasons for this divergence, however, are clearly stated in the report of Sir George Scott's operations on this portion of the frontier, and we agree with the Lieutenant-Governor in considering it desirable to secure a formal recognition of the boundary which we claim. That the apprehensions expressed in the penultimate paragraph of the Burmah letter are by no means imaginary is shown by the list of Chinese forts given at p. 43 of the Annual Report on the Administration of the Northern Shan States for the year 1902-1903. Of the posts* there mentioned, all except the first (Kawng-Hso) are on the British side of the boundary, and should be removed without delay. We accordingly commend Sir Hugh Barnes' proposals for the favourable consideration of His Majesty's Government.\n\n3. A later letter from the Burmah Government, of which copy is inclosed, gives cover to a report of a fight between Chinese and Was in the neighbourhood of the undemarcated frontier.\n\n4. A copy of this despatch, with inclosures, is under transmission to Sir E. Satow.\n\n(Confidential.)\n\nSir,\n\nWe have, &c. (Signed)\n\nCURZON.\n\nT. RALEIGH.\n\nE. F.-G. LAW.\n\nE. R. ELLES.\n\nA. T. ARUNDEL.\n\nDENZIL IBBETSON.\n\nGovernment of Burmah to Government of India.\n\nRangoon, September 4, 1903.\n\nI am directed to address you regarding that portion of the Burmah-Chinese frontier between the Namting River on the north and Nalawt on the south, which has not yet been finally demarcated in agreement with the Chinese. The position on this part of the border was discussed with Sir Ernest Satow during his recent visit to Rangoon.\n\n2. The existing state of affairs and the events that immediately led up to it may be summed up as follows:-\n\nIn the third season (1899-1900) of the operations of the Burmah-China Boundary Commission, the section of the frontier that remained for demarcation was the country between the confluence of the Nam Hsang with the Namting on the north and Pangsang-Nalawt on the Nam Hka to the south. After three cairns had been erected, which determined the spur up which the boundary should proceed from the Namting towards the Salween-Mekong watershed, the British and Chinese Commissioners failed to agree.\n\nThe latter maintained that the \"lofty mountain range called Kong-ming-shan,\" mentioned in Article 3 of the Agreement of the 4th February, 1897, was the hill known to us as Loi Mu, which is a peak and not a range, while the former declared it to be the Salween-Mekong watershed as is obviously the intention of Article 3 of the Agreement, and as is clearly shown in the map that is attached to it. The contention of the British Commissioner was also supported by the figures of latitude and longitude given in the text of the Agreement, but the Chinese Commissioners refused to accept these arguments, and advanced the counter-claim that the integrity of the Sawbwa-ships of Kengma, Mengtung, and Mengko which are left to China by the Agreement must be maintained. As regards these three States it was ascertained that Kengma does not touch the boundary at all. On the other hand, Mengko and Mengtung, which is subordinate to Mengko, undoubtedly possess small settlements in distant valleys within the Wa country on the British side of the frontier,\n\n  \n    Kawng-Hso, Yong Hkam, Mang Nawng, Long Kan, Pang Long, Kan Lan, Mong Hka, Tamlaolong, and Pupang six of these posts are marked on the inclosed map, the last two are believed to be in the unsurveyed blank area to the north of Mông Hka.\n  \n\nthe inhabitants of which act as middlemen in matters of trade with the Wa hillmen. But it was found impossible to exclude all these settlements from British territory by any boundary line that followed natural features or conformed to the line laid down by the Agreement, nor did they appear to be of much importance. Some compromises were, nevertheless, suggested by Sir George Scott both in the north and south, but they were refused by the Chinese Commissioners, who persistently declined to accept the map attached to the Agreement, and produced an inaccurate map of their own on which they professed to rely. The British Commissioner therefore adopted eventually the course which Sir Claude MacDonald foreshadowed in his despatch No. 187, dated the 15th September, 1898, and proceeded to ascertain the boundary single-handed. A single cairn (numbered 4) was erected to the south at a point where the frontier reaches the Nam Hka, and the line adopted between that point and the third cairn on the spur touching the Namting was drawn as nearly as possible in accordance with the Agreement of 1897, and was indicated on a map, and explained by a written description. Copies of both the map and the description were furnished to the Chinese Commissioners with the request that the local Chinese officials might be instructed to respect this frontier. The Chinese Commissioners declared, in reply, that cairn No. 4 had been destroyed, and they refused to accept the line indicated to them.\n\nAt the time that the Boundary Commission withdrew, Mengko, according to Sir George Scott, possessed a few villages inside the frontier; Mengtung had complete control of Mong Hsaw; Chinese miners were working silver mines on the Mong Hka hill; Mong Hka itself, on the upper waters of the Nam Hka, was held by a few Chinese soldiers, and a line of Chinese stockades stood on the Wa Pet Ken, or 'gold tract boundary, some in British territory, some in Chinese. There is no reason to suppose that this situation is in any way changed, and reports have been received in the Northern Shan States that the Chinese have recently had engagements with the Wa \"above Mong Hka,\" and near the sources of the Nam Hka, that is to say, well inside the British boundary.\n\nSince April 1900 no British officer has visited any portion of this border.\n\nA letter from Mr. Litton, dated the 18th May last, reports risings in the district of Chen Pien, and raids by the Wa above Mengtung on Kengma. The Chinese claim to have driven them back. The truth probably is that the Wa, having made their raid, retired to their hills, and that the subsequent attempt of the Chinese to punish them has resulted in the Chinese crossing the frontier. It may be regarded as certain that these encroachments will from time to time be repeated, and as we do not administer the Wa country we have no means locally of preventing them.\n\n3. In the despatch from His Majesty's Secretary of State for India, dated the 2nd November, 1900, it was decided that the provisional line of frontier, namely, either that indicated on the map attached to the Agreement of 1897, or any line on the British side of it which has been formally pointed out to the Chinese Government as the British frontier may be provisionally regarded as the frontier of British Burmah pending a final settlement of the matter.\n\nIt is understood from this despatch, and also from Sir W. Cunningham's letter, dated the 27th July, 1900, that on the particular part of the frontier now under consideration, namely, from the Namting to Nalawi, the line of border decided upon is that which, as described in the preceding paragraph, was ascertained and marked on a map by Mr. (now Sir G.) Scott and explained by him to the Chinese Commissioners. But although the Chinese officers on the Commission were plainly requested to respect this boundary, it does not appear that any communication has been made to the Chinese Government on the subject, and Sir Ernest Satow stated that he did not recollect that the matter had ever been brought to his notice, or that he had at any time received instructions to address the Chinese Government in regard to it. Satow was of opinion that he should now be instructed to explain the position fully to the Chinese Government, and to invite them to accept finally the line laid down by Sir George Scott which, as it will be easy to show, is in accordance with the Agreement of 1897.\n\nThe Lieutenant-Governor concurs in this recommendation. Although the line in question is not a very good line from an administrative point of view, in that it intersects the country of the Was,* nevertheless it represents all, or nearly all, that we are entitled to claim under the Agreement of 1897, and if it is accepted by the Chinese...\n\n* Vide Mr. Bayne's letter, dated June 23, 1900, paragraph 6.\n\nPage 55",
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        "id": 394747,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "page_number": 84,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\nSOUTH-WEST CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL,\n\nNo. 1.\n\n82\n\n[October 9.]\n\nSECTION 2.\n\n!\n\n(No. 300.) Sir,\n\nThe Marquess of Lansdowne to Sir E. Satow.\n\nForeign Office, October 9, 1903. WITH reference to Mr. Townley's telegram No. 160 of the 22nd June last and to previous correspondence respecting the question of the boundary between Burmah and China in the N'Maikha region, I transmit to you a copy of a letter from the India Office, recommending a proposal made by the Government of India, that a further communication on the subject should be addressed to the Chinese Government.\n\nIn accordance with the suggestions made in the telegram and despatch from the Chief Secretary to the Government of Burmah, dated the 24th July and the 10th August respectively, which form Inclosures 6 and 7 in the letter from the Government of India No. 128 of the 27th August, I request that you will intimate clearly to the Chinese Government that His Majesty's Government claim as their frontier in the N'Maikha region the watershed of all streams that drain into the N'Maikha from the East, and that they intend to regard the provisional boundary as the actual boundary between China and Burmah, unless and until a settlement is arrived at. You should also warn the Chinese Government that should this frontier not be respected and should armed parties be sent across it there will be a risk of their coming in contact with British forces.\n\nThe Secretary to the Government of Burmah points out that the provisional boundary is not merely \"the watershed between the N'Maikha and the Salween Rivers,\" the description used by Sir C. MacDonald in his note to the Tsung-li Yamên of the 28th July, 1898, and repeated in subsequent communications to the Chinese Government, but the watershed between the N'Maikha on the one side and the Salween and the Shweli on the other.\n\nThe inclosures to the letter from the India Office of the 17th April, 1901, which are referred to in the letter herein inclosed as containing a full description of the boundary claimed by the Government of India, were communicated to you by that Government in March 1901.\n\nI have to request you to instruct Mr. Litton to address to the Yunnan authorities a communication in similar terms to that which you will make to the Chinese Government on receipt of this despatch.\n\nI am, &c.\n\n(Signed)\n\nLANSDOWNE,\n\n* India Office. September 23, 1903.\n\n[2219 -2]",
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    {
        "id": 394753,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "page_number": 90,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "any territory on the west side of the watershed until twenty-one months after it had first been proposed to them as a boundary, and seventeen months after they had been distinctly warned of the danger of sending troops across it, thus by their silence leaving the Indian Government to infer that they accepted the proposal made in July 1898. The excuse that the 'maikha Valley is remote from Yunnan-fu, with which place Peking was in telegraphic communication, is without validity, as Mien-kawng-ai is only a week's journey from Teng-yüeh, and the latter also was connected with Yunnan-fu by telegraph.\n\nWith regard to the Hpare affair, our justification is complete, for the Sub-Prefect of Teng,yüeh had a full month's notice of the intended dispatch of the exploring party, and there cannot be much doubt that it was by instructions from him that the armed bodies of Chinese crossed the watershed and marched against the exploring party.\n\nI have the honour to inclose a Memorandum of the discussion which, in accordance with previous arrangement, I held on the 1st instant with his Excellency Na-t'ung on the question, in the course of which adduced reasons for which it was desirable that the Chinese Government should give an undertaking not to send troops across the watershed. I intimated also that if they declined, it would be my duty to make them an official declaration in the terms of my instructions.\n\nNa-t'ung replied that this was a question that could not be decided at Peking, and must be referred to the Governor-General of Yünnan. I said that I could not accept a reference to Yünnan, which would result in the same sort of delays of which His Majesty's Government had already had so much experience, and that I must either arrange the matter with the Foreign Board amicably or fall back upon my instructions, which were precise. I said that if the Chinese Government would give the desired undertaking in writing, I would move the Indian Government to consent to a Joint Commission for the purpose of inquiring into the alleged claim of China to Tzu-chu and Hpare, it being understood that an official from Peking would have to be deputed to act together with a Representative of the Yunnan Government. But I could not give an undertaking that British troops would not be sent into the N'maikha Valley, though I had good grounds for personally believing that the Indian Government had no such intention, It was agreed that he should acquaint Prince Ching with the conversation that had taken place, and that we should meet again in a few days.\n\nI had the honour to acquaint your Lordship briefly by telegraph on the 2nd instant with the step that I had taken and what I understood to be the Chinese view of the question.\n\nA copy of this despatch is being forwarded to the Government of India.\n\nI have, &c. (Signed) \n\nERNEST SATOW.\n\nInclosure in No. 1.\n\nMemorandum respecting the Burmah-Yünnan Boundary.\n\nSIR ERNEST SATOW, accompanied by Messrs. Cockburn and Wilkinson, called on his Excellency Na-t'ung at the Wai-wu Pu.\n\nMr. Ku was also present at the interview.\n\nSir Ernest said that his Excellency would recollect that at their last interview he had also referred to the Burmah-Yunnan Boundary question, and had asked his Excellency to look up the previous correspondence and the maps on the subject. He had brought a map with him which would make the position clear.\n\n(Sir Ernest here produced the map of \"Burmah and Adjacent Countries, 1901,\" with the watershed boundary marked in pencil.)\n\nThe history of the negotiations was as follows :-\n\nTwo Conventions, one in 1894 and one in 1897, had been made with special reference to the boundary question, and since then they had been trying to mark out the boundary. One portion had been delimited with the exception of a section south of Mengting. It was not, however, about this section that he wished to talk, but about the northern portion of the boundary, the demarcation of which was left in the Treaty for subsequent negotiation. Article IV of the Burmah Convention, 1894, read as follows:-\n\n\"It is agreed that the settlement and delimitation of that portion of the frontier which lies to the north of latitude 25° 35' north shall be reserved for a future understanding between the High Contracting Parties when the features and conditions of the country are more accurately known.\"\n\n(Sir Ernest then explained to his Excellency the position on the map, pointing out that the N'aikha is the main source of the Irrawaddy, and its valley a natural continuation of the province of Burmah.)\n\nNa-tung remarked that all the Chinese maps relating to the boundary question had been destroyed during the Boxer troubles.\n\nSir Ernest, continuing, said that it was implied in Article IV of the Boundary Convention that neither party was to take advantage of the other to strengthen its position, but in January 1898 a Chinese official with 200 troops had entered the territory north of the Myitkina district. Sir Claude asked, therefore, that orders should be sent to Yunnan to cease all attempts to exercise Chinese authority in the districts on the west of the range of mountains forming the watershed between the Salween and the N'maikha. This proposal was made over five years ago. Beyond acknowledging the note, the Yamên made no reply.\n\nIn November Sir Claude again addressed the Tsung-li Yamên, inquiring if orders had been sent to Yunnan, and pointing out the suitability, from every point of view, of the boundary suggested by him. He added that if Chinese troops crossed it they would come into collision with ours. As a mere acknowledgment of receipt was returned to this note, it was naturally assumed that China had no objection to the proposed frontier. In 1899 there was no correspondence on the subject.\n\nIn January 1900 notice was given to the Teng-yüeh Prefect by the Deputy Commissioner of Myitkina that an exploring party was to be sent from Burmah to visit the eastern portion of the N'maikha Valley, and asking that the people on the east side of the watershed might be told not to be alarmed,\n\nOn arrival, however, at Pailai (Hpare) the party found a detachment, several hundred strong, of Chinese troops intrenched who had been specially sent across the border to oppose them. A fight ensued, in which there were several casualties on both sides; the Chinese troops were driven back and their stockades burnt. Four days previously two members of the Boundary Commission who were engaged in demarcating the frontier further south had been killed, and a British Consular officer, Mr. Litton, seriously wounded.\n\nSir Claude at once protested against the action of the Chinese Government in sending troops to oppose the exploring party, although informed of its peaceable nature, and asked not to send troops across the boundary. Then, on the 25th March, 1900, some twenty months after Sir Claude's proposal that the watershed should be the provisional boundary, the Yamên replied, putting forward the pretension that China exercised control up to the bank of the Nimaikha River, and refusing to accept the frontier suggested by Sir Claude.\n\nNa-tung explained that Yünnan was a long way off, and no doubt the interval was spent in making inquiries.\n\nSir Ernest continued that, owing to the Boxer troubles and the pressure of other negotiations, it was only in September 1902 that he was able to return to the subject. He then wrote to the Wai-wu Pu again asking for the observance of the watershed as the boundary. As usual, the Yamen replied stating that they were calling for a report from Yunnan. Last March Mr. Townley also wrote to the Board pressing for an answer, for which His Majesty's Government was still waiting.\n\nNa-tung said that, with regard to the Pailai and Meng Tum incidents, as both sides had suffered, no more need be said about them. The important thing was to settle the question as the Treaty laid down, otherwise there would be further trouble. What had Sir Ernest to propose?\n\nSir Ernest replied that the geographical and natural boundary was as stated in his note, the range forming the watershed between the M'maikha stream and the Taping, Shweli, and Salween Rivers.\n\nNa-tung stated that the Yunnan Viceroy had reported that this range was 100 li within the present frontier. The country between the range and the N'maikha River was inhabited by native tribes whose Chiefs received their patents from China. It was impossible, therefore, for China to accept the range as the boundary, He would suggest, in view of the present friendly relations between the two countries, that both Governments depute thoroughly competent officers to delimit the frontier.\n\nSir Ernest feared that His Majesty's Government would not agree to this. Their other experience in this respect had been very unsatisfactory. Owing to the procrastination of the Chinese authorities, who refused to be bound by the wording of the\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91",
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    {
        "id": 394816,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "page_number": 153,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "SOUTH-WEST CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n1 10130 [February 13.]\n\nshemox 2 MAR 041\n\nSir,\n\nNo. 1.\n\nIndia Office to Foreign Office.-(Received February 13.)\n\nIndia Office, February 12, 1904.\n\n151\n\nI AM directed by Mr. Secretary Brodrick to forward, for the information of the Marquess of Lansdowne, copy of a letter from Mr. Glass, of the Peking Syndicate, and of the letter from Colonel Manifold referred to therein,* on the subject of railway development in the basin of the Yang-tsze River. I am also directed to forward copy of a despatch which has been addressed to the Government of India on the subject of Colonel Manifold's recommendations as to the construction of mule roads in Yunnan, and also a copy of an earlier despatch, dated the 18th December, 1903, on the subject of a railway survey of the country between the Salween and the Mekong.\n\nIt will be seen that Mr. Brodrick attaches importance to the suggestion made by Colonel Manifold for the construction of mule roads for the purposes of the present trade between Burmah and Yünuan, and he would suggest, for Lord Lansdowne's consideration, that a copy of Colonel Manifold's Memorandum should be sent to Mr. Consul Litton for his information, with copies of the despatches to the Government of India inclosed herewith.\n\nI have, &c. (Signed)\n\nInclosure 1 in No. 1.\n\nMr. Glass to Sir A. Godley.\n\nA. GODLEY.\n\n110, Cannon Street, London, E.C.,\n\nDecember 16, 1903.\n\nMy dear Sir Arthur Godley,\n\nCOLONEL MANIFOLD asked me to send you a copy of a letter he wrote to Mr. Ritchie on the subject of railways in Szechuan and the attitude of the French in respect to them.\n\nA loan was recently put out in Paris for the construction of the Chengting-Taiyuan-fu Railway, and from the map which accompanied it, I see that the intention is to carry the line from Taiyuan down the valley of the Fen River, past Tungkwan, described by Colonel Mark Bell as the Gate of Central Asia, to Sian-fu, the capital of Shensi. It would seem probable that the Russians--though Chenting-Taiyuan Railway is a Russian line--intend approaching Szechuan from Sian-fu, and if so there will be the French from Yüunan and the Russians from Sian-fu endeavouring to get control in Szechuan and keep out British trade. Manifold's suggestion that British railways should be started in Szechuan--that is, say, a local line from Chentu to Chingking on the Yang-tsze--seems to me one that early action should be taken on.\n\nBelieve, &c. (Signed) J. H. GLASS.\n\nInclosure 2 in No. 1.\n\nMr. Brodrick to the Government of India.\n\nMy Lord,\n\nIndia Office, February 12, 1904.\n\nIN continuation of my despatch dated the 18th December, 1903, on the subject of the survey of the country between the Salween and the Mekong, I forward, for the information of your Excellency's Government, copy of a Memorandum by Lieutenant-Colonel C. C. Manifold,* discussing the development by railways of the Szechuan basin, and the steps which can be taken in that province, and in Yüunan, to prevent British enterprise being forestalled by the action of other countries.\n\n* For inclosure, see Colonel Manifold's Report, printed separately.",
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    {
        "id": 394817,
        "series_id": 27,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "page_number": 154,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "My Lord,\n\n2. The construction of railways in Szechuan and the adjoining territory to the south of the Yang-tsze is not a question in which Indian interests are directly concerned. I would, however, call the attention of your Excellency's Government to the risk that British rights may be jeopardized. The field left open to others may be monopolized to the detriment of the interests of Burmah, whether commercial or political. I need not remind your Excellency of the injury to the revenues of the ports in British Somaliland which has resulted from the exclusive privileges acquired by another nation for contracting railways into Abyssinia from the coast. To avoid a similar risk in Yunnan, the Chinese authorities have, I understand, accepted the services of a British officer for the purpose of constructing the extension of the cart and mule road, which you have made from Bhamo to the Chinese frontier, onwards to Momein. I suggest for your consideration the expediency of inducing them to continue the track to Tali, with such professional aid as you can give them. The railway surveys, which I have urged you to undertake from the Salween into Yunnan, may afford you an opportunity of improving in a similar manner the tracks followed by the trade in that direction.\n\nI anticipate that a well-organized party working for a single season, at the most two seasons, would obtain the required information at a comparatively small cost, and I request that you will supply me with an estimate as soon as possible.\n\n3. A copy of a letter to the Foreign Office on the subject is inclosed.*\n\nshall then be in a position to address the Foreign Office with a view to the necessary communications being addressed to the Chinese Government.\n\n(Signed) ST. JOHN BRODRICK\n\nI have, &c.\n\nInclosure 3 in No. 1.\n\nMr. Brodrick to Government of India.\n\n4. As regards a line from Bhamo to Momein, I have no doubt that it would increase the traffic by this route very greatly, not only by cheapening freights, but by rendering it more difficult for the Chinese to levy illegal taxes on the traders, which they appear to have been doing up to a recent date, and even within the British boundary. It is possible that a railway from Bhamo to Momein may never be more than a local line, if it is the case that an advance beyond Momein is impracticable. I understand that the Government of Burmah has already constructed a cart road on this route within British territory, and has lent to the Chinese authorities at Momein an officer of the Public Works Department to make the section within Chinese territory.\n\nIndia Office, December 18, 1903.\n\nI HAVE considered in Council your Government's despatch dated the 19th March 1903, in which you reply to my letter dated the 16th January, 1903. I requested your Excellency to take the necessary steps for a more thorough survey of the districts lying between the country now traversed by railways in Burmah and the frontier of China.\n\nMy Lord,\n\n2. The Burmah railways may be held to terminate at present at three points: - (1.) Myit-Kyina on the right bank of the Upper Irrawaddy, near the northern frontier of Burmah; (2.) Lashio, in the Northern Shan States, distant about 80 miles from Kunlon, on the Salween; and (3.) Katha, about 70 miles south-west of Bhamo, on the right bank of the Irrawaddy, connected with Bhamo by the steamers of the Irrawaddy Flotilla Company.\n\nAs to (1), you explain that you are satisfied that the country between Myit-Kyina and the frontier to the east or south-east is of a nature that does not permit of railway construction. As to (2), Lashio, you remind me that I have agreed to stay any further advance of the line from that point to the Salween, and you assure me that the information already before your Government is sufficient to determine the best alignment, if it be decided to go forward. As to (3), you are of opinion that, if the line were made from Bhamo to Momein, an advance beyond Momein has been proved to be impracticable.\n\n3. It may be accepted, therefore, that the most probable terminus of a Burmese railway, to be extended into China, would be some station on the Salween near Kunlong. It appears that the alignment for the section from Lashio to that terminus can be settled by the plans already available. Further surveys are, accordingly, required only for the continuance of the line in Yunnan. The immediate question is whether a thoroughly competent party of British engineers should now be detailed to examine the country beyond the border, and so enable a judgment to be formed as to the best alignment.\n\nIn your letter dated the 19th March last, your Excellency in Council stated that you awaited a clearer indication of my wishes as to the nature and locality of the suggested survey. I do not at present contemplate the immediate construction of a line in Yunnan to connect with the Burmese system, nor do I contemplate the application of the revenues of India to such a project. But the Government is aware that French enterprise is taking an active part in preparing for the extension of French railways into that province of China, and the Chinese Government has recognized the principle that British enterprise should receive equal treatment in the matter of Concessions. It may be that fuller information will not induce British capital to avail itself of the privileges now reserved to it, but if the idea prevails that your Government and British capitalists are indifferent to their potential rights, those rights may be jeopardized.\n\nThe matter may be commended to the consideration of the Lieutenant-Governor of Burmah, for, apart from trade considerations, the reasons for establishing our influence as paramount at Momein are, in my opinion, not to be lightly set aside.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n(Signed) ST. JOHN BRODRICK.",
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    {
        "id": 394823,
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        "document_key": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "page_number": 160,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "round the spur to the north of Tengyüeh town would, I understand, bring the railway into the Shweli Valley, down which it might run to Namkhan. This, it is true, would only help it forward one stage towards Yungchang, and would leave the formidable watershed of the Shweli-Salween basins to be negotiated. Beyond this, again, lies the still more formidable watershed of the Salween-Mekong. This last, once crossed, the road to Hsia-Kuan is comparatively simple. What, however, has never, as far as I am aware, been noted in this connection is the fact that, although these watersheds run at right angles to the line of advance, they are provided with many lateral valleys that should facilitate this advance. Advantage has, indeed, been taken of these lateral valleys to form the Chinese high road, but not such complete advantage as a modern engineer would take, provided with high explosives and compressed air drills,\n\nNo specialist in mountain railway building has, I believe, reported on the country between Tengyüeh and Yangpi.\n\nWhile for these reasons I would not unreservedly acknowledge, with Mr. Litton, that \"any extension of a line beyond Tengyüeh towards Yungchang is quite hopeless,\" I am prepared to admit that it would be exceedingly expensive, so expensive that, if we are to make an effort to retain the trade of Tali and our influence in its neighbourhood, we should see first if we cannot find an easier, and therefore cheaper, approach.\n\nSuch approach is believed to have been found in the projected extension of the Lashio line through Yün Chou to Mitu. If this belief is justified, then, as far as questions of rivalry with the French are concerned, we should not dissipate our energies by building a railway from Bhamo to Tengyüeh, but should seek to complete the Lashio-Kunlong line, and to continue it to Tali, if not to Yunnan Fu.\n\nThere is another and a greater reason for preferring any section of the proposed Kunlong ferry line to a mere local railway to Tengyüeh—always assuming the practicability of indefinitely extending the former. Just as the Russians have succeeded in constructing a trans-Asiatic railway in the north, so is it certain that others will eventually succeed in constructing its rival of the south. From the Bosphorus, down the Euphrates Valley, across Persia, Beluchistan, India, Burmah, the Great Southern Railway of Asia must some time be made; and we ought to look forward to that time and subordinate, as far as possible, all minor schemes to the one trunk line. I do not, of course, mean to say that we should in the meanwhile build no railway that will not fall in with this line; but only that when we have, as here, a choice of routes of penetration eastward into Yünnan from Burmah, we should attach greater importance to the route that will eventually form part of the grand trunk road. This brings me back to the question whether the Lashio-Kunlong-Mitu route is on the proper line of the trunk road, and whether that route has been proved to be practicable.\n\nA glance at the map will sufficiently answer the former question; if Mandalay is to be on the trunk road, then a straight line drawn thence through Kuniong and Yün Chou would, if extended, pass through Yunnan Fu and thence to Hankow. The real crux is the question of practicability. Now when, in the interests of the Yunnan Company, the late Lieutenant Watts-Jones surveyed the Nam-ting Valley, he did so with fair thoroughness, and established the possibility of building a railway to Yün Chou. From Mitu, again, on the other side of the Mekong, there remains no doubt that the railway can be carried on to Yunnan Fu, with, I should repeat, a branch to Tali. It is the hundred miles or so between Yün Chou and Mitu, and in particular the passage of the Mekong, that call for more careful examination. Lieutenant Watts-Jones admittedly scamped the passage of the Mekong; nor were, I understand, the surveys of Captain (now Major) Davies other than \"flying.\"\n\nI would, then, put in the first front of measures to be taken to meet the situation created by the advance of French influence, the mission of an engineer who has had experience in mountain railway building, to examine in detail the country between Yün Chou and Mitu, and to settle authoritatively, once for all, the question whether a railway can be constructed between those points. I should be prepared, with my Minister's permission, to accompany such engineer who, I would suggest, might come by way of Tonquin, along the course of the French line, to Yunnan Fu. He should arrive at Laokai by the beginning of November.\n\nIf he decided that the railway is practicable, then I would urge that its construction should be our first care. Tali Fu once attained, Yungchang and Tengyüeh would necessarily fall within our sphere of influence, whereas a mere advance to Tengyüeh would not secure for us the trade of Tali when the French line has reached Yunnan Fu.\n\nI must not be understood to maintain that it is the duty of India alone to continue the Lashio line beyond the borders of the Indian Empire. Mr. Litton is quite right in describing this as an \"Imperial scheme.\" At the same time it is India that will be\n\nprimarily affected by the growth of French influence and trade in Yünnan. Of the influence I need not speak; as regards trade it is obvious that the French Government and the French Railway Company will, very properly, endeavour to replace British and Indian goods in Yünnan by those of French provenance. I need only instance cotton where the Tonquin mills will be encouraged to compete against those of Bombay. India might, therefore, I submit, fairly enough be asked to again send an officer, on this occasion a railway engineer, to examine the country between Mitu and Yün Chou.\n\nI have permitted myself to traverse at some length Mr. Litton's contention that in discussing the question of relations between Burmah and Yunnan, anything beyond a mere reference to the \"proposed railway extension via Kunlong would appear to be irrelevant.\"\n\nTo my mind the whole future of those relations turns largely round this extension. I will not now, however, do more than emphasize a point which appears never to have occurred to Mr. Litton, namely, that the true objective of the extension from Kunlong should not be Szechuan—that is, very literally, a side issue—but Shanghae.\n\nIf Mr. Litton had been content to regard this question of constructing a railway from Bhamo to Tengyüeh as a matter of local importance, and not, as he has done, as a question of Yunnan politics, I could have gone the whole way with him. I entirely agree as to the desirability on commercial grounds of building a light railway (I would suggest a mono-rail) from Bhamo to Tengyüeh, and, with Mr. Litton, I believe that it would pay. To the advantages which he enumerates I would add that such a railway would greatly facilitate the scheme for the refund of transit duty on British goods sent into Yunnan via Rangoon and Bhamo, as it would make it possible to convey those goods in their original packages intact to Tengyüeh. It would, again, make it easy for any one in the employ of the Indian Government, who might desire to avail himself of the short language leave for the lower course in Chinese, to proceed to Tengyüeh for that purpose; while it would shorten by more than a week the journey to Yunnan Fu of those who proposed to follow here the higher course.\n\nIt is only when the Bhamo-Tengyüeh Railway is advocated as an effectual counter to French movements, and as a preferable alternative to the Kunlong extension, that I find myself at variance with Mr. Litton.\n\nHis proposal, however, for the immediate negotiation with the Chinese authorities of a continuation from Lungchang to Tengyüeh of the mule road at present under repair by the engineers of your Government, I cannot altogether indorse. I think we should wait until the section now being constructed is finished. In the Agreement with the Taot'ai of the I-hsi it was stated (§ 7) that \"when the construction of this road\" [Kulikha to Lungchang] \"is complete the engineers will return home, and thoroughfares elsewhere that require repair shall be duly considered by the Road Improvements Committee.\n\nThe local officials will engage workmen to undertake the repairs, and the Burmah Government will not intervene.\" If within so short a time of the signature of this Agreement we were to move for the further intervention of the Burmah Government, we could hardly fail to arouse suspicion. If, on the other hand, we wait until the section now being repaired is complete, we should be able to point to the manifest advantages of this last, and to suggest its continuation in the interests of the Chinese themselves.\n\nFurthermore, if the Government of Burmah were to offer, as Mr. Litton proposes, to construct this mule road at its own expense, I think that here again we should be suspected, et dona ferentes. Disinterested kindness the Mandarins would not believe in, and they would not understand how expenditure on a mule road in a neighbouring country would be \"a good investment\" for a Government that had no territorial designs upon it.\n\nIn the case of a railway the matter would present itself otherwise: for here we should have the precedent of the French line. The Chinese Government may have entertained suspicions of the real motives of the French in pressing for this Concession; they may, indeed, still entertain them. But the fact remains that the Concession has been granted; and as such a Concession has been granted to the French, it would appear only natural that the British should ask for, and obtain, one similar. Any British Company that would be prepared to accept like terms with the French, should have little difficulty in coming to an agreement at Yunnan Fu for the construction of a railway from Bhamo to Tengyüeh. What those terms are you will have seen from the copy inclosed in my immediately preceding despatch.\n\nThe third question raised in Mr. Litton's Memorandum is the vexed one of the rescission of the Rule forbidding the transit of Yunnan opium across Burmah. I admit the force of Mr. Litton's arguments, and I am inclined to agree with him that in this\n\nPage 158",
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        "id": 394824,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "page_number": 161,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "The Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\n4\n\nMatter sentimental objections have more justification than fiscal forebodings. I doubt if Yunnan opium, conveyed viâ Burmah to Canton, would be much more serious rival to the Patna and Malwa drug than is now the same opium conveyed thither viâ Kuangsi. But I think that the suggestion to relax the rule should come from the other side; and, for obvious reasons, this suggestion should be cast in general terms, and should be, so to speak, for value received. To put it plainly, I would have the Yunnan Government (moved thereto by the Commissioner of Customs at Tengyüeh) propose to the Burmah Government that, in exchange for permission to import salt into Yunnan (or into Yungchang Prefecture) the Burmah Government should agree to allow all Yünnan products (except copper cash) to pass through Burmah to Kuangtung on payment of a transit charge of, let us say, one-eighth of the export duty.\n\nI fear, however, that on trial it would be found that the objections of the Yunnan Government to such a proposal are not less deeply rooted than any on the British side of the frontier.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n(Signed)\n\nW. H. WILKINSON,\n\nSOUTH-WEST CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\nNo. 1.\n\n159\n\n[May 9.]\n\nSECTION 4.\n\nSir E. Satow to the Marquess of Lansdowne.-(Received May 9.) (No. 86.)\n\nPeking, March 14, 1904.\n\nMy Lord,\n\nIN continuation of my despatch No. 43 of the 3rd February, I have the honour to transmit a translation of the note which I have received from Prince Ching in reply to mine of the 30th January, with reference to the proposed boundary between Burmah and China north of latitude 25° 35'.\n\nCopies of this reply are also being sent to the Indian Government and to the Lieutenant-Governor of Burmah under flying seal for His Majesty's Consul-General at Yunnan-fu.\n\nI have, &c. (Signed)\n\nERNEST SATOW,\n\nYour Excellency,\n\nInclosure in No. 1.\n\nPrince Ching to Sir E. Satow.\n\nMarch 11, 1904.\n\nON the 30th January the Board had the honour to receive your note to the effect that by Article IV of the Burmah Convention of 1894, which remained unchanged by the Convention of 1897, the portion of the Burmah-Yünnan frontier which lies to the north of latitude 25° 35′ north was reserved for a future understanding, when the features and conditions of the country were more accurately known; that on the 28th July, 1898, Sir Claude MacDonald addressed a note to the Tsung-li Yamen inviting them to issue orders that no attempt was to be made to exercise Chinese authority on the west of the range forming the watershed between the NMaikha and Salween Rivers; that the Yamen had replied that the note had been sent to Yüunan; that no objection was expressed at the time or during the whole of the following year; that since 1900 the region in question had been more carefully examined by British officers, the result being to show the watershed of all streams that drain into the N Maikha, or Little River, from the east is the most satisfactory and most easily recognizable natural boundary; that this boundary, which has been treated as a provisional boundary hitherto, your Excellency is instructed by His Majesty's Government to inform the Chinese Government that they intend henceforth to regard as the actual boundary between China and Burmah unless and until a settlement is reached, and that if this frontier be not respected, and armed forces be sent across it from the Yunnan side, there will be risk of their coming into collision with British troops.\n\nYour Excellency added that you were instructing His Majesty's Consul-General in Yunnan to make a similar communication to the Viceroy of Yunnan, and that, in view of the fact that the authorities of that province had for a year and a half no objection to make to a frontier almost identical with that now indicated, they ought to find no great difficulty in acquiescing in the present arrangement.\n\nThe Board communicated this to the Viceroy of Yunnan by telegraph, asking him to make inquiry and send a Report, and his reply has now been received.\n\nHe states that, as regards Sir C. MacDonald's note of 1898, with regard to Chinese officials taking troops into territory north of the N'Maikha River, repeated investigations made in obedience to instructions failed to show any river of the name of N'Maikha. When subsequently, in 1900, the British troops crossed the frontier and \"burnt and slew\" the border camps at Tzuchu and Hpare, the Sub-Prefect of Tengyueh, Yang Chun, taking the maps and records of the native Chiefs, went to meet the two British Prefects of Bhamo and Mijitkina and Mr. Taw, and produced evidence that in the locality in question the foot of the mountains was the parting of the waters of the Small River and the Ching River, and that there was no flowing into the Lu Chiang, as was known to the British.\n\nThe fact that no objection was expressed in 1898 must not be taken as tacit consent.\n\n[1980 -4]",
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    {
        "id": 395259,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "page_number": 596,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "2\n\nMinister for France at Peking and the Wai-wa Pu. Practically, however, it could be demanded to-morrow, and would, in all probability, be assented to by the Chinese Government, central and provincial, before we could effectively protest against it, even possibly before the fact of the demand had come to our knowledge.\n\nThe Anglo-French Agreement of the 15th January, 1896, by which England and France are reciprocally forbidden to gain any exclusive advantage, privilege, or monopoly of any sort in the Provinces of Yunnan and Szechuan, “seems to have been interpreted by France as only to be used for the purposes of obstructing any British application for commercial development by British Companies.\" (\"Military Report on Szechuan,\" p. 85.) It would certainly not be considered by the French as giving us a right to protest against the extension of their railway from Yunnan-fu to Tali.\n\nIf it be objected that it would at any rate prevent the French from protesting against the construction of a British line from Tali to Yunnan-fu, I would reply that there is no room there for rival lines. It is almost certain, indeed, that there is physically no room. If the railway follows the high road, as it probably must, there is at least one section where the construction of a double line would be all but impossible. I refer to the \"narrow valley between Ta-shao Tang and Ying-wu Kuan on the stage between Tien-shen Tang and Sha-chiao (route 70, stage 8\" Military Report on Yunnan, p. 179).\n\nI feel then, that it is of the utmost importance that we should forestall the French in securing the concession for the Tali-Yunnan-fu Railway. I am not advocating the immediate construction of this line; development could wait, if necessary, for many years.\n\nThe concession for a railway from the frontier of Tonquin to Yunnan-fu was made in the first instance to the French Government, by whom it was subsequently transferred to the \"Compagnie Française des Chemins de fer de l'Indo-Chine et du Yünnan.\" His Majesty's Government would therefore have an inexpugnable precedent should they decide to make a similar demand for a line from the frontier of Burma to this city.\n\nIn July 1898 the Yunnan Company (Limited) (a British Corporation) wrote to the Foreign Office stating that the Company had been formed \"for the purpose, among others, of surveying and, if found practicable, afterwards arranging for the construction of a road or railway and telegraph line from the terminus of the Burma railways at Kunlong, or wherever on the frontier the terminus may be located, through Yunnan and Szechuan to the Yang-tsze,\" and asking for \"assistance in getting a concession from the Chinese Government for the purpose.\" The Yunnan Company has not, I understand, been dissolved; and if it be considered inexpedient that His Majesty's Government should, as the French Government did, demand a Railway Concession for themselves, it is not improbable that the Yunnan Company would, if encouraged to do so, renew their application.\n\nI would again respectfully urge that no time should be lost in securing this concession, which, once secured, we can develop at our leisure. It might be that on a more careful survey of the ground it would be seen that the physical obstacles to a railway from Kunlong to Yunnan-fu are insurmountable; in that case we should have lost nothing but the cost of the survey. But if the survey showed, as it probably would, that the obstacles are surmountable, what benefit would that be to us if the French had already obtained rights over the eastern part of the line?\n\nIn short, I cannot but regard the acquisition of this concession as a necessary preliminary to the \"detailed examination of the country between the Salween and Mekong,\" advocated by Mr. Brodrick in his despatch to the Indian Government of the 18th December last (inclosed in your despatch No. 4 of the 7th April). Except that I would venture to substitute \"will\" for \"may,\" I cannot put the danger more forcibly forward than it has been put by the Secretary of State for India in this same despatch:\n\n\"If the idea prevails that the Indian Government and British capitalists are indifferent to their potential rights, those rights may be jeopardized. The field left open to others may be monopolized to the detriment of the interests of Burma, whether commercial or political.”\n\nI have, &c.\n\n(Signed) W. H. WILKINSON.\n\nThis Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.\n\nSOUTH-WEST CHINA,\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\nNo. 1.\n\n[October 10.]\n\nSECTION 1.\n\n593\n\nSir E. Satow to the Marquess of Lansdowne.---(Received October 10.)\n\n(No. 313.) My Lord,\n\nPeking. August 24, 1904. IN continuation of my despatch No. 293 of the 13th instant, I have the honour to transmit to your Lordship herewith a copy of a further despatch which I have received from the British Acting Consul at Wuchow, on the subject of the disturbances in the Province of Kuangsi.\n\nI have, &c. (Signed)\n\nERNEST SATOW.\n\nInclosure in No. 1.\n\nActing Consul Fox to Sir E. Satow.\n\n(No. 15.) Sir,\n\nWuchow, August 2, 1904. IN continuation of my despatch No. 14 of the 25th ultimo, I have the honour to report that the Viceroy, travelling via Newchwang, Yungan, and Pinglo, arrived at Kueilin on the night of Sunday, the 31st ultimo. No telegraphic news has been received from the disturbed districts during the last week, but from a letter written by the Rev. Lewis Byrde at Kueilin on 16th ultimo, I learn that all immediate danger of the rebels attacking the capital has passed. Refugees from the surrounding country, who had flocked into the city in large numbers, had begun to return to their homes, popular fears having been allayed by the arrival of troops from Hunan and the news of the Viceroy's coming. The rebels were still said to be in the occupation of the Yung Ning and Yi Ning districts, but they had no competent leaders, and were incapable of offering any organized resistance to the Imperial troops, once the latter were able to attack in force.\n\nFrom Kuichow I hear that attempts by various large bands of brigands to retreat into that province have been frustrated by the energetic action of the Governor, Li Ching-hsi, who has drawn a cordon of troops along the Kuangsi border. Li Ching-hsi, who is Governor designate of Kuangsi, left Kueiyang en route for Shanghai via Hunan on the 20th ultimo. He will, it is reported, come south by sea, and proceed up the West River, probably as far as Nanning.\n\n(2216 -1)\n\n(Signed)\n\nI have, &c.\n\nHARRY H. FOX.",
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    {
        "id": 395361,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "page_number": 698,
        "title": "CO129-326 - Foreign Office - 1904",
        "content_text": "The paragraph admits that the trade \"will be inevitably diverted to Yunnan-fu if the French railway reaches this city, and nothing is done on our side to counteract its attraction.\" It is argued, however, that, as \"Hsiakuan is approximately midway between Bhamo and Yunnan-fu, if a railway is made to T'engyueh, the route through British territory must retain its superiority, since T'engyueh is nearer to Hsiakuan than (is Hsiakuan) to Yünnan-fu.\" But it is hardly correct to place Hsiakuan midway between Bhamo and Yunnan-fu as matters now stand, since there are twenty stages from Bhamo to Hsiakuan, and only thirteen from Hsiakuan to Yünnan-fu. Hsiakuan is, for a mule caravan, as nearly as possible half-way, in point of time, between T'engyueh (not Bhamo) and Yunnan-fu; a railway, therefore, from Bhamo to T'engyueh would, if this were all, be, what Mr. Litton calls it, \"commercially an almost complete answer to the French line\" from Laokai to the capital.\n\nBut this is not all. Mr. Litton, in the same paper, declares that \"any prolongation of a line beyond T'engyueh towards Yungchang is quite hopeless\"; whereas he would readily admit that the prolongation of a line beyond Yunnan-fu towards Tali is entirely practicable. What is more, the French contemplate such prolongation towards Tali; and as soon as they hear that we are proposing to move on Tengyueh they will, I cannot doubt, hasten to secure it.\n\nSo far, then, from the railway to T'engyueh \"placing us on more than an equality with the French in the struggle\" for the commercial command of Tali, the commencement of that railway would be the signal for a French advance on Tali itself. This we can prevent by forestalling them in the demand for the Tali-Yunnan-fu Concession; but, as far as I can see, in no other way.\n\nCommercial command, moreover, is only one element in the problem before us. We have to consider our approaches to the Upper Yang-tsze—in other words, the connection between India and Ssuchuan: and we may have to safeguard interests in South-Eastern Thibet. The key in both cases is, as before, Tali. A French railway from Tonquin to Tali might cause us grave embarrassment, even if we had already connected Tali by rail with Burmah. A French railway to Tali while our lines stop short at T'engyueh and Lashio, would effectually cut off India from Ssuchuan and close one door into Thibet.\n\nThe policy, then, that I would again venture to urge is: Let a demand be, at once and first of all, made of the Chinese Government (either on behalf of the Indian Government or of some British Company) for the concession of a railway from Burmah via Tali to Yünnan-fu. That demand granted, and it cannot well be refused, let us then—but not before—arrange for the local line to Tengyueh. Both concessions obtained, we may at once complete the local line; while for the railway we content ourselves for the present with that \"examination of the country between the Salween and the Mekong (or rather, from the Salween across the Mekong) suggested by the Secretary of State.\n\nThis examination should not, if I may be permitted to say so, be a rough survey, but, as Mr. Brodrick proposed, an exhaustive exploration by a thoroughly competent party of British engineers, to enable a judgment to be formed of the best alignment.\" We should then at last be in a position to decide whether a Kunlong-Tali Railway is too large a scheme for any prudent Company to undertake. At the same time it should not be forgotten that considerations of expense and difficulty were not allowed to stand in the way of the rival scheme from Laokai to Yunnan-fu, and that if we are to engage successfully in a struggle with France for trade and influence in Yünnan, we, too, must not grudge the cost.\n\nWhat I now advocate, however, is not a policy of adventure, but a measure of imperative precaution. I do not suggest a heavy draft on the Indian revenues, or immediate expenditure from any quarter; but merely to claim, without loss of time, from China a concession which need cost us nothing except the moderate expenses of a survey, and which, if the survey proves it to be impracticable, we can at any time abandon without loss of prestige.\n\n[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\nPage 53\n\n# SOUTH-WEST CHINA,\n\n## CONFIDENTIAL.\n\n### No. 1.\n\n## Foreign Office to India Office.\n\n694\n\n[November 23.]\n\n### SECTION 1.\n\nSir,\n\nForeign Office, November 23, 1904. WITH reference to your letter of the 6th August last, I am directed by the Marquess of Lansdowne to transmit to you herewith, for the observations of the Secretary of State for India, a copy of a telegram from His Majesty's Minister at Peking relative to the delimitation of the Burmah-Yunnan frontier.*\n\nIn accordance with the suggestion contained in the penultimate paragraph of your letter, Sir E. Satow informed the Chinese Government that in order to secure a friendly settlement of the question His Majesty's Government are willing to send officers who would accompany Representatives sent by the Chinese Government for the purpose from the eastern side of the frontier, and point out to them the true position of affairs.\n\nSir E. Satow calls attention to the terms of the reply of the Chinese Government, who appear to understand that the officers on both sides will be on the same footing in conducting the boundary inquiry and to believe that those officers should be regarded as forming a Joint Commission appointed to examine the proposed boundary line.\n\nAs stated in his telegram, His Majesty's Minister nevertheless believes that there would be no harm in accepting this arrangement.\n\nLord Lansdowne would be glad to be favoured with an expression of the views of Mr. Secretary Brodrick on the subject.\n\nI am,\n\n[2269 -1]\n\n(Signed)\n\nF. A. CAMPBELL.\n\n* Sir E. Satow, No. 249, Telegraphic, November 19, 1904.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n(Signed)\n\nW. H. WILKINSON.",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-330 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "page_number": 341,
        "title": "CO129-330 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "## Inclosure 2 in No. 1\n### Liverpool Chamber of Commerce to India Office\nLiverpool, May 28, 1904\n\nI AM directed by the Committee of the East India and China Trade Section to refer to your letter of the 14th December, 1903, on the subject of the extension of the Mandalay Kunlon Railway, and to ask what has been the result of the consultation of the Secretary of State for India in Council with the Government of India respecting the whole question of railway communication between Burmah and China.\n\nThe Committee have had again under their consideration the subject of the construction of a light railway from Bhamo to Momein, recommended by them in their letter dated the 25th February, 1903, of which I inclose a copy.\n\nI am to express the hope of the Committee that steps have been taken in the direction desired.\n\nSir,\nI am, &c.\n(Signed) THOMAS W. BARKER, Secretary.\n\n## Inclosure 3 in No. 1\n### India Office to Liverpool Chamber of Commerce\nIndia Office, September 2, 1904\n\nI AM directed by the Secretary of State for India in Council to refer to your letter of the 28th May last, the reply to which has been delayed pending the consideration of the views of the Government of India on the question of railway communication between Burmah and China.\n\nThe Government of India are still in consultation with the Burmah Government in regard to the project for a railway between Bhamo and Momein, and steps have, meanwhile, been taken to improve the roads between these places.\n\nIn regard to the larger schemes for a railway from Burmah through Yünnan to Szechuan, the Government of India have furnished an estimate of the cost of surveying the portion of the route between the Salween and the Mekong, and this estimate, which amounts to 1,50,000 rupees, has been communicated to the Foreign Office. The Government of India, however, are not willing to throw this expenditure on the Indian revenues, and the Secretary of State in Council, in these circumstances, cannot proceed with the survey.\n\nI am, &c.\n(Signed) HORACE WALPOLE\n\n## Inclosure 4 in No. 1\n### Government of India to Mr. Brodrick\nSimla, October 27, 1904\n\n334\n\nSir,\n\nIn your despatch dated the 18th December, 1903, we were asked to furnish an estimate of the cost of examining the country between the Salween and Mekong Rivers, in order that you might be prepared with information for any British Company or Syndicate that might desire to undertake the construction of a railway into Yünnan. At the same time the proposal to make a railway from Bhamo to Momein (Têngyüeh) was commended to the consideration of the Lieutenant-Governor of Burmah.\n\n2. With reference to the proposal to examine the country between the Salween and Mekong Rivers, we informed you in our telegram dated the 4th May, 1904, that a survey would cost at least 1,50,000 rupees, and that we deprecated the expenditure of this sum from Indian funds, as, from information already in our possession, the cost of construction is known to be prohibitive. For the sum named we believe that the country could be fairly well examined, but if a detailed location for the railway is required, the cost would be at least 3,00,000 rupees. The distance from the Salween to the Mekong by the Nam-Ting Valley, which we believe to be the only practicable route, is quite 160 miles; and the cost, based on the cost of surveys already made, and allowing for the necessary escorts and the carriage of stores, &c., would probably be about 2,000 rupees a mile.\n\n3. We note with satisfaction that it is not contemplated to apply the revenues of India to the construction of such a line, and therefore that we shall not be called upon to bear any portion of the cost of the survey, and we await further orders from you before taking any steps to put it in hand. We have, moreover, no staff available at present for undertaking it.\n\n4. The question of a railway from Bhamo to Momein (Têngyüeh) was referred to the Government of Burmah, and we inclose a copy of that Government's letter dated the 29th June, 1904, and inclosures. It will be noticed that neither Mr. Wilkinson, His Britannic Majesty's Consul-General at Yünnan-fu, nor Mr. Warry, the adviser on Chinese affairs to the Burmah Government, considers that a railway is required; while Mr. Litton, His Britannic Majesty's Consul at Momein (Têngyüeh), strongly advocates the construction of the line, and in this is supported by the Lieutenant-Governor of Burmah, who recommends that the survey should be undertaken as soon as possible.\n\n5. In paragraph 6 of the letter from the Government of Burmah it is estimated that the cost of the railway on the 2 ft. 6 in. gauge will be between 107 and 188 lakhs of rupees, and that the gross earnings, upon the information furnished by Mr. Litton, might at first amount to 5,35,000 rupees. This, with working expenses at 75 per cent., would return only 1.24 and 0.71 per cent., respectively on the estimated capital outlay. Even with the gross receipts ultimately enhanced to double the amount the railway would not prove remunerative, and it is therefore improbable that either the Burmah Railways Company or the Irrawaddy Flotilla Company could be induced to join in carrying out such a scheme without a guarantee from Government. Sir Hugh Barnes, however, suggests that, if the money is found by the Imperial Government, it is probable that the Burmah Railways Company would be willing to undertake to construct the line on terms which would involve them in no pecuniary responsibility.\n\n6. While, however, there are in India and in Burmah many productive projects which demand our attention, and which cannot be undertaken for want of funds, we trust you will agree that the question of the construction of the line from Bhamo to Momein, under any arrangement which would impose the entire pecuniary liability on the Government of India, should not in present circumstances be entertained. We therefore think it would be premature even to undertake its location at present.\n\nWe have, &c.\n(Signed) AMPTHILL\nKITCHENER\nE. F. G. LAW\nE. R. ELLES\nA. T. ARUNDEL\nH. ERLE RICHARDS\nJ. P. HEWETT",
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        "title": "CO129-330 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "# 338 \n**(Confidential.)** \n\n## Inclosure 6 in No. 1. \n### Acting Consul Litton to Government of Burmah. \nTengyueh, February 12, 1904. \n\nI HAVE the honour to forward a **Confidential Memorandum** on the relations between Burmah and West Yunnan, containing certain suggestions for which I venture to claim the careful consideration of your Government. \n\nI am transmitting copies to the Foreign Office and to His Majesty's Minister, through the Consul-General. \n\n## Memorandum on Relations between Burmah and Yünnan with reference to Proposed Improvements of Communications. \n**(Confidential.)** \n\nThe Imperial custom-house has now been opened at Têngyüeh for nearly two years; Consulates have been established in Yunnan; British relations with Yünnan officials have much increased; the French have been spending large sums on railway operations and seem at last in a fair way to get their line started. I think it is time for the Government of Burmah to take stock of its general position and prospects with regard to Yünnan. \n\nAlthough the British Government is constantly advised to \"wake up and seek new markets, I am bound to say that, viewed in the most favourable light (and I have always thought that a very considerable development of our trans-frontier trade may and ought to be attained), the commercial value of West Yünnan is not so great that, merely on this score, any very vigorous or expensive action would seem to be imperatively called for. But, on the other hand, the position of the French on the south of the province and their action over its border, wholly alters the situation, and for us to say: \"It is not worth while spending `(a)` in order to secure a trade that at the most is only of value `(y)`\" by no means goes to the root of the matter.\n\nIt is, I think, clear that for the French to be in possession of Yunnan up to, or anywhere at all near to, the present frontier of Burmah would be a disaster of the first magnitude for India, entailing enormous expense and trouble. I do not for a moment suggest that the French, with the exception of a few Chauvinists and colonial journalists, at present entertain the ambition of annexing Yunnan, or any part of it. The French Government is probably strongly opposed to any such schemes of adventure, for the Republic would stand to lose far more than she could hope to gain. I feel little doubt that the French were rushed into their railway scheme by the energy and influence of M. Doumer, without knowing how much they were going to spend, or seeing clearly whither their course was tending; but, however this may be, there they are, and they have gone too far to retrace their steps. Then their Russian friends have been operating in a drastic fashion upon the northern limbs of the Chinese carcase, and it is quite likely that this may arouse dormant ambitions in Tonquin. True, Indo-China is not now in a position to undertake any big enterprise. The European troops in the country have, I believe, been considerably reduced; yet it has always seemed to me that circumstances may at any time prove too strong for the French Government, and that having put one foot over the border of Yunnan they may have to follow with the other. The chief danger is the condition of the Chinese Government itself, which, so far from showing the least symptom of reform, seems to me to be positively retrogressing. If last summer, after the capture by the rebels of Lin An-fü, the Yunnan Viceroy had bolted, as he was preparing to do, and Yunnan-fu had become the prey of an insurrection, it is more than possible that French troops would have come to Yunnan-fu. Where should we have been then? Should we have been ready to make the only effective reply, i.e., to send British troops to Ta Li? And if French troops ever reach Yünnan-fu, is it likely that they will leave it in a hurry? French public opinion would be stirred, and the demand would be for the \"rivière,\" which French writers are fond of talking about — i.e., the whole of Yunnan east of and including the Mekong Basin. The recognition of any such claim would be contrary to the vital interests of Burmah.\n\nThere is a Treaty by which, I believe, equal advantages are secured to the two Powers in Yunnan, but such documents are hardly of much practical value. \n\nIn South Yunnan the Frenchman is the man in possession, or rather in prospective possession, waiting for the tottering bankrupt to fall into his clutches. I submit that in West Yünnan the Government of India ought to, but does not, occupy a similar position. \n\nIf British influence could be strengthened and extended in West Yunnan, so that it could fairly be said that our Government had ear-marked the country, it might then be not impossible to come to some practical arrangement with the French by which they would agree in certain eventualities to leave our portion of Yunnan alone. As to what our portion would be, it has always seemed to me that, at any rate down as far south as the latitude of Pu Erh, the whole basin of the Mekong falls properly within the British sphere, as do those portions of the Ta Li Prefecture situated on the Burmah side of the Yangtse — i.e., Li Chiang, Ho Ching, Wei Hsi, &c. After the completion of the French railway to Yunnan-fu, it seems hardly probable that, unless active measures are speedily taken, the Burmah trade will to any considerable extent pass the Yangtse.\n\nThe question of what means can be employed to extend our influence in such a manner that, if any movement from the French side precipitates a crisis, the British Government will be in a position to act as the predominant Power in West Yunnan is not perhaps very easy to answer. \n\nAlthough the line is by no means a satisfactory one, to advance the present frontier east would be quite out of the question, and contrary to the general policy of the British Government in China, a measure only to be thought of if forced upon us by the action of the other Powers in other places, or by the total collapse of the Chinese Government. The constant occurrence of cattle thefts, &c., in British territory by trans-frontier Chinese subjects is a source of irritation, but not of serious danger, and ought to be arranged locally. Raids in force have ceased; if they are renewed they should be very severely dealt with. \n\nThe question of the undelimited frontier to the north is to be settled in the only way practicable if the interests of India are to be secured, namely, by informing the Chinese that the Irrawaddy-Salween water divide is the frontier, and that they must not trespass over it. It is earnestly to be hoped that the British Government will not retreat an inch from this position.\n\nI think that attention may be turned to the increase of influence likely to accrue to us through the development of communications and trade with West Yünnan. These two matters are of course closely connected. We already have one great advantage over our rivals in the fact that a number of Yunnanese merchants and labourers have been in Burmah; many of them proceed there for trade or work every season. The name of the British Government is known and esteemed all over the country, while in South Yunnan the people rarely or never go down into Tonquin; little is popularly known of the French, and what is known has certainly not awakened feelings of deep respect. I do not think that any well-considered scheme for improving communications with Burmah would meet with anything but support from the more influential classes in West Yunnan, and this is an important advantage — e.g., I think that a British railway operating in the Taiping Valley would have no difficulty in getting labour such as the French have had in South Yünnan.\n\nI now only wish to discuss the question of relations between Burmah and Yünnan; to do more than refer to the proposed railway extension via Kuulong, even if that scheme had not been ruled for the present out of practical politics, would appear to be irrelevant. If the Kuulong scheme is ever really taken up, it can only be when the British Government is prepared to go right through with it, and take the line to the centre of Szechuan. This is, in fact, an Imperial scheme, the object of which would be to plant British influence in the Upper Yangtse Valley, and must therefore be considered on totally different principles from a local scheme designed merely to extend the influence of the Government of India in West Yünnan. I still think that the way to approach Szechuan is by an all-British railway up the Yangtse from Hankow; if the \"trans-Yünnan\" ever materializes it ought at least to wait till we have got to Szechuan, coming from the east, the direction from which the Empire Province is naturally approached. To construct a line merely from Lashio to the Mekong without any immediate idea of proceeding further would, I venture to assert, be a great mistake. It would take us through a barren, difficult, and sparsely populated section of Yunnan, without any prospect of increasing the trade, for I doubt exceedingly whether either Ta Li or Yung Chang caravans would desert the present route to go to a railway on the west bank of the Mekong near Yun Chou. If such a railway were carried on to Ta Li, the expense would be enormous, and a good half of the present Têngyüeh-Bhamo trade would continue to pass by the present Taiping Valley route.\n\nIt seems to me, therefore, that to improve our communications we should, in the first instance, devote our attention to improving the present trans-frontier trade route along...",
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        "title": "CO129-330 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "# Inclosure 7 in No. 1.\n## Consul-General Wilkinson to Government of Burmah.\n### Yunnan-fu, March 15, 1904.\n\n**(Confidential)**\n\nMR. LITTON has sent me a copy of his \"Memorandum on Relations between Burmah and Yunnan, with reference to proposed Improvements of Communication,\" addressed to you on the 20th ultimo.\n\nIt is, in effect, a plea for the speedy continuation to Têngyüeh of the mule road which your Government is now engaged in improving from the Kulikha to Lungchang; for the construction of a railway from Bhamo to Têngyüeh; and for abolition of the rule forbidding the transit of Yünnan opium through Burmah.\n\nMr. Litton devotes much space to the advances which French influence must make in Yünnan with the completion of the railway from Tonquin to this city; and urges that it is time for your Government to take stock of its position.\n\nI am in entire accord, so far, with Mr. Litton; but I am unable to altogether agree with him as to the efficacy of his proposed remedy. It is not in the least likely that France will annex, or will declare a protectorate over, the Province of Yünnan as a whole, and therefore over the Yungchang prefecture, limitrophe to Burmah; but if circumstances ever bring about such a proceeding, we shall doubtless have obtained equivalent advantages elsewhere. What is to be apprehended is that when the Tonquin Railway reaches Yunnan-fu, the Company will begin to agitate for an \"embranchement\" to Tali. Mr. Litton has frequently pointed out, the richest portions of Yunnan are the valleys that lie north and south of the Erh-hai Lake; and Hsia-Kuan, rather than Yunnan-fu, is the commercial capital of this province.\n\nThere are few physical difficulties in connecting by rail those fertile valleys with this city; on the whole route there are perhaps not more than half a dozen places that would present problems to a modern engineer. In other words, it will be represented, and with much justice, that those valleys fall naturally within the sphere of operations of a railway passing through Yunnan-fu; and that the true end of the Haiphong-Yunnan line will not be attained unless and until it is extended, if not to Szechuan, at least to Hsia-Kuan.\n\nEven if the line is not so extended I fail to see how Burmah can hope to continue to supply the Tali districts when once the Haiphong-Yunnan Railway is in working order. To say that a little local railroad from Bhamo to Têngyüeh would be commercially an almost complete answer to the French line, seems hardly consistent with the admission, a few lines lower down in Mr. Litton's essay, that \"any extension of a line beyond Têngyüeh towards Yungchang is quite hopeless.\"\n\nIf such extension is really quite hopeless, then a railway from Bhamo to Têngyüeh would, I fear, prove of very little use to us as a counterpoise to the Haiphong-Yunnan line and its inevitable expansion westwards. I do not know, however, that such extension ought to be regarded as \"quite hopeless.\" To begin with, a curve round the spur to the north of Têngyüeh town would, I understand, bring the railway into the Shweli Valley, down which it might run to Namkhan. This it is true would only help it forward one stage towards Yungchang, and would leave the formidable watershed of the Shweli-Salween basins to be negotiated. Beyond this, again, lies the still more formidable watershed of the Salween-Mekong. This last once crossed, the road to Hsia-Kuan is comparatively simple. What, however, has never, as far as I am aware, been noted in this connection is the fact that although these watersheds run at right angles to the line of advance, they are provided with many lateral valleys that should facilitate this advance. Advantage has, indeed, been taken of these lateral valleys to and from the Chinese high road, but not such complete advantage as a modern engineer would take, provided with high explosives and compressed air drills. No specialist in mountain railway building has, I believe, reported on the country between Têngyüeh and Yangpi.\n\nWhile for these reasons I would not unreservedly acknowledge, with Mr. Litton, that any extension of a line beyond Têngyüeh towards Yungchang is quite hopeless, I am prepared to admit that it would be exceedingly expensive, so expensive that if we are to make an effort to retain the trade of Tali, and our influence in its neighbourhood, we should see first if we cannot find an easier, and therefore cheaper, approach.\n\nSuch approach is believed to have been found in the projected extension of the Lashio line through Yin Chou to Mito. If this belief is justified, then—as far as questions of rivalry with the French are concerned—we should not dissipate our energies by building a railway from Bhamo to Têngyüeh, but should seek to complete the Lashio-Kunlong line and to continue it to Tali, if not to Yunnan-fu.\n\nThere is another and a greater reason for preferring any section of the proposed Kunlong ferry line to a mere local railway to Têngyüeh—always assuming the practicability of indefinitely extending the former. Just as the Russians have succeeded in constructing a trans-Asiatic railway in the north, so is it certain that others will eventually succeed in constructing its rival to the south. From the Bosphorus down the Euphrates Valley, across Persia, Baluchistan, India, and Burmah, the Great Southern Railway of Asia must some time be made; and we ought to look forward to that time and subordinate, as far as possible, all minor schemes to the one trunk line. I do not, of course, mean to say that we should in the meanwhile build no railway that will not fall in with this line; but only that when we have, as here, a choice of routes of penetration eastward into Yunnan from Burmah, we should attach greater importance to the route that will eventually form part of the grand trunk road. This brings me back to the question whether the Lashio-Kunlong-",
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        "content_text": "# 344 \n\n## 22 \n\nfurther into Yunnan from Têngyüeh, because an immense wall of mountains absolutely blocks all progress eastwards.\n\n## Commercial Prospects of Bhamo-Tengyüeh Line\n\n17. After emerging from the Tapeng gorges the Bhamo-Têngyüeh line would pass through some 50 or 60 miles of populous Shan country. Then comes the Valley of Têngyüeh, containing a population of about 80,000 Chinese. The value of the imports from Bhamo to Têngyüeh last year (1902-1903) was 138,902l.; and that of the exports from Têngyüeh (exclusive of about 4,000 or 5,000 head of live-stock—ponies, mules, bullocks, sheep) was 26,223l. There is also a considerable trade between Bhamo and the Shan country above mentioned as to which there are no reliable statistics. Considering the commercial prospects of the line it should be remembered that the trade of Têngyüeh is almost entirely a transit trade. Very few foreign goods stop there: the great bulk go through to Tali-fu and places beyond. It is only too probable that this portion of the trade will be lost to Burmah when the French rail reaches Yunnan-fu; and in the event of the construction of a British line to Tali-fu or Yünchou it would naturally be diverted to that route. The Têngyüeh district itself has little capacity for absorbing foreign goods brought from Burmah. If the rail were built there would certainly be an increase of trade in the Tapeng Valley, but not a great increase of really important trade. A quantity of meat, poultry, fruit, eggs, and vegetables would go down to Burmah, but as regards imports from Burmah the saving of time would weigh little with Têngyüeh merchants, and the rates would have to be very low indeed to compete with mule transport.\n\nWith these facts and figures in view it is difficult to make out a strong case for a railway. The drawback that Bhamo is not connected with the Burmah system of railways need not be too strongly insisted on, because Bhamo possesses a magnificent water-way to the sea. It may be admitted also that the projected line would cause an appreciable expansion of trade both in the Tapeng Valley and to a less extent in the surrounding regions. But it has yet to be shown that any trade or traffic is likely to arise of sufficient volume to bring the day of railway dividends within measurable distance. In the absence of such a probability, and seeing that the line is of no use as a step in a larger scheme, the Government have without doubt done wisely in turning their attention to roads rather than railways on this part of the border.\n\n## Recent official Correspondence on the subject of Railway Extension from Lashio into Yunnan\n\n15. A short account of recent official correspondence on the subject of railway extension from Burmah into Yünnan may usefully conclude this note.\n\n19. In March 1900 the Government of India recommended that work on the rail beyond Lashio should cease. The Secretary of State agreed, and in intimating this decision to the Burmah Railways Company made it clearly understood that he did not thereby relinquish his right to require the Company to complete the line to Kulon, or to some other point on the Salween, whenever it might be thought desirable. In a memorial to the Secretary of State, dated the 14th October, 1901, the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce urged the expediency of extending British rails into Yünnan without delay. They submitted that the carrying into effect of the French railway scheme before the completion of the British railway would greatly endanger British commercial interests with South China, and, taken along with the recent policy of Russia in regard to Thibet, British commercial interests with West China and the valley of the Yangtse would be seriously threatened. On the 24th January, 1902, the Secretary of State forwarded this Memorial and asked for a full statement of the Government of India's views.\n\n20. This statement was sent to him in a long letter dated the 21st August, 1902, in which the Government of India clearly defined their attitude on the whole question. They state that the extension to Kunlon would cost over 500,000l.; that if such a line is ever to pay it must look to through trade rather than to local traffic, and therefore must not halt at the Salween, but must go beyond. After remarking that the outlay of Indian funds beyond the border can only be justified on definite grounds of Indian interests, they proceed to say that the extension must have one of two objectives, either— \n| Objective |\n| --- |\n| (a) Some town or towns in Yünnan; or, |\n| (b) In sequel to this, a further extension to some town or towns in Szechuan. |\n\nIn regard to (a) they believe that in view of the poverty of Yunnan and the dearth of exportable produce little freight would be attracted to the railway. \"We do not say that such a venture might not be justified if it were openly intended to lead to something better and more remunerative beyond. But, judged on its own merits, it would be of no service whatever to the Indian taxpayer.\"\n\n21. As to the question of whether the rail ought not to be viewed as a possible prelude to some more ambitious scheme aiming at the heart of Szechuan, and not stopping short of the Yangtse, the Government of India say: “A consensus of expert engineering opinion pronounces that, if practicable, it could only be achieved at a cost that, in our opinion, at any rate, would be absolutely prohibitive, and that seems in the present phase of Central Asian evolution to place the idea beyond the pale of practical politics.\" Summing up the matter, they point out that the extension to Kunlon would infallibly be regarded as having committed the Government to a course of action from which it would be difficult to recede. \"We do not wish to be committed to a policy of railway experiment in or near to the borders of that part of Yunnan.\"\n\n## 22 \n\nThe Secretary of State replied to this letter in the following January 1903. He had informed the Liverpool Chamber that he was not disposed for the present to press for the extension to Kunlôn, but as there were other strong reasons for desiring better communications between Burmah and China he wished \"accurate information of the best practicable route, and considered it advisable to have a more thorough survey made through the districts lying between the country now traversed by railways in Burmah and the Chinese frontier.\" He accordingly desired the Government of India to carry this out.\n\n23. Replying to this letter on the 19th March, 1903, the Government of India ask for a clearer indication of his Lordship's wishes as to the nature and locality of the surveys before issuing the instructions desired, and they add their opinion that the cost of such surveys would be money wasted, since, in the event of construction being undertaken at a later date, the entire work would have to be done again.\n\n24. There the matter rests for the present, but the Liverpool Chamber have not altered their opinion, nor ceased their endeavours to give effect to it. On the 18th February of this year they resolved to urge upon the India Office that \"a trade route to Szechuan by the Mandalay-Kunlon or other line of railway is imperative in view of the construction of a French railway from Tonquin to Kuangsi\" (sic); and at their annual meeting last June they formally recorded their disappointment at the abandonment of the Lashio-Kunlon extension.\n\n## Recent official Correspondence on the subject of a Bhamo-Têngyüeh Railway\n\n25. In consequence of the decision of Government not to proceed with the line to Kunlon, the Liverpool Chamber turned their attention anew to the project of a rail from Bhamo to Têngyüeh. At their instance the Secretary of State wrote under date the 27th June, 1902, to the Government of India commending to their consideration the question of building a line to Têngyüeh, preferably by way of Myitkyina, if after surveying the route they thought it could be made with advantage to the trade between Yünnan and North China (sic). Later in the year, at a meeting at which the Liverpool Committee had the assistance of Major Cronin, Deputy Commissioner of Bhamo, it was resolved to \"recommend the India Office to order a survey for a light railway from Bhamo to Tengyüeh via the Tapeng Valley.\" Before transmitting this resolution the Liverpool Chamber wrote to the Rangoon Chamber of Commerce, under date the 7th November, 1902, for their views on the subject. They received little support in that quarter. The reply was that \"while fully alive to the necessity for facilitating trade with China by the Bhamo-Têngyüeh route, the Rangoon Chamber of Commerce are of opinion that while so much remains to be done in the matter of opening up the province of Burmah itself no useful end would be answered by recommending railway extension into Yunnan.\" Nothing daunted, the Liverpool Chamber, after considering this answer, decided to send in their original resolution, with a few verbal alterations, to the India Office.\n\n26. Meanwhile the Government of India had on the 18th December, 1902, replied to the Secretary of State's letter. They pointed out that a rail from Myitkyina was out of the question; that one from Bhamo was comparatively easy, but that to the execution of such a project there were two very practical obstacles. In the first place it should be linked up with Katha if it were to be of any commercial value, and this would be very difficult, costly, and unremunerative; and, secondly, it could never go beyond Têngyüeh. \"No great development of trade would therefore in all probability await...\"",
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        "document_key": "CO129-330 - Public Offices - 1905",
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        "title": "CO129-330 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "345 \n\n24 \n\nthe opening of such a railway, while the local traffic would most certainly not pay the interest on the capital outlay. This being the case, Government has turned its attention to roads, and is of opinion that surveys for a railway need not be undertaken.\" \n\n27. The last and weightiest recommendation on this subject has come from the Associated Chambers of Commerce of Great Britain. At their last spring meeting, the 3rd March, 1903, they resolved: \"That, with a view to promoting facilities for the conveyance of merchandize between Burma and South-West China, a survey should be undertaken at once for a light railway from Bhamo to Têngyüeh, as it is believed that the reports of His Majesty's Consul at Tengyüeh on the goods traffic between those places are sufficient to justify proceeding with such a work.” \n\nNovember 23, 1903. \n\n**(Signed)** \n**W. WARRY** \n\nP.S.-I have been unable to obtain the new 4-inch survey maps in time to prepare a tracing from them for the purposes of this note. I submit instead a map of Yunnan reduced by the Royal Geographical Society from the survey maps. It is the best of its size in existence, but is on too small a scale to give the names of all places on the Kunlon-Tali-fu railway trace. \n\n## APPENDIX \n\nFrom Kunlôn (1,700 feet) to 4 miles beyond Mongkyen (54 miles) construction is easy, the estimate being 25,000 rupees a-mile. In the next 70 miles occur the worst difficulties of the whole line. There is very heavy gorge work; one section of 26 miles is estimated at 1,32,000 rupees a-mile, another of 15 miles at 1,46,000 rupees a-mile, another of 4 miles at 1,34,000 rupees a-mile. This brings the rail to Toù Tao Shui, and thence over the watershed to Yunchou (17 miles) the work is easier, averaging about 23,000 rupees a-mile. Another easy stretch of 17 miles succeeds, and then come the gorges of the Nan Chiao Ho, the Mekong (about 3,000 feet above sea) and the Konglan stream-in all, 56 miles. The partial survey by Major Davies showed that these were not so difficult as had been anticipated; and the estimate for this section averages only 78,000 rupees a-mile. The 10 miles ascent from the gorge of the Konglan to the summit of the Konglan range (7,300 feet) is described as \"extraordinarily easy, though the last 6 miles are only suited for a 1-inch 16-rack rail.\" The estimate is about 20,000 rupees a-mile. Near the summit a short tunnel of 500 yards will be necessary, costing 1 lakh. The descent lies through the Nanchien Valley and plain (27 miles) for which the estimate is 21,000 rupees a-mile. Then comes a gorge of 5 miles costing 80,000 rupees a-mile; then the Mitao Valley and Plain, 35 miles at 12,300 rupees a-mile. Next a range to be crossed involving an ascent of 54 miles at 50,000 rupees a-mile, and a tunnel of 1.4 miles costing 3 lakhs. This brings the trace into the Chao Chou Valley, and there remain 26 miles of nearly level country, costing 14,200 rupees a-mile, through the Chao Chou and Hsiakuan Plains to Tali-fu. \n\n## Inclosure 9 in No. 1 \n\n### Liverpool Chamber of Commerce to Mr. Brodrick \n\nSir, \n\n1. **BHAMO and Momein Road and Light Railway** \n\nLiverpool, October 28, 1904. \n\n25 \n\n(2.) In regard to the above-named subject (No. 2), it is noted that \"the Government of India have furnished an estimate of the cost of surveying the portion of the route between the Salween and the Mekong,\" and that \"this estimate, which amounts to 1,50,000 rupees, has been communicated to the Foreign Office,\" but that the Government of India are not willing to throw this expenditure on the Indian revenues, and that the Secretary of State in Council in these circumstances cannot proceed with the survey. \n\nWith reference to this second announcement, the Committee of the East India and China Trade Section observe that in the seventh Report of the Directors of the Burmah Railways Company (Limited), dated the 15th December last, it is shown in the statement of surplus profits for the year ending the 30th June, 1903, that after payment of interest charges at the rate of 2.4 per cent. on the Company's share capital and Government outlay, the Government's share of the net earnings in excess of interest was 17,28,984 rupees (`£115,265`), and the Committee therefore respectfully but urgently suggest that a small portion of this profit-viz., the 1,50,000 rupees, or `£10,000`, required for the survey-should be granted for that purpose, in view of the prospective value of a railway to the trade of Burma with South-Western China. The Committee would also respectfully point out, in further support of their request, that the Province of Burma yields to the Government of India some `£3,000,000` per annum as clear profit out of its revenues. \n\nIt is observed that the French are pushing their railway enterprises from Tonquin into the heart of Yunnan, and it is anticipated that when Yunan-fu has been reached by them they will extend their railway now building between Laokai and Yunnan-fu to Sui-fu on the Yangtse River. Such a French railway would take the trade at the head waters of the River Yangtse, and leave to Burma only the comparatively small trade of the mountainous country lying between North-East Burma and the valley of the Yangtse. On the other hand, a British railway between Burma, Yunnan-fu, and Sui-fu might anticipate the extension of the French line, and secure to Burma merchants a portion of the vastly more important trade of the very populous Province of Szechuan. \n\nThe Committee feel that an enterprise of this nature should be encouraged by the Government of India, seeing that railways in general in China are being made by Germany, France, Belgium, and Companies or Syndicates of other nationalities, and that Britain is in danger of losing her hard-won supremacy in China markets. \n\nFurther, the French Indo-China Government have guaranteed 4 per cent. interest on the capital which is being expended on the Tonquin-Yunnan-fu Railway. \n\nI have, &c. \n\n**(Signed)** \n**THOMAS W. BARKER, Secretary** \n\n## Inclosure 10 in No. 1 \n\n### India Office to Liverpool Chamber of Commerce \n\nIndia Office, September 30, 1904. \nI am directed by the Secretary of State for India in Council to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 28th October, 1904, relative to railways between Burma and China. \n\nIn reply, I am to inform you that the Secretary of State has carefully considered in Council the views laid before him by the Chamber of Commerce of Liverpool, relative to the proposed Burma-Szechuan line, but has not been able to modify the views previously expressed. \n\nWith regard to the proposed Bhamo-Momein line, however, he has now learnt the views of the Government of Burma and of the Government of India on the subject, and he has the matter under his consideration. \n\nI am, &c. \n**(Signed)** \n**HORACE WALPOLE** \n\n### 2. Proposed Burma-Szechuan Railway \n\n(1.) I have to acknowledge receipt of your letter dated the 2nd September saying, in regard to the first of the above-named subjects, that \"the Government of India are still in consultation with the Burma Government in regard to the project for a railway between Bhamo and Momein,\" and that \"steps have meanwhile been taken to improve the roads between the two places. In respect to this announcement I am to say that the Committee of the East India and China Trade Section are gratified therewith, and trust the matter will progress to a favourable issue.",
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        "id": 397951,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-330 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "page_number": 441,
        "title": "CO129-330 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "## Government of Burmah to Government of India\n\n### Letter\n\nSir,\n\nThe Government of India, a copy of a letter, dated the 10th February last, which has been addressed to Mr. H. G. A. Leveson, Deputy Commissioner, Bhamo, regarding his deputation as British Representative of the Anglo-Chinese party for the examination of the undelimited frontier between China and Burmah north of latitude 25° 35'. Sir Hugh Barnes believes that the instructions contained in paragraph 3 of this letter are in accordance with the views of the Government of India, and trusts that they will be approved.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n(Signed)  \n**F. C. GATES**\n\n### Inclosure 5 in No. 1\n\nGovernment of Burmah to Deputy Commissioner, Bhamo.\n\nRangoon, February 10, 1905.\n\nWITH reference to the correspondence ending with your telegram dated the 6th February last, I am directed to forward, for your information, a selection of papers, cited in the annexed list, regarding the proposed expedition for the examination of the Burmah-China frontier north of latitude 25° 35′, of which you have been selected to be a member.\n\n2. Mr. Litton, His Majesty's Consul, Tengyueh, will be the British Representative. It will be your duty to afford him all the assistance you can in attaining the objects of the expedition. The Taotai of Tengyueh will be the Representative of the Chinese Government. The meeting-place will be Kuyung, which is three and a-half days' journey from Sadun. The combined party will proceed northwards along the undelimited frontier, observing and surveying the country. They will go as far as possible subject to the necessity of returning before the rains break, that is, by the 1st June. The party will be accompanied by a military police escort of forty Ghurka sepoys under a selected native officer, and the Inspector-General of Police and the Inspector-General of Civil Hospitals have been requested to make the necessary arrangements for the police and medical requirements as early as possible. The Surveyor-General has also been asked to place three additional surveyors at the disposal of the party.\n\n3. You will understand that the duty laid down upon the party to which you belong is not that of delimiting the frontier, but of ascertaining the actual position of the watershed and of pointing it out on the spot to your Chinese colleague. You should also endeavour to demonstrate to the Chinese Representative that the Chinese officials exercise no authority whatever on the west of the watershed. I am to explain that the present position in regard to the boundary in this region between Burmah and China is that the British Government have declined to admit the discussion of any proposals which would involve the extension of Chinese influence into the valley of the N'maikla, and that in September 1902 they instructed His Britannic Majesty's Minister in Peking to insist on the boundary proposed by the Government of India, of which a detailed description was given by Mr. Hertz in 1900. This boundary is the crest of the range forming the watershed between the streams flowing on the one side into the 'maikha, and on the other into the Shweli and Salween. There is no intention, so the Lieutenant-Governor believes, of departing in any way from this position, and the chief object of the present informal investigation is to induce the Chinese Government to acquiesce in it. The reluctance of the Chinese to accept it hitherto is believed to be due to the ignorance of their local officials both as to the position of the watershed, and as to the state of affairs which this Government believes to exist on the British side of it. It is hoped that this ignorance will be dispelled by the joint examination of the country that is about to be undertaken, and that it will be found possible to reassure the Chinese officials as to the nature of our demands, to convince them of the accuracy of our conclusions, and to persuade them to acquiesce in that geographical definition of the spheres of influence of the two Governments, which this Government believes to be the only one possible and consistent with facts. I am to invite your special attention to the letter from this Government to the Government of India in the Foreign Department, dated the 4th June, 1904. You will see that if the local Chinese Headmen can establish any claims to petty dues or presents from some of the small frontier villages on the British side of the border, it is desired to deal with them liberally, and you are authorized, if the watershed boundary is accepted, to offer to extinguish them by small money payments.\n\n4. You should communicate to this Government your own and Mr. Litton's suggestions on this point as early as possible. Your party will be accompanied by surveyors who should map the line of the watershed so as to ascertain it with reasonable accuracy.\n\n4. The first section of the survey work is from Manangpum to the head of the Tientang Valley, including the hills north of the Chinese Valleys of Lunma and Tantsa. The survey work may be difficult here, but political questions are less likely to arise on this section, and it may be done by a branch survey party, while the principal members of the party are encamped at the head of the Tientang Valley. From this camp, the watershed between the head of the Tientang branch of the Shweli River and the head of the Chipwe Kha can be examined, and a visit can be paid to the Lisaw villages at the head of the Chipwe. When this has been done, the party can move to the Upper Mien Kawng Valley, whence paths lead to the upper tributaries of the Irrawaddy via Hpare, Tzuchu, and Pien Ma. All these villages should be visited, and the country around there should be mapped. This can be done by sending out branch survey parties, while the principals remain encamped at Mien Kawng.\n\nIf possible, you should penetrate to the north along the western slope of the mountain range on the west of the Salween River, cross that range into the Salween Basin and return along the Salween. Information of much geographical interest may thus be obtained.\n\nI have, &c.  \n(Signed)  \n**F. C. GATES**\n\n### Inclosure 6 in No. 1\n\nGovernment of India to Government of Burmah.\n\nFort William, March 18, 1905.\n\nI AM directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 24th ultimo, forwarding a copy of a letter to Mr. H. G. A. Leveson, Deputy Commissioner at Bhamo, regarding his deputation as British Representative of the Anglo-Chinese Commission for the examination of the undelimited frontier between China and Burmah north of latitude 25° 35'.\n\n2. The Government of India approve the instructions to Mr. Leveson contained in paragraph 3 of the letter.\n\nI have, &c.  \n(Signed)  \n**C. SOMERS COCKS**",
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        "id": 403202,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "page_number": 111,
        "title": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "# R \n\n**W the Property of** \n\n[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.] \n\n## SOUTH-WEST CHINA, \n\n**CONFIDENTIAL**, \n\nNo. 1. \n\n23251 \n\nRECEIVED 1:09 \n\n## SECTION 2. \n\nConsul-General Wilkinson to the Marquess of Lansdowne.---(Received June 19.) \n\nYunnan-fu, April 30, 1905. \n\n(No. 9.) My Lord, \n\nI HAVE the honour to inclose copy of a despatch which I have addressed to His Majesty's Minister covering transliteration of a code telegram from Mr. Litton, who, as your Lordship is aware, is engaged with the Acting Taotai of Western Yünnan (Shih Hung-shao) and Mr. Leveson, Deputy Commissioner at Bhamo, in investigating the physical and other conditions of the watershed between the N'maikha and the Salween. \n\nI have, &c. \n(Signed) \nW. H. WILKINSON. \n\n\n## (N. 179) Sir, \n\n### Inclosure in No. 1. \n\nConsul-General Wilkinson to Sir E. Satow. \n\nYunnan-fu, April 28, 1905. \n\nI HAVE only this morning received a telegram, in code, from Mr. Litton, dispatched on the 17th instant from Pienma, on the head-waters of the Ngawchang, the real Hsiao Chiang (\"little river\") of the Chinese correspondence. The telegram is of great length, and its contents would not appear to be of such immediate importance as to justify its transmission to you by wire. I am accordingly contenting myself with forwarding to you a transliteration. \n\nThe only novel information contained in the telegram is (1) Mr. Litton's conclusion that the claims of China to Hparé and Tzuchu are wholly unfounded, and are positively denied by the Kachins; (2) that the average levy by Tengkeng from villages on the west of the watershed amounts to some 350 rupees a-year. \n\nIn his report to you of March 1904 (p. 10 of the printed copy), Mr. Litton had already given some details of the claims of Mingkuang to Hpare and Tzuchu, and of Tengkeng to Pienma. It is, I think, certain that Acting Taotai Shih will defend those claims in his forthcoming report to this Provincial Government; and if I am authorized to discuss them with the Governor-General, I must wait until I have before me the particulars of the \"careful inquiry\" which has led Mr. Litton to conclude that, as far as Hparé and Tzuchu are concerned, the claims are \"wholly unfounded.\" \n\nAs regards the claims to villages on the right bank of the Ngawchang, Mr. Litton's telegram is somewhat confusing. He first states that \"the Taotai has abandoned claims to the villages on the right bank of the Ngawchang, based on ancient documents of Ch'ienlung's reign\" (1736-1796). Later on, however, he says, \"The Taotai is afraid to accept responsibility for recommending abandonment of claims on account of above-mentioned documents.\" Here again it would seem necessary to await further particulars from Mr. Litton. \n\nThere can be no question that, even for China, the watershed would form the most satisfactory frontier. The Chinese, however, possess rights, tenuous enough, but not to be altogether denied, on the west of the watershed, and in the nature of things will not relinquish these willingly except for a consideration. Mr. Litton's suggestion that we should invoke the precedent of the Assigned Tract (Article 2 of the Agreement of the 4th February, 1897) to take over these rights on a perpetual lease, paying rent, has much to commend it. The annual rent we now pay for the assigned tract is a most useful fund on which we can draw for indemnities for raids on, or thefts in, Burmese territory by Kachins and others from across the Chinese border. On the other hand, it might be more convenient both for Burma and for Yunnan that the claims, when ascertained and estimated, should be purchased outright. \n\n[2050 1--2] \n\n7.",
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    {
        "id": 403494,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "page_number": 403,
        "title": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "# CONFIDENTIAL\n\n## SOUTH-WEST CHINA\n\nNo. 1.\n\n396\n\n14\n\n[September 30, 1905]\n\n**(No. 219.)**\n\nSir,\n\nThe Marquess of Lansdowne to Sir E. Satow.\n\nForeign Office, September 30, 1905.\n\nWITH reference to my despatch No. 172 of the 4th August last respecting the joint survey by British and Chinese officials of the Burmah-China frontier north of Manangpum, I transmit to you the accompanying copy of a letter from the India Office, together with a copy of a letter from the Government of India,* in which they support certain recommendations of the Government of Burmah for the settlement of the question with the Chinese Government.\n\nThe Secretary of State for India suggests that you should endeavour, in the first instance, to induce the Chinese Government to agree to accept without further discussion the watershed between the Irrawaddy and Salween Basins as the boundary up to the confines of Thibet, on the understanding that the Government of India will agree to pay an annual sum not exceeding, say, 1,500 rupees as compensation for the extinction of all Chinese claims of whatsoever nature on the British side of the boundary. You will, however, observe that the Government of Burmah deprecate any precise statement as to where China ends and Thibet begins, and that they do not desire, should difficulties be raised by the Chinese Government, to press for the watershed boundary beyond latitude 26° 30′.\n\nUp to that point they recommend that the Chinese Government should, in the last resort, be made clearly to understand that His Majesty's Government intend to regard the watershed as the frontier; and that, failing its acceptance by China on the terms now offered, the Government of Burmah will be instructed to occupy and administer the country without further negotiations.\n\nIn the opinion of His Majesty's Government, the proposal submitted by the Government of India for a settlement of this long outstanding question is a reasonable one. In such cases as this, particularly when the country in dispute is sparsely inhabited, the watershed is the only possible frontier.\n\nI accordingly request you to submit to the Chinese Government the proposals on the subject recommended by the Government of India.\n\nI am, &c.\n\n(Signed) **LANSDOWNE**\n\n*India Office, September 20, 1905.\n\n`[2167 gg-1]`",
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    {
        "id": 403530,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "page_number": 439,
        "title": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.\n\n# SOUTH-WEST CHINA\n\n**CONFIDENTIAL**\n\nNo. 1.\n\n432 [September 26.]\n\nSECTION 4. O.\n\n37741\n\n**RES**\n\nMemorandum for French Embassy respecting Burmah-Yunnan Boundary \ndated September 26, 1905.\n\nTWO Conventions, one in 1894 and one in 1897, have been concluded between the British and Chinese Governments for the settlement of the boundary question.\n\nSince then negotiations have taken place between the two Governments on the subject, and the frontier has been delimited in accordance with the provisions of these conventions, with the exception of (a) the Namting-Nalawt section; (b) the section north of Manung Pun, or the N'Maikha section.\n\n(a) In accordance with the terms of our Agreement with China of 1897, a Joint Commission was appointed, which proceeded to trace this section. During the proceedings of this Delimitation Commission the Chinese Commissioners produced a bogus map, by which they insisted upon being guided.\n\nAfter much discussion Sir G. Scott, the British Commissioner, intimated that, if the Chinese Commissioners refused to be guided by the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1897, he must complete the demarcation alone. This was done, and a description and map, showing the exact course of the line, was communicated to the Chinese Commissioners.\n\nSubsequently His Majesty's Minister at Peking explained the matter fully to the Chinese Government, who, however, replied that, as the British and Chinese Commissioners had each marked out a different line of frontier, officers should be appointed to effect a joint demarcation, with a view to a satisfactory agreement. In reply, Sir E. Satow informed the Chinese Government that His Majesty's Government would continue to regard as the provisional boundary the line laid down by Sir G. Scott in 1900, and he intimated, at the same time, that Chinese officials and troops would not be allowed to transgress it.\n\n(b) The N'Maikha, or northern, section, on the other hand, the demarcation of which was left, in the Treaty of 1894, for subsequent negotiation, has not yet been properly delimited.\n\nArticle IV of the 1894 Convention states: \"It is agreed that the settlement and delimitation of that portion of the frontier which lies to the north of latitude 25° 35′ north shall be reserved for a future understanding between the High Contracting Parties when the features and conditions of the country are more exactly known.\"\n\nOwing to the persistent refusal of the Chinese Government to take our proposals to their consideration, Sir E. Satow informed them in January last that we intended to regard as the actual boundary, unless and until a settlement is reached, the boundary which has hitherto been treated as a provisional boundary, and that, if this frontier is not respected, and armed forces are sent across it from the Yunnan side, there will be risk of their coming into collision with British troops.\n\nThe Chinese Government then proposed that this section of the frontier should be settled by joint delimitation as provided in Article IV of the 1897 Convention. To this we replied that, in the meantime, an exploration had been carried out by British officials, which confirmed the view that Chinese officials had never exercised authority west of the watershed,* which has served as the provisional boundary, and that delimitation was impossible until there was agreement as to the general line the frontier was to follow. In order, however, to secure a friendly settlement, we were willing to send officers to accompany Representatives of the Chinese Government from the Chinese side of the watershed, and point out to them the true state of affairs in that region.\n\nThis proposal was accepted by the Chinese Government appointing the Acting Totaì of Tengyueh to make the joint survey in concert with Mr. Litton, the British Commissioner.\n\nThe latter's Report has been received, and we are about to make further proposals to the Chinese Government which are founded on Mr. Litton's recommendations.\n\nSeptember 26, 1905.\n\n* i.e. the watershed between the Irrawaddy and Salween basins.\n\nW. T.\n\n`[2167 cc)` \n`-1]`",
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    {
        "id": 403531,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "page_number": 440,
        "title": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "# [This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government\n\n433 \n37741 \n\n## SOUTH-WEST CHINA.\n\n**CONFIDENTIAL.**\n\nNo. 1.\n\n[September 21.]\n\n(RE 23 00 5\n\n### SECTION 1.\n\nSir,\n\nIndia Office to Foreign Office.--Received September 21.)\n\nIndia Office, September 20, 1905. WITH reference to Sir E. Gorst's letter of the 10th August regarding the joint examination by British and Chinese officials of the Burmah-China frontier north of Manangpum, I am directed by Mr. Secretary Brodrick to request that you will lay before the Marquess of Lansdowne the accompanying copy of a letter from the Government of India, in which they support certain recommendations of the Government of Burmah for the settlement of the question with the Chinese Government.\n\nMr. Brodrick would suggest, for Lord Lansdowne's consideration, that Sir E. Satow should be instructed to endeavour, in the first instance, to induce the Chinese Government to agree to accept, without further discussion, the watershed between the Irrawaddy and Salween basins as their boundary up to the confines of Thibet, on the understanding that the Indian Government will agree to pay an annual sum not exceeding, say, 1,500 rupees as compensation for the extinction of all Chinese claims of whatsoever nature on the British side of the boundary.\n\nLord Lansdowne will, however, observe that the Government of Burmah deprecate any precise statement as to where China ends and Thibet begins, and that they do not desire, should difficulties be raised by the Chinese, to press for the watershed boundary beyond latitude 26° 30′. Up to that point they recommend that the Chinese Government should, in the last resort, be made clearly to understand that His Majesty's Government intend to regard the watershed as the frontier; and that, failing its acceptance by the Chinese on the terms now offered, the Government of Burmah will be instructed to administer the country without further negotiations.\n\nIt will be seen that the Government of Burmah attach importance to the avoidance, in negotiations on this subject with China, of all terms of local jurisdiction, and prefer the use, as far as possible, of geographical definitions.\n\nI am, &c.\n\n(Signed)  \n**HORACE WALPOLE**\n\n### Inclosure 1 in No. 1.\n\nGovernment of India to Mr. Brodrick,  \n**(Secret.)**  \nSimla, August 17, 1905.\n\nSir,\n\nWE have the honour to refer to our Secret despatch, dated the 30th June, 1904, regarding the joint examination by British and Chinese officials of the Burmah-Chinese frontier north of Manangpum, and to the papers on the subject which have subsequently been transmitted to the Secretary in the Political Department of the India Office for your information.\n\n2. We now have the honour to forward copies of the communications from the Burmah Government, in which they have reported the results achieved by the expedition, and have offered their opinion with regard to the action which should now be taken.\n\n3. We concur in the views expressed by the Lieutenant-Governor in his letter of the 19th June last, as subsequently modified by his letter dated the 24th June last, and support the recommendations made by him. We would therefore suggest that His Majesty's Minister at Peking should be instructed to address the Chinese Government in the sense proposed by Sir Herbert White.\n\n[2167 2 1]  \nB",
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        "page_number": 441,
        "title": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "## 2 \n\n4. A copy of this despatch, with inclosures, has been forwarded to Sir E. Satow direct.\n\n**(Confidential.)**\n\nWe have, &c.  \n(Signed)  \n**CURZON. KITCHENER.**  \n**E. R. ELLES.**  \n**A. T. ARUNDEL.**  \n**H. ERLE RICHARDS,**  \n**E. N. BAKER.**  \n**C. L. TUPPER.**\n\n## Inclosure 2 in No. 1.\n\nGovernment of Burmah to Government of India.\n\nRangoon, June 19, 1905.\n\nI am directed to solicit a reference to the correspondence ending with my letter dated the 7th June, 1905, concerning the joint visit of British and Chinese Representatives to the northern part of the watershed between the Irrawaddy and the Salween.\n\n2. I am now to submit the Report of Mr. Litton, His Majesty's Consul at Tengyueh, on the joint examination. Mr. Litton performed the task allotted to him with his customary zeal and ability. He was ably assisted by Mr. Leveson, who was deputed from Burmah. Subject to the observations which follow, his Honour the Lieutenant-Governor accepts and supports the recommendations of Mr. Litton, in which Mr. Leveson concurs.\n\n3. In Part VII of his Report, and again in Part VIII, Mr. Litton dwells on the fact that the adoption of the Irrawaddy-Salween watershed as a boundary will give the Kachins to Burmah and the Lisus to Yunnan. This, as a general statement, is correct. But there are Lisu or Yawyin villages in the Bhamo and Myitkyina districts. Therefore, in dealing with the Chinese Imperial and Provincial Governments, the British Representatives should be careful, it is suggested, not to use absolute and unqualified language. Moreover, it seems to be not impossible that the tribes living high up in the Salween and Mekong Valleys may be more akin to the Kachins (which term includes the Chingpaws, Lashis, and Kauris and is sometimes extended to include the Marus) than to the Lisus or Yawyins. Mr. Litton states in Part VI that the Lu Tzu on the Upper Salween are probably allied to the Chingpaw.\n\nWe have had many instances of the ingenuity displayed by the Chinese in stretching the meaning of terms of local jurisdiction loosely employed. In Sir Herbert White's opinion, it behoves us to adhere closely to geographical definitions in negotiations with the Chinese Government.\n\n4. The Lieutenant-Governor is of opinion that the British Government should not claim the watershed as a boundary up to latitude 28°. In the first place, it is known that Chamutong, which is below latitude 28°, is in Thibet, and the Inland Mission's map of China (dated 1903) shows a wedge of Thibetan territory stretching between Burmah and Yünnan down to below 27°. It might therefore be inconvenient to say or imply that our boundary with China reaches to latitude 28°. Secondly, the basis of the arguments now to be addressed to the Chinese Government is that our Representatives have visited the locality and that all Chinese claims have been examined. The British Representative, however, did not go above Paipa, in latitude 26° 15′, and the Chinese Representative did not go above Mao Chao, in about latitude 26° 7′. Mr. Litton believes his inquiries to have reached to latitude 26° 50′, and that is the highest limit to which the argument based on local investigation can extend. Thirdly, it is not certain that above latitude 27° the eastern watershed of the Irrawaddy is the divide between it and the Salween. It is possible that some of the streams which rise on the east of that range of mountains may flow into the Brahmaputra.\n\n5. It is suggested by Mr. Litton that while the British Government should demand recognition of the watershed as the boundary up to latitude 28°, it might announce its readiness to pay compensation for such claims to tribal tributes as may hereafter be substantiated. Sir Herbert White is not disposed to regard this course as expedient. Such an announcement would be a direct encouragement to the Chinese to acquire influence in the country of the Marus and Chius. The Government of India will remember the manner in which the Chinese sought to extend the jurisdiction of the Chenpien district mentioned in Article II of the Convention of 1894. That the Chinese have already some claims, reaching even to the Malikha, may be seen from your indorsement, dated the 3rd January, 1905, concerning the Chief of Yedru, on the Upper Mekong.\n\n6. It seems to the Lieutenant-Governor that the British Government should not in any way renounce or weaken its claim for Burmah to the whole basin of the Irrawaddy, but that as regards the actual boundary, if the Chinese are prepared to recognize the line shown on Mr. Litton's map only up to latitude 26° 30', or even up to latitude 26°15', the British Government, for the present, may be satisfied.\n\n7. The Lieutenant-Governor sees no objection to, and several possible advantages in, the payment of an annual rent as compensation for the extinction of tribal tribute to Headmen on the Chinese side. It will be noticed, however, that the rent proposed by Mr. Litton (1,000 rupees or a few hundreds more) is considerably more than the annual amount (300 rupees) at which the substantiated claims were valued. It is understood that the object of this recommendation is to allow enough money for satisfying all the claims, while officially recognizing only those substantiated to Mr. Litton's satisfaction. It appears to his Honour that it may be better to face the situation and to say that we are ready to pay a generous rent so as to cover even the shadowy claims which we do not admit to be real.\n\n8. A copy of a telegram, dated the 3rd June, 1905, from Mr. Litton to His Majesty's Minister in Peking, is submitted for information in continuation of Mr. Litton's Report.\n\n**(Telegraphic.)**\n\n## Inclosure 3 in No. 1.\n\nActing Consul Litton to Sir E. Satow.\n\nTengyueh, June 3, 1905.  \nNORTH frontier. Taotai's official reply to me maintains the formal claim to about twenty villages beyond the watershed, but notes in terms of strong approval my proposal for perpetual lease, as to which, however, he as yet has no power to negotiate. His report to Yunnan merely forwards the map and correspondence between him and me, records offer of rent, and asks for instructions. This is fairly satisfactory. I have conveyed to him that a present will be forthcoming for him, but he and I are much embarrassed by his sudden transfer, which he rightly regards as a mark of disfavour for friendly conduct on the Frontier Commission.\n\nAs India cannot consent to any frontier but the water-divide, prolonged discussions at Yunnan would be useless.\n\nSupplementary report follows.\n\n## Inclosure 4 in No. 1.\n\nDeputy Commissioner Leveson to Government of Burmah.\n\n**(Confidential)**\n\nBhamo, May 29, 1905.  \nWith reference to your Political Department's despatch, dated the 10th February, 1905, I have the honour to transmit herewith Mr. Consul Litton's Report on the subject of the undelimited northern frontier.\n\n2. As my views coincide entirely with Mr. Litton's, I have not thought it necessary to submit any separate suggestions as directed in paragraph 3 of your above-quoted letter.\n\n8. It will be seen that in Inclosure 9 (Mr. Litton's despatch to the Taotai) the words \"perpetual lease\" are used, whereas in the body of the Report Mr. Litton notes that he avoided all reference to a lease. In explanation of this apparent inconsistency Mr. Litton writes, dated Tengyueh, 19th May, as follows:----\n\n\"At the last moment the Taotai asked me to put in my despatch a proposal to rent the land on a 'lease for ever' (using these words). This surprised me, but I did it. Will you kindly make a marginal note in my Report to this effect.\"",
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        "title": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "## Inclosure 5 in No. 1.\n\n**Acting Consul Litton to Government of Burwah.**\n\nTengyueh, May 20, 1905.\n\nI HAVE the honour to forward, through Mr. Leveson, copy of my Report on the undelimited northern frontier.\n\nThe original is going to Sir Ernest Satow, while the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and the Consul-General at Yünnan-fu will shortly receive copies.\n\nA list of inclosures is attached.\n\nI shall again address you when I am able to state exactly what the Taotai proposes to report to his Government.\n\n## Inclosure 6 in No. 1.\n\n**Report on a Joint Survey of the Burmah-Yünnan Boundary, north of latitude 25° 35′ north, by British and Chinese Officials, March to May, 1905.**\n\n**(Confidential.)**\n\n### 1. Composition and Duties of the Party.\n\nIN February 1905, I received instructions from the British Minister at Peking to proceed as British Representative on an expedition for the joint examination by British and Chinese officers of the Burmah-Yunnan border, north of latitude 25° 35′ north, the farthest point of previous demarcation. The party, which it was agreed should start from Kuyung, in Chinese territory, 27 miles north of Tengyueh, about the 3rd March, was composed as follows:-\n\n1. Burmah party, in charge of Mr. Leveson, LC.S., Deputy Commissioner of Bhamo, consisting of a survey party of three subordinate surveyors under Munshi Abdul Kahim, who was detailed by the Survey of India for this service; an escort of forty military police, of whom thirty were Gurkhas and the rest Kachin or Lisu sepoys from the Bhamo hills; and of several native followers of Mr. Leveson.\n\nLieutenant Lakin, 92nd Punjabis, who was on leave, accompanied Mr. Leveson, and very kindly placed at my disposal his knowledge of Hindustani and Kachin.\n\n2. The Chinese party, under Shih Hung Chao, Taotai of West Yünnan. This consisted of a personal guard of twelve men and an escort of forty \"braves,\" but half of these gallant fellows ran away from Kuyung when they heard that the Taotai had forbidden looting, and intended to be obeyed, and then there were only twenty; of several deputies, of whom the senior was the expectant District Magistrate, Tai Wei Hsiang; of three \"surveyors\" from Yunnan-fu, so-called on the lucus a non lucendo principle, for, with perhaps one exception, none of them had the least notion of surveying; and an \"interpreter\" so dubbed on the same principle, but he was ejected from the camp at an early stage of the proceedings for attempting to \"squeeze\" villagers.\n\n3. Mr. Litton, Acting Consul at Tengyueh, was on duty as British Representative. The Consulate writer, Han Wei Tsu, accompanied the party.\n\nThe instructions issued to me by Sir Ernest Satow, and to Mr. Leveson by the Government of Burmah, were to the effect that the party was to examine, but not to delimit, the frontier. We were to explain to the Chinese, on the spot, precisely what His Majesty's Government meant by the N'Maikha watershed, to discover if the Chinese had any authority beyond that watershed, and, if not, to impress the fact upon the Taotai. The Government of Burmah's instructions also contemplated arrangements being made for the extinction, by payments on a liberal scale, of any rights to petty dues or otherwise which Chinese Headmen might be found to possess on the west side of the watershed. The instructions plainly stated that the Government of India had no intention of abandoning the position; that the water-divide was the only acceptable division of the spheres of influence of the two Governments.\n\nWe were also to collect as much geographical information as we could about an almost unknown country.\n\nThe instructions which the Taotai received from Yünnan-fu were to the effect that he was to examine the country in co-operation with us, and to report what territories were governed by the various Chinese Headmen. The term used (and this is important) was \"chih-li,\" which, I submit, implies more than vague claims of suzerainty, and signifies rather actual administrative control.\n\nArticle V of the Burmah-China Convention of 1897 contemplates the demarcation of this northern section of the frontier, when both parties had acquired further information. Since the date of the Treaty various inquiries by British officers, notably by Mr. Hertz, C.LE., had greatly added to our knowledge of the country. We made it a chief object of the present expedition so to supplement the information already acquired, especially by mapping, that His Majesty's Government should be in a position to clearly demonstrate to the Chinese the reasonableness of the position which has been taken up as to this section of the frontier, and to refuse to consent to the expense and trouble of further Boundary Commission in respect of it. I hope that this Report, and the map which accompanies it, will enable a Boundary Treaty to be concluded at London or Peking without any further joint inquiries on the spot, which, indeed, we would strongly deprecate.\n\nIt is hardly necessary to add that, until the date of the Taotai's departure for Kuyung, when I explained to him the general geography of the country, the Chinese officials had remained in a state of Cimmerian darkness as to the physical conditions of the country which they claimed. They had not advanced beyond the statements of the Yunnan Government, addressed to His Majesty's Minister through the Peking Foreign Office in 1904, to the effect that-\n\n1. There was no such river as the N'Maikha;\n2. That the divide in the locality in question was at the foot of the mountains (in spite of the suggestive Chinese saying that water does not flow up);\n3. That the small river, i.e., the Ngaw Chang, does not flow into the Lu Chiang or Salween.\n\nAs regards geographical information, I regret that we were not able to do as much as we had hoped. The fact is that the orders were issued much too late in the season. The experience of Captain Pottinger in 1897, of Mr. Hertz in 1900, and of myself in 1904 all go to prove that heavy snow and rain may be expected during the spring in these hills, which seem to be the abode of all the thunder and wild demons in the country. As no supplies are to be got near or beyond the watershed, even a small party such as Mr. Leveson's must have a train of some 150 mules. Towards the end of the open season, and at such short notice, good transport in a condition for hill work is not to be obtained. We began operations with a downpour of snow, hail, rain, and sleet, which continued for thirteen days and practically closed all passes over 9,800 feet for mule traffic, while tracks which were practicable were none the less turned into quagmires. Mr. Leveson lost thirty mules dead crossing the first pass on the frontier, and all of us, including the Taotai, incurred heavy extra expense for the hire of porters to enable us to get along. I calculate that we were delayed quite three weeks by weather alone.\n\nAfter inquiries at Kuyung, we proceeded north one day's march, 13 miles, and entered the Tan Tsa Valley, the heart of which is a paddy plain, about 2 miles by 1 mile, at an elevation of 6,500 feet. It contains six villages with some 200 families in all, half of which are Lisu (in Burmese Yaw Yin) and half Chinese, the whole subject to a petty Headman of Lisu extraction, who is under the jurisdiction of Tengyueh. To the north of the main valley of Tan Tsa a number of spurs run up northwards towards the watershed range which stretches round Tan Tsa in the shape of a huge bow, drawn towards the north; from this range spring the numerous sources of the Ta-ping River, of which the three most important are the Ta Cha, the Tan Tsa, and the Lun Ma Streams, which join at San Chao Ho (Tripod River), 4 miles west of Tan Tsu, to form the Upper Taping, which finally joins the Irrawaddy near Bhamo.\n\nThe whole of the hilly country north of the Tan Tsa Valley up to the bow of mountains which forms the watershed is entirely uninhabited, while there is also a wide uninhabited strip beyond the watershed on the N'Maikha side. The west end of the bow is Manung Pum, 10,000 feet, the \"high conical peak\" of the Convention, and the most northerly point of the demarcated frontier. Under this peak there is a track, impassable for mules, leading from Jan Tsa to Maiku, a Kachin village on the Upper Shi-Ngaw River in British territory, in two days some 20 miles. The east end of the bow, bearing north-east from Tan Tsa, is a conspicuous jagged peak (12,000 feet) known as Laug Ya, or Wolf's Tooth Mountain. The Lang Ya peak is astride of the...",
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        "content_text": "# Upper Ming Kwang Valley\n\nMr. Leveson and myself, accompanied by a surveyor, and encumbered by two Chinese deputies, proceeded to Hparè to fix the spot where the N'Maikha-Shweli divide joins the main Salween-Irrawaddy divide. Marching up the valley of the Chan Shan Brook, we passed the last Lisu hamlet, some 3 miles from camp, and, ascending a double pass through dense forest, camped on the N'Maikha side, 4 miles from the divide, and near the scene of Mr. Hertz's encounter in February 1900 with the army of Ming Kwang. I found the remains of some of the log stockades from which the Chinese had been expelled. Soon after passing this spot, we were met by the Hparè people, who had come to clear the pass for us. At 9 miles from the pass, we reached the main or upper village of Hparè, delightfully situated above the Hparè Stream, and overshadowed behind and in front by lofty mountains. We camped below the upper and above the lower or smaller village, the two comprising some forty families, living in unusually clean and neat houses; to avoid the trouble which might have arisen from the insolence of the Chinese in the village, we persuaded them to camp close to us. The villagers soon crowded round our tents in a perfectly friendly manner, but they left the Chinese severely alone.\n\nIn the afternoon, the two Headmen came to camp to see Mr. Leveson. They were brothers, both very old men, and the elder was blind. As they approached the camp, the Chinese deputy commenced behaving in the usual bullying fashion of Mandarins dealing with what they consider to be inferior races. He bawled at the Headmen, ordering them not to go to our tents and to do this and not to do that in a style which, if we had not been present, would very soon have brought out the Kachins' swords, as the Headmen were attended by their sons and the villagers. Then, no doubt, if the worthy deputy had escaped with a whole skin, he would have run away back to China and reported that the barbarians had made a humble submission, offering tribute.\n\nHaving suppressed the insolence of the deputy, we made him sit down at Mr. Leveson's tent to hear the Hparè Headman's statements; it was to the same effect as that which his people had already made to Mr. Leveson. They denied in toto that they were, or ever had been, in any sense tributary to the Ming Kwang Chiefs, or that any Chinese officials ever exercised any sort of control over them. Their boundary, they stated, was the watershed over which we had come, and beyond that they never went to cultivate; down country, their villages extended along the Kan Sheng River (Kun Ma in Chinese) to its junction with the Ngaw Chang, but not farther. Their people went to Ming Kwang for the five-day bazaar, and Chinese pedlars passed through Hparè. They were as a rule on good terms with the Chinese, except that after Mr. Hertz's affair, some Chinese, whose names they gave, and who are believed to be Headman Tso's people from Ming Kwang, had come in the night and burnt twelve houses in Hparè and carried off thirty head of cattle, of which eight had never been returned. They dwelt on the fact that this case had not been settled, and it appears to constitute what the Kachins call a \"ka,\" or feud, with the Ming Kwang Fu Yi.\n\nThe Hparè Headmen further stated that formerly the Fu Yi of Lower Ming Kwang used to pay them 25 rupees a-year and some gunpowder, in return for which they guaranteed to traders the safety of the road along the Kun Ma River, but that these payments had ceased for the last thirty years. On festive occasions, such as the building of a new house or a marriage, the Hparè people had been wont to make presents to the Lower Ming Kwang Sawbwa, and he had made return presents to Hparè on similar occasions, but no such exchange of gifts had taken place for five years past. The Ming Kwang Fu Yi, some weeks before our arrival, had sent to \"order\" them to come out to meet the Taotai and mend the road; they had refused to leave their village, and as regards the road, had, in fact, told Ming Kwang to mind his own business.\n\nThese statements were confirmed by the bystanders, and made both in the Lashi and Chinese languages. The Chinese deputy refused to cross-examine or even to listen to them, and got up and went away; so much for joint examination. The Headman's son had already suggested to Mr. Leveson that if the Chinese frontier was to be defined, it should not include Hparè. It is perfectly clear that Chinese suzerainty, much more control, over Hparè and Kun Ma Valley is an entire myth. Nor, though I pressed him, could the Taotai induce his two Ming Kwang Headmen to point out any single fact which would go to prove that they were exercising, or ever, in the memory of man, had exercised, any sort of overlordship or control in the Kan Sheng Valley.\n\nSince the incursion of the Chinese who were expelled by Mr. Hertz, no Chinese officials or soldiers appear to have visited Hparè, except on the occasion of the above-mentioned raid.\n\nIf this is their country, why did neither of the Ming Kwang Chiefs come with us personally or send representatives to Hparè? To me, the reason is easy; it was a prudent regard for their own skins and a natural aversion to inconvenient conversations about the twelve houses and eight head of cattle. I believe that any attempt on the part of the Ming Kwang Chiefs to assert their imaginary authority would be forcibly resisted by the Hparè people.\n\n## Journey to Tzu Chu\n\nOn the 7th April, Mr. Leveson and the surveyor left Hparè to proceed to Tzu Chu, a small upland valley to the north-east of Hparè, and divided from it by a steep razor-like spur. The Tzu Chu River is known to the Lashis as the Mang Sheng Kha. It joins the Hparè River a few miles below Lower Hparè, and their junction forms the Kun Ma or Kan Sheng River, which flows straight into the Ngaw Chang, or, in Chinese, Hsiao Chiang (Little River), the junction being 16 miles from Upper Hparè.\n\nThe Ngaw Chang is an important tributary of the N'Maikha, which takes a peculiar semi-circular course through very mountainous country. Rising from the west of the great Salween-Irrawaddy divide in north latitude 26° 18', it flows swiftly over a rocky bed in a southerly direction for about 20 miles; then it turns west and flows at the south foot of a conspicuous range covered with snow in April, for about 20 miles to a point near the junction of the Kan Sheng, where is situated the considerable Lashi village of Taw Gaw (forty houses); then the Ngaw Chang turns north, and, after flowing roughly parallel to the N'Maikha for some distance, finally joins it in north latitude 26° 30′.\n\nMr. Leveson reached the Tzu Chu Valley from Hparè in one day after a stiff climb over a spur. He found only one village, Lagwi, and the remains of the deserted hamlet of Mang Sheng. The Lagwi people were found to be Lashi Kachins related to the Hparè people. Two of the Hparè Headmen's sons accompanied Mr. Leveson to Tzu Chu; thence, one of them returned home, but the other attached himself to Mr. Leveson and remained, making himself generally useful for all the rest of the time during which we were exploring the valley of the Ngaw Chang. Both these youths seemed to be peaceable, decent fellows enough, though they apparently fail to appreciate the benefits of Celestial government. I feel sure that neither of them would have any difficulty in answering the question, \"Under which King, Bezonian? Speak or die!\"\n\nMr. Leveson examined the Lagwi villagers. It appears that Tzu Chu is only the Chinese name of the place, derived, it is said, from the dwarf bamboos with which the sides of the valley are clad. The Tzu Chu people's statement, made in the presence of the Chinese deputy, was the same as that of the Hparè Headman, except that they had no case or feud with Ming Kwang. They are on good terms with the Chinese, and go over the watershed to do their marketing, but there is not, and never has been, in the memory of man, any payment of tribute or taxes to the Chinese, nor has any Chinese official ever visited Tzu Chu or sent orders to the Tzu Chu people, or attempted to exercise any authority or control over them, nor do they consider themselves at all subject to China.\n\nThere is no Chinese resident either in Hparè or Tzu Chu.\n\nWe are of opinion that nothing can be clearer than that there is no Chinese control either in Hparè or Tzu Chu.\n\n## Return to Ming Kwang and Conference with the Taotai\n\nWhile Mr. Leveson was at Tzu Chu, I had returned from Hparè to our former camp near Ming Kwang in order to confer with the Taotai, who had meanwhile delivered to me (1) a map setting forth the claims of Ming Kwang Headmen to various territories beyond the watershed, from which it will be seen that these claims are much as I reported last year; (2) two documents, dated in the 21st year of Tao Kwang (1842), purporting to be certificates issued by the Ping Pu or Board of War in Peking on the application of the Yunnan Government, recognizing the succession of the Chief or Fu Yi Yang of \"Hparè in Ming Kwang,\" and of the Chief or Fu Yi Tso of “Tzu Chu in Ming Kwang,\" though, in point of fact, neither Hparè nor Tzu Chu are situated in Ming Kwang, but are divided from it by a broad uninhabited mountain range. Both these Chiefs are referred to in the certificates as \"hereditary sergeants in the army.\" When I reported last year that the Hparè and Tzu Chu Headmen had hereditary Chinese titles, I was misled. These titles belong not to the real Lashi Headmen of those places, but to the Chinese Chiefs of Ming Kwang in virtue of an imaginary suzerainty...\n\n437\n\nD [2167 x-1]",
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        "content_text": "# \n10 \n\npresents with Hparè and Tzu Chu. This would be quite enough; to the arrogant mind of the official Chinaman it would be \"receiving tribute from the submissive barbarians\" and \"conferring favours\" in return, and so it would be reported to the Yunnan authorities, who would certainly not make the inquiries sufficient to discover the fact that the barbarians were far from being submissive and regarded the matter in quite another light. Thus the Peking Government would issue its certificate to the effect that Hparè belonged to Ming Kwang Headmen and so forth. This having been done, from the Mandarins' point of view Hparè henceforth does belong to Ming Kwang, and there is no more to be said about it; if the Board of War issued a rescript to the effect that the ocean sea was made of treacle, it would be quite contrary to etiquette, and even dangerous, for the Taotai to officially assert that it consisted of salt water.\n\nAs regards geography, the Ming Kwang map is an advance on the Chinese production at Tien Tan, which may be due to the circumstances that in the interval the Taotai, who is an intelligent man, had been enlightened by us as to the geography of the country.\n\nThe Chinese claims to Hparè and Tzu Chu being of such a flimsy character, it is obvious that the claims to villages lower down the country, i.e., nearer to the N'Maikha, are even more unsubstantiated.\n\nI may here add that later on, when we reached Pien Ma, the Taotai withdrew the claims, which he had put forward on behalf of the Tso family in his map of Ming Kwang, to various Lashi villages along the further or right bank of the Ngaw Chang or Hsiao Chiang. The most important of these villages is Lung Pang, and I propose in this Report to refer to them as the Lung Pang group. They number some six villages with 120 families of Lashi Kachins.\n\nThe Taotai verbally informed me that these villages were wholly beyond control and that for many years there had been no control and no intercourse between them and the Chinese, and that therefore he considered them as \"hua wai\" or beyond the pale of civilization, and that no objections would be raised by him to Burmah taking them. Meanwhile, any of our party who went across the Ngaw Chang would go at their own risk so far as he, Taotai, was concerned.\n\nI asked him, in writing, to put this in writing, and he replied in a note which, though not quite satisfactory, amounts, I think, to a formal withdrawal of claims, which in any case were quite untenable, to the Lung Pang group. The Taotai explained to me that formerly, in Chia Ching's reign (early nineteenth century), all the Chinese Fu Yi had combined in a joint expedition against the Lashi or Châ Shan (\"Tea-hill\") Kachins, as they are known to the Chinese. They had crossed the Ngaw Chang and, with the help of a Chinese General, had established a camp beyond that river, and had subdued the whole country, which had then been divided up among the various Sawbwas or Fa Yi with the consent of the Yunnan Government.\n\nThe Lung Pang group, together with Taw Gaw and other villages on the left bank of the Ngaw Chang, had been assigned to the Ming Kwang Fu Yi, who had already, according to the Taotai, owned Hparè and Tzu Chu, which were not concerned in the campaign, since the Ming Kwang dynasty.\n\nUnder the above arrangement, Chi Kaw and Shang Lou, on the Ngaw Chang near Lung Pang, had been assigned to the Chinese Fu Yi or leadman of Ta Tang, while Pien Ma and some villages near the left bank of the headwaters of the Ngaw Chang had been given to the Teng Keng Headman on the Salween. This was the history of the Ming Kwang claims.\n\nThe story told by the Kachins themselves is somewhat different. They state that several generations ago (their ideas of time are vague) the Chinese came and raided the Ngaw Chang country, burning many villages and killing many persons. They then retired back to China, and the Lung Pang Dawa, who was considered to be the Chief of all the Lashi, gathered his forces and made a counter-raid, in the course of which he ravaged the Ming Kwang Valley down to Ku Tung Bazaar, burned the village of Teng Keng, and killed two members of the family of the Chinese Fu Yi (surname Tuan).\n\nAfter this, there were negotiations and peace was concluded, the various Kachin villages agreeing to exchange presents with the various Chinese Fu Yi, Hparê, Tzu Chu, Taw Gaw, the Kan Sheng Valley villages, and Hsieh Chiang, with Ming Kwang; Shang Lou with Ta Tang; Pien Ma with Teng Keng; and so forth. But neither the Lung Pang group nor any other of these villages were ever in any sense politically subject to China or took any cognizance of the action of the Chinese Government in assigning these districts to the various Chinese Fu Yi, and these villages have never been, and are not now, subject to any administrative control from the Chinese side.\n\nOf these two stories, which clearly refer to the same events, the Kachin version \n## 11 \nis probably nearer to the truth. The case for Chinese control in the N'Maikha basin rests mainly on mythical campaigns and imaginary victories. The doughty deeds which the Taotai related to me concerning the former Ming Kwang and other Chinese Headmen would do credit to Amadis de Gaul and the other famous knights, the recital of whose res geste put Don Quixote out of his wits; and the stories of the Chinese heroes are probably just about as true as those of the Castilian. At any rate, the slipshod, incompetent, opium-smoking Chinamen who now represent these families have lamentably degenerated from the glory of their ancestors.\n\nMr. Leveson returned from Tzu Chu into the Ming Kwang Valley on the 10th April by a pass 9,000 feet high, some 6 miles above our former camp at Cha Shan Ho. The surveyors having completed their work of mapping the watershed up to its junction with the Salween divide, we then moved up to the head of the wild and beautiful Ming Kwang Valley, where the whole party, including the Taotai, was reunited on the 12th April, near the hamlet of Ta Chu Pa, some 12 miles from Ming Kwang Fu Yi's residence.\n\nI had visited this place last year, and we found no difficulty in engaging Lisu coolies to help us over the pass to Pien Ma. The representative of a Tengyuch firm, which is engaged in the carriage of coffin wood from the Ngaw Chang, also found us some twenty porters who had been bringing out wood.\n\n## V. Pien Ma and the Upper Ngaw Chang.\n\nFrom Ta Chu Pa over into the N'Maikha basin and so to Pien Ma is only 28 miles, and the pass is only 9,000 feet; but owing to the weather and the state of roads, or rather tracks, we divided into three parties. The Taotai went first and was caught, in the dense sunless forest which covers the N'Maikha side of the pass, by a downpour of rain which continued twelve hours. All the streams, and there were some two dozen of them to cross, were so flooded that it was impossible to get forward, and the Taotai had to spend the night crouched under a fallen tree without his rice or his opium.\n\nThanks to my friends the Ta Chu Pa Lisu, I was more fortunate and succeeded in getting out of the forest to the first village and a fair camp on the N'Maikha side (Tsui Ho, ten Lisu huts) just before dark, after a tramp of 9 miles literally through a continuous quagmire varied in places by watercourses. The surveyors spent a damp night in the forest under canvas, but minus their beddings. Mr. Leveson came through the next day, but much of the transport was bogged, and several mules half-killed in the mud. We were not all reassembled at the village of Pien Ma, 9 miles north of Tsui Ho, till the 17th April.\n\nThe Taotai took up his quarters at the Headman's house, while we camped outside the village.\n\nPien Ma (in Lashi \"Hpi Maw\") consists of forty houses of Lashi Kachins, picturesquely scattered about along steep hill-sides, above a rushing torrent, and entirely surrounded by lofty mountains. The elevation is 6,500 feet. There is a strip of wet cultivation along the brook, which leads by a defile beyond the village straight down to the Ngaw Chang, which it joins 6 miles from Pien Ma.\n\nI may here notice the marked difference between the country on the Chinese and on the N'Maikha side of the watershed. In China, the broad upland plains of Tien Tan, Ming Kwang, Ta Tang, divided from each other by regular ranges, ascend gradually to the divide; but on the N'Maikha side, the country rapidly falls down from the divide (average elevation 10,000 feet) to the Ngaw Chang (average elevation 3,000 feet). This space is intersected in every direction by elaborate and steep ridges and spurs, with a complication of lateral valleys and innumerable mountain torrents. It is very difficult to find a piece of level ground anywhere in this country; the villages are all narrow, broken, and enclosed by towering cliffs. By far the largest area is occupied by dense forest or steep rocky hill-sides, where habitations, or even the possibility of habitations, are very limited and far between. I dwell on this in order to demonstrate how difficult it would be to make a frontier criss-cross through such a country.\n\nLast year I expressed a fear that Chinese cultivators might soon extend over into the N'Maikha side, which would render the settlement of the frontier far more difficult; but after examination on the spot, I am of the opinion that my fears were unfounded. There are now five Chinese near Pien Ma, and they reside there in consequence of trade relations. The upper slopes on the N'Maikha side are not susceptible of cultivation, while the paddy-fields lower down are strongly held by Lashis, who are in sufficient force to resist Chinese intrusion.\n\n## 438",
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        "title": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "## 12\n\nThe Regent of the petty State of Teng Keng, situated on the right bank of the Salween, latitude 26° north, had come over to Pien Ma to meet the Taotai and come to see me.\n\nThe claims of Teng Keng were investigated.\n\nAt Tsui Ho the Lisu inhabitants told us that they had originally come over from the Salween side of the great Irrawaddy divide, and therefore considered themselves as Teng Keng's men. They paid a small tax in kind, of the value of about 12 annas per house, and if the Teng Keng Chief came to visit them they made a contribution to his travelling expenses. They stated that there were several Lisu hamlets scattered about the hill-sides who were in the same position towards the Teng Keng Chief. These hamlets are hardly to be considered permanent, as after taking a crop or two off the hill-side the Lisu will often remove their bamboo wattle huts to some other fold in the mountains. The Lashi Headman of the Pien Ma, an old man, who began by stating his desire to make submission to the British, the Regent of Teng Keng, and several other natives made statements on the subject of the payment of tribute, which, though they were not in precise agreement with each other, were enough to prove that no one really knows what amount is paid per annum, and also that it differs considerably from year to year. The financial arrangements of Teng Keng are, in short, not such as would meet the approval of the Revenue Secretary to the Government of India. The Regent's statement to me was the vaguest of all, and it is clear that he knows very little of the country which is supposed to belong to him.\n\nIt appears that Pien Ma, U Tung, Kang Fang, Ku Lan, P'a Ti, and some other hamlets, all of which are Lashi or Lisu villages near the headwaters of the Ngaw Chang, and comprise in all a little over 200 families, were supposed to have been assigned by the Chinese Government to Teng Keng after the famous campaign in Chia Ching's reign (see above). These villages had previously been, and continued for some time after to be, subject to Lung Pang, on the right bank, further down the Ngaw Chang; but some years after the Chinese campaign a feud broke out between the Pien Ma group of villages and Chi Kaw, near Lung Pang, on account of a cattle theft. Chi Kaw raided and burnt Pien Ma, and Pien Ma replied by engaging the assistance of the Chinese from Teng Keng. They then burnt and looted Chi Kaw, and in compensation for Teng Keng's help, and in satisfaction for the previous murder of two members of the Teng Keng Headman's family, they agreed to pay him tribute. Present this tribute is paid mostly in kind. The Pien Ma Headman stated that, including scattered households of Lisu immigrants from the Salween, there are now nearly 350 families in this tribute-paying tract, of whom one-half are Lashi and one-half Lisu, but I believe this number to be beyond the mark.\n\nThe forty households of Pien Ma pay to the annual value of about 10 taels. Besides this a toll on coffin wood brought up from the Ngaw Chang by the Chinese firm mentioned above is levied at Kang Fang, near the left bank of the Upper Ngaw Chang, by Teng Keng. The produce of this toll is never more, and often less, than 100 taels a-year. On the whole, I think we may say that the annual sum which Teng Keng derives from the Upper Ngaw Chang is probably 300 rupees a-year at the outside.\n\nIt is to be noted that, apart from the collection of this uncertain sum, there is no regular administration of Pien Ma or the adjacent villages by Teng Keng. He has no power or machinery to undertake anything of the kind. The country is very poor, and much disturbed by feuds, which, I expect, if the truth were known, often prevent Teng Keng from \"touching\" his revenue. The Lung Pang \"Duwa\" has a vendetta with the Chinese, and shortly before our arrival it appears that he distinctly intimated to Teng Keng that neither Teng Keng nor any other Chinese would be allowed to cross the Ngaw Chang, and it was probably this threat which induced the Taotai to withdraw the claims of Ming Kwang to the Lang Pang group.\n\nThen Pien Ma has a vendetta with Shang Lou, a village of fifty families of Lashi, situated to the west of Pien Ma. It is reported that disorders have recently taken place at U Tung, and it is clear that there is practically no such thing as government in the country.\n\nOn the other hand, it must be admitted that Teng Keng has more substantial claims to the consideration of the British Government than Ming Kwang; he has a scintilla juris, and the levy of uncertain sums at irregular intervals is as far as the Chinese have ever gone anywhere in Yunnan towards the administration of frontier tribes.\n\nBefore reaching Pien Ma the Taotai had delivered to me further documentary evidence regarding his claims in the shape of a Memorial to the Throne from the Viceroy of Yünnan in the eighteenth century, together with an Instruction issued by the Tengyueh officials, undated, but probably of the same date as the Memorial.\n\n## 13\n\nPage 439\n\nThese documents profess to assign a number of \"barbarian\" villages, of which the names are given, among the respective jurisdictions of Tengyueh, Pao Shan, Yün Lung, and Li Chiang, all in West Yünnan. Most of these villages are in the Salween Valley, and therefore not now in question; but Pien Ma, U Tung, Tzu Chu, Hparè, &c., are mentioned in the list as being subject to Tengyueh and Pao Shan. As I have already pointed out, there is no evidence that the arrangements set forth in these documents ever represented the real state of affairs. I fail to see that the Government of India is compelled to pay any more attention to these papers than the President of the United States would pay to the Papal Bulls of the sixteenth century, which assigned the whole of the New World to Spain and Portugal. If you accept the premises that the New World belonged to the Pope to assign, the Bulls are excellent titles; so if we follow the Taotai, and accept as true beyond contradiction any statement set down in a document sealed by the Chinese Government, then the Memorial would be a good title to the villages in question. But as in fact the premises are absurd, the conclusion cannot be supported.\n\nOn the 19th April we broke up our camp at Pien Ma, and, in view of the lateness of the season and the continued bad weather, divided our forces; while the Taotai and myself proceeded east to the Salween, Mr. Leveson and Surveyor Natha Singh proceeded down to the Ngaw Chang. A Chinese deputy was detailed to go with them, but he thought that discretion was the better part of valour, and returned to Ming Kwang.\n\nMr. Leveson gives the following particulars, which fully confirm our previous information respecting the condition of the Kachins on the Ngaw Chang, and his visit to them:---\n\n\"I spent three days on the Upper Ngaw Chang, and most of the Headmen came to see me, including Gaw Yawm (in Chinese, Shang Lon), and Shi Jang (in Chinese, Hsieh Chiang), Chi Kaw, and others. They were all friendly and accepted presents. The surveyors fixed all the villages, and went down the other side (right bank) of the Ngaw Chang as far as Pa Le, below Lung Pang. I then returned to Pien Ma.\n\n\"Teng Keng left a nasty reputation behind him at Pien Ma by beating a Lashi Headman for not providing supplies for the Chinese.\n\n\"The statement of the Headman from the Lower Kau Shang is to the same effect as that of Hparè----namely, that they are in no way subordinate to any Chinese, and have never paid tribute.\n\n\"The Shi Jang (Hsieh Chiang) Headman makes the same statement, but adds that he occasionally exchanges presents of 'huang lien' (a medicine) for salt with the Ming Kwang Fu Yi.\n\n\"The trans-Ngaw Chang, or Lung Pang, group of villages comprises some 120 families at Lang Pang, Pa Le, Kan Kawn (Kan K'un), Hpien Law (Kwan Chai), &c. Their Headmen have no dealings whatever with the Chinese Chiefs, and, in fact, threatened this year to do for them if they crossed the Ngaw Chang.\n\n(This is the group of villages to which the Taotai has withdrawn his claims.)\n\n\"The Gaw Yawm (Chinese, Shang Lon) group on the Shang Tawn River, which joins the Ngaw Chang between the Pien Ma and Kan Sheng Rivers, has some forty or fifty households of Lashi.\n\n\"They state that they are in subordinate alliance with Ta Tang; every third year he gives them a buffalo, and they give him 50 viss of 'huang lien' (165 lb.). He exercises no jurisdiction beyond this, but he did actually visit Gaw Yawm while we were at Pien Ma.\n\n\"The Upper Ngaw Chang, or Pien Ma, group includes five villages of over 25 households and some nine hamlets, in all probably 240 households, of which some 180 are Lisu, mostly immigrants from the Salween, and the rest Lashi.\n\n\"The Lashi are supposed to pay about one-tenth of a tael per house per year to Teng Keng. The total tribute thus collected is not over 25 taels a-year, and is paid in kind, usually very miscellaneous kind. These villages describe themselves as in subordinate alliance with Teng Keng.\n\n\"The hamlet of Kang Fang (house of toll) is primarily the head-quarters of the Chinese coffin-wood firm. It used to be further down the Ngaw Chang, near the junction of the Pien Ma affluent. It was moved further up when wood became scarce in that locality. Tang Tung, or U Tung, is the first stage of the wood coolies en route to Ming Kwang; hence the two Chinese houses there.\n\nPage 54\n\nKang Fang is, secondarily, Teng Keng's toll and tribute collecting centre. Lisu, who extract coffin-wood on their own account apart from the Chinese firm, pay one set of boards in twenty-five.\" \n\n`[2167 -1]`",
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        "content_text": "440 \n\n14 \n\n[The Chinese firm pay one in ten—at least, so they told me—but I expect that they and the Lisu often evade payment.—G. L.] \n\n\"Beyond collecting toll and tribute Teng Keng never exercises any authority on the N'Maikha side of the watershed beyond the Salween divide. \n\nThe Upper Ngaw Chang Valley consists of steep grassy slopes, with pines and chestnuts, and very little cultivation. Mules from Ming Kwang are sometimes sent here to graze, and I met a few Szechuanese peddlers with their trade loads. Below Kang Fang there are some narrow strips of paddy-land on both sides of the river.\" \n\n## VI. The Lisu Country on the Upper Salween. \n\nI was accompanied from Pien Ma to the Salween by Surveyor Lachman Jadu; my object was to collect such further information about the main Salween-Irrawaddy divide as would enable His Majesty's Government to press for the definition of the frontier north of the point (about latitude 25° 50′) where this main divide is joined by the minor divide between the Ming Kwang and Ngaw Chang Rivers, or, what is the same, the divide between the Shweli and the N'Maikha. \n\nFrom Pien Ma the track ascended steeply in an easterly direction across open grassy hills. At 8,500 feet a magnificent view was unfolded. East of us the lofty snow-clad range between the Salween and the N'Maikha stretched away towards the north; to the south of us the crest of the divide between the Ngaw Chang and the Ming Kwang Rivers stood clearly out against the sky for many miles. Nothing could have shown more clearly than this view the fitness and convenience of the frontier which we claim. \n\nBelow us lay the scattered village of Pien Ma with its narrow valley of paddy-fields stretching down to the dark gorge in which flows the Ngaw Chang. Beyond, and hanging over the right bank of the Ngaw Chang, was another majestic range of snow-clad peaks forming a barrier between the Lashi (Chinese, Cha Shau) country, which we had been exploring, and Lang-su, as it is known to the Chinese. \n\nLang-su is a general term indicating all the wild Maru country beyond the Ngaw Chang and west of the great Salween divide. It appears to be generally recognized by the Chinese as not being under their control, and no claims were put forward in respect of it. The N'Maikha above the junction of the Ngaw Chang is known to the very few Chinese who have been there as the Laug-su River. \n\nWe crossed into the Salween basin by the Pien Ma Pass at 10,500 feet. This pass is usually practicable for mules, but we found the narrow path along the hill-side leading down from the summit deep in loose wet snow, across which it was impossible for animals to proceed. We were accordingly compelled to send the mules round by the Ma Mien Pass, a détour of twelve days, and do as best we could with coolie porters. The descent on the Salween side was very steep along the gorge of the Ku Tan Stream, which joins the Salween just north of the village of Teng Keng, after a rapid course of 12 miles. After camping in the jungle some 4 miles above the scattered village of Ku T'an, we climbed up a very steep spur on the left of the stream till we reached 6,500 feet, or 3,500 feet above the Salween, whence a long half-day's march of 8 miles northwards along steep bare hill-sides with several steep ascents and descents brought us to the Lisu village of La Chang (thirty houses), situated at 6,000 feet on a wooded terrace high above the Salween. \n\nHere we reached the fatherland of the Lisu tribe, for the Lisu villages scattered about the hills further south are all emigrations from the Upper Salween. Very few of the inhabitants of La Chang can speak more than a few sentences of Chinese. At Mao Chao, the next village to the north, only the attendants of the semi-Chinese Headman can speak the language of Han. Beyond Mao Chao there are no Chinese at all except two families resident at Cheng Ka, by the banks of Salween, latitude 26°, a small village with some paddy-fields, where there is a rope sling-bridge and a ferry-raft for crossing the river in low water. \n\nWe advanced three marches north of Lu Chang, camping at the villages of Mao Chao, Shih Pai Lai Ti, and Pai Pa; fortunately, lucid moments between the perpetual thunderstorms which swept down the valley in quick succession enabled the surveyor, by advancing above and beyond Pai Pa, to map the river and the high snow-clad divide between it and the Irrawaddy as far as latitude 26° 30′. \n\nI may therefore here put together in brief the information which I have collected on this and other journeys concerning the Upper Salween—i.e., above the iron suspension bridge on the main Burmah-Ta Li road. \n\n15 \n\nFrom the bridge northwards as far as Teng Keng, latitude 26°, the river, though its basin is only some 20 miles across, flows through comparatively open country, the great mountains on both sides breaking down to the banks in open rolling downs with ample room for rice cultivation, but, owing to the extreme unhealthiness of the valley, only a small part of it is cultivated by a mixed population of Shans and Chinese. There are, however, numerous Chinese villages along the upper slopes. The principal ferry in this section is at Meng Ku, latitude 25° 36', near the market of Man Yin, on the right or west bank, which is the last bazaar on the Upper Salween, and is situated in a broad paddy-valley at the foot of the Ma Mien Pass over to the valley of Ta Tang (Upper Shweli). \n\nFrom Teng Keng, in latitude 26° northwards, to about 27° 40', the river, which maintains an equal breadth of 100 yards for a great distance, is enclosed in a gorge as precipitous as the cañon of the Mekong. From about latitude 26° the range on the west bank forms the main divide between the Salween and the Irrawaddy, and its array of peaks is covered with snow for at least eight months of the year. This range is also an important ethnographical boundary, forming a barrier between the Maru country along the east of N'Maikha and the Lisu country along the west bank of the Salween. The Salween Lisu seem to regard this range as the frontier, and speak of their own Liso country—i.e., the Salween Valley—in contradistinction to Langsu, the Kachin country on the other side of the range. \n\nThe gorge section of the Salween appears to be entirely inhabited by Lisu, a tribe closely allied to the Lolo, and probably of Thibetan origin. They are well aware of the unhealthiness of the river banks, and nearly all their villages are 3,000 feet above the bottom of the gorge, even though the paddy-fields have to be squeezed into the few gaps in the cliffs by the river banks. \n\nThe characteristic of this gorge of the Salween is the tremendous series of sharp steep spurs which come straight down from the snows to the river in an endless succession of parallels. It must be remembered that while the river itself here flows at 3,000 feet, and the mountains between it and the Irrawaddy basin on the west, or the basin of the Mekong on the east, rise to heights from 10,000 feet to 13,000 feet, the whole width of the valley from crest to crest of the two ranges is only some 18 miles in an air-line; from native information it appears that the spurs which descend to the N'Maikha on the west side of the great divide are quite as numerous and difficult as those which we negotiated on our journey northwards from Lu Chang. \n\nFrom about latitude 27° 40′ northwards to the confines of Thibet the valley of the Salween is again somewhat more open. Wide stretches of country are covered with tall grass, and the bulk of the population in this section consists of Lu Tzu, a tribe in a very backward condition and probably closely allied to the Ching-paw or Kachins. \n\nThe French `Missions Étrangères` have recently sent a priest to work among these people, and he has established himself at Chongra on the left bank at about latitude 28°. He has seen and even ascended the Salween-Irrawaddy divide, which is here the boundary between the Lu and the Chiu tribes, who inhabit the eastern sources of the Irrawaddy. This same divide was crossed by Prince Henri of Orleans at an altitude of 12,800 feet, in latitude approximately 27° 40'. \n\nIt is therefore submitted that it may be regarded as established that a high regular range divides the Salween from the Irrawaddy basin as far as the sources of the latter river, and that north of the point (about latitude 25° 52′) where the Ming Kwang-N'Maikha divide joins it, this main range is not only the most convenient frontier, but also the only frontier which His Majesty's Government can accept, and that the sooner the Government of Peking can be brought to comprehend this the better. \n\nTravelling in the Lisu country is a series of steep climbs up the almost perpendicular sides of spurs, followed by break-neck descents on the other side. The scattered villages of rude log or bamboo huts with grass thatching are generally situated near the ridges of the spurs. The streams between the spurs are violent mountain torrents crossed by rickety plank bridges, and the bottom of each little valley is occupied by a hot and steamy jungle, whence the perspiring traveller climbs painfully up to the breezy ridges. The Taotai with much difficulty got a small mountain chair as far as Mao Chao, but there had to call a halt while I and the surveyor proceeded `pedibus cum jambis`. \n\nCultivation on the steep hill slopes along the river is extensive but precarious, as the fields are liable to be swept bodily away into the Salween; paddy-fields are few, and are...",
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        "content_text": "# \n募 \n\n16 \n\nconfined to the lower slopes. Half-way up the hills where our road lay opium was the most important crop, followed by a summer sowing of maize, but we also saw some patches of wheat and beans.\n\nThe Lisu are stay-at-home people, which is not surprising in view of the difficulty of getting about. Few of them can give any information about country more than three days' march from their own village, and fewer still have ever seen a town of 1,000 inhabitants or a square mile of flat country. These hills are so cut off from all relief by the outer world, and the villagers are so poor, that the problem of how to get enough to eat is the burning question of the day. There are no free-traders here. In none of the villages beyond Lu Chang could we buy a pound of rice or other cereals, though fowls and an occasional goat were forthcoming. Even paterfamilias practises high protection. He tries to get enough grain to feed himself and his family till the next harvest, and will not let a spoonful go out of the house.\n\nThe Chinese lower down the Salween regard all the country above Mao Chao as \"black\" or wild Lisu territory, utterly beyond the pale of civilization. There are no Chinese residents on the Salween north of Cheng Ka. No doubt the Lisu often raid in various directions, hunger being the chief incentive, though sometimes the object is to make slaves, or, in the case of forays towards the north, to cut off the Chinese gold-workers. The slave traffic seems fairly brisk. At Pai Pa the price of a male or female child of 8 to 10 years was about 20 rupees, but some of our porters told us that if we could come on to their village some distance further north we should find a larger selection and at easier rates. The slavery is of the domestic type, but the slave has also to work in the fields.\n\nAt Pai Pa, while I was sitting in my tent, I was surprised by a very dirty old man with remarkably brilliant black eyes, who threw himself down on the ground at the door of my tent and began a chant in a high, loud voice. I thought that he was a beggar, and asked the by-standers what his song was all about. They said in a rather awe-struck manner that they did not understand it. On inquiry I then discovered that I was in the presence of the local soothsayer, or medicine man.\n\nRealizing that he might be a person of some importance, I at once gave him a necklace of red beads and a rupee, whereupon he declared, in language which could be understood of the people, that my goings and comings in the Lisu country would be most prosperous--an announcement which had an impressive effect on the by-standers.\n\nThese \"tien ssu,\" or prophets, as the Chinese call them, are to be found in many Lisu villages. They deal in charms, medicines, funeral rites, omens, incantations, and in the knowledge of all things which, for the ordinary mortal, are hidden in the womb of time. No doubt among the ignorant villagers they have considerable influence, and could, if they wished, raise disturbances. The language of their trade is probably an archaic form of Lisu, and the various chants and invocations which they use have been handed down for generations and from times of old.\n\nI cannot confirm the reports of the savage and barbarous habits of these Lisu. I was entirely in their hands for two weeks, and I found that their good-will was very easy to win.\n\nPorters were always forthcoming so long as there was a ration of rice to give them, and I never had the least trouble. They are a hardy race, and though their manners are rough, they did not appear to be given to quarrelling among themselves like the Kachins, and the European traveller can march with them without feeling that uncontrollable desire to assault them which he nearly always feels in the case of Chinese coolies. Given the absence of Chinese soldiers and officials, and a carefully arranged supply of food, the complete exploration of the Lisu country on the Upper Salween would, for a good walker, be no difficult task, provided that he went in the autumn, when the weather is fine, when there is the minimum of snow on the passes, and local supplies of cereal food for a small party could be purchased.\n\nFrom the village of Pai Pa there is a pass via the village of Chi Me Le westwards over the great Salween divide to Langsu or the Maru country along the N Maikha, while Kang Fang on the Upper Ngaw Chang River can also be reached by this pass in four days from Pai Pa. There is said to be another route over this range some three days north of Pai Pa, but the communication between the Salween and the N'Maikha is difficult and unfrequent, as the Marus and Lisu have very little to do with each other. We had hoped to explore the Chi Me Le Pass, but the deep snows and continuous rain rendered the track quite impassable.\n\n17\n\n## Chinese Expedition to the Maru Country\n\n441\n\nThe Chinese Headman of Ku T'an, a village near Teng Keng, came into camp at Lu Chang and told me all about an attempt which had been made in the 16th year of Kwang Hsü (1890) to establish Chinese influence on the Upper N'Maikha. He had taken charge of the expedition, which consisted of fifty persons, nearly all Chinese. The venture was financed by the Teng Keng, Ta Tang, and Ming Kwang Headmen to the extent of 3,000 taels. It had two objects--firstly, to check the advance of British control from Myitkyina; and, secondly, to work the brine wells on the N'Maikha at about latitude 26° 30′.\n\nThe venture proved a failure owing to the extreme difficulty of the country, the absence of proper arrangements to bring up supplies, and the deadly climate. The Headman told me that he could speak some Maru, and had remained on the Upper N'Maikha for about seven months. The Maru villages he described as being constantly at feud with one another, and endeavouring to enlist his assistance in their quarrels.\n\nThe brine wells proved to be rich, but the expense and difficulty of transport to China rendered it impossible to make any profit, and the attempt to establish a Chinese colony had to be abandoned. This Ku Tan Headman was a particularly intelligent man, and told me that the Chinese, with their methods, would never be able to open up the country, and that they have no funds to make what was absolutely essential, namely, a passable track. He asked me to mention that he would like to serve under any British officer who might be conducting an expedition into the Maru country. His route had been via Kang Fang, then across the Ngaw Chang, and up into the mountains beyond.\n\nTo describe the government of the Lisu on the Upper Salween would be like describing the snakes of Iceland. North of latitude 26° there is practically none, except in so far as the \"prophets\" and old men of each village look after the affairs of that village. The jurisdiction of the Teng Keng Fu Yi (residing on the right bank of the Salween, latitude 26°), extends along the right bank only as far as the Ku Tan. Many of Teng Keng's villages are Chinese, or half-caste Lisu. The Teng Keng Fu Yi is a boy of about 16. Proceeding north, the next Fu Yi is at Lu Chang, to the north of the Ku Tan Stream, and situated at 6,000 feet high above the right bank of the Salween. This Fu Yi is an intelligent child of 9; he is of Lisu extraction, and the clan name is Cha. His affairs are managed by his mother and their villagers. Practically all Lisu seem to be in a prosperous and happy condition. The Lu Chang territory is about 10 miles from south to north. Next comes the Mao Chao Fu Yi. His village, like Lu Chang, is perched on a terrace 3,000 feet above the right bank of the river, and backed by the snowy Irrawaddy divide. This Fu Yi is about 35 years of age; his territory is some 14 miles from north to south, and entirely inhabited by Lisu. His rule is wholly confined to attempts, sometimes successful, sometimes otherwise, to levy money or goods from his villages. Pai Pa is the last Mao Chao village proceeding north.\n\nBeyond Pai Pa for three days the country nominally belongs to the Lao Wo Fu Yi, who resides in the hills between the Salween and the Mekong at about latitude 26°. The village of Cheng-ka, on the right bank of the Salween, below Pai Pa, and its ferry belongs to him, and his agent resides at Cheng-ka. Lao Wo's efforts at government appear to be less successful than those of Mao Chao, but they go further, for he does not confine himself to trying to levy money; he also endeavours from time to time to raid his subjects and carry off the fairest of their damsels.\n\nAgain, north of the territory claimed by Lao Wo, the Fu Yi of Chou, known as \"Lo Tu Kuan,\" i.e., the native official Lo, who has his residence on the Mekong, is supposed to be the overlord of the Lisu on both banks of the Salween; but his control, even on the left bank, and in the hills between the Salween and the Mekong, is of so shadowy a description that it may be said not to exist at all.\n\nNone of these Fu Yi appear to claim, and most certainly none of them control, any territory to the west of the great divide in the Irrawaddy basin.\n\nNorth of about latitude 27° 40′ the La Tzu tribe along the banks of the Salween are supposed to be tributary to the Moso, Thibetan Chief of Yetche, on the left bank of the Mekong. North, again, of the Lu Tzu country, i.e., from about latitude 28° 20′, the Salween Valley is, it is believed, wholly inhabited by Thibetans of the Tsarong Province.\n\n[2167 x-1]",
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        "page_number": 449,
        "title": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "## VII. Nature of the Claims of the Chinese\n\nIt will be seen that the Chinese claims to country west of the watershed, which His Majesty's Government maintains to be the frontier, have narrowed down to small proportions, for the claims of the Tien Tan Headman to the line of the Shi Ngaw--N'Maikha are altogether absurd and beyond discussion, and I do not think anything more will be heard of them. The claims to all villages beyond, ..., on the right bank of the Ngaw Chang, or Little River, would appear to have been withdrawn; we have now, therefore, the following:-\n\n1. On behalf of the Tien Tan Fu Yi, claims to three villages on the upper waters of the Chi Pwi, consisting, in all, of ten Lisa huts. There has been no payment of tribute to, or any act of control by, the Chinese for thirty-five years at least.\n\n2. On behalf of Ming Kwang Headman or Fu Yi, named Tso and Yang, claims to Hparé Tzu Chu and certain villages along the Kan Sheng (Kun Ma or \"Rolling Horse\") River, a tributary of the Ngaw Chang, of which Taw Gaw, La Chang, La Mok, Pa Mia, with the addition of Hsich Chiang (Shi Jang) and Tsaw Lang, situated on the banks of a small stream flowing into the Ngaw Chang, between Pien Ma (Hpi Maw) and Kansheng Rivers, would seem to complete the list--in all, some twelve villages and hamlets, containing 200 families, at the most, of Lashi.\n\nAll these entirely deny that they are in any sense subject to Chinese control, and we find that in fact they are quite independent. No tribute is paid or has been paid in the memory of man, and the Chinese Fu Yi are not only obviously unable to enforce their claims, but are afraid to go into the country at all. Their pretensions are based on ancient official documents, which, in their turn, are probably based on mendacious statements by the ancestors of the present Fu Yi, and supported by occasional exchanges of trifling presents in virtue of the Treaty referred to above.\n\n3. On behalf of the Ta Tang Fu Yi to one village on the Ngaw Chang, near the junction of the Shang Tawn River, between Hsich Chiang and Pien Ma, namely, Shang Lou (in Lashi Gaw Yawm); this contains some forty households, who, it appears, exchange presents once in three years with Ta Tang, \"huang lien\" being given in exchange for a buffalo, in virtue of some Treaty; but Shang Lou is in no sense under regular control by Ta Tang, though while we were at Pien Ma the Ta Tang Headman went to Shang Lou, and the people supplied him with transport.\n\n4. On behalf of the Teng Keng Fu Yi, resident on the Salween, claims to Pien Ma, U Tung, Kang Fang, and a small tract of mountainous country near the left bank of the Upper Ngaw Chang, including some five villages, nine hamlets, and some 250 households of Lisu or Lashi. Here an irregular house tax is levied, mostly in kind, and a toll on timber is taken at Kang Fang. The total amount of the revenue is uncertain, but it is not over 300 rupees a-year, and owing to the disturbed condition of the country is often less. There is nothing of the nature of regular administration or control by the Teng Keng Fu Yi.\n\nThese claims--all of which represent rather family affairs of the Chinese Headmen than the political rights of the Yunnan Government--are so trifling that, in view of the obvious advantages of the watershed frontier to both parties, the matter would be settled in ten minutes if we had a civilized Government to deal with; but the point of view from which Chinese officials look at a question such as this is altogether different from ours. Facilities for good and easy administration of frontier tribes, convenient ethnographical or geographical divisions, are matters about which none of them know or care anything. It is therefore a mistake to take them too seriously. To the Mandarins the matter is a purely personal one. Each of them who has to deal with the affair of the frontier asks himself: \"How can I get out of this without letting myself in for impeachments and accusations of giving away Celestial land and truckling to the foreigner?\" Every Boundary Commission has been followed by its crop of impeachments of this kind, and though the officials accused may manage to escape without loss of their buttons, feathers, or official position, they have had to give heavy bribes to right themselves. The result is that none of them will take any responsibility. However unreasonable and unsubstantiated claims may be, the local official will never venture to say a word which might be held to cast any doubts on their validity, or to suggest the advisability of abandoning them. So long as he sits perfectly still and does nothing, he is in a position of safety, but directly he makes a move towards definite action for settling the frontier, he finds himself in a land of pitfalls and quagmires. The Taotai\n\n## Page 19\n\nnow clearly understands what we mean by the watershed frontier. Though he seems to recognize that it is the natural frontier, that the adoption of any other line would involve his Government in the future in constant and expensive boundary disputes, that his Fu Yi have no control whatever over on the N'Maikha side, and that the Yunnan Government would never go to the expense necessary to obtain such control, it would none the less be as much as his place is worth to recommend anything inconsistent with \"They would be the wording of the musty documents which have been put forward. down on me,\" he says. The Fu Yi and my own clerks would be writing behind my back to Yunnan-fu all sorts of secret accusations. I cannot take the responsibility of doing anything of the kind,\"\n\nI wish to dwell strongly on this point, for it is the chief, if not the only, obstacle to a speedy settlement. I have pressed upon the Taotai the view that he may, without committing himself to any definite recommendations, state the facts of the case as he himself admits them to be, and also mention that I have, on behalf of the Government of Burmah, offered compensation on a liberal scale for the personal rights of the Teng Keng Fu Yi, and that there is a precedent for such a settlement in the case of the Meng Mao Triangle (Möng Wan assigned tract). I am continuing to urge this view upon him, and am not without hope that he may be induced to take action somewhat on these lines, but I hardly expect to obtain a definite statement from him before the end of this month (May); when I do, I will inform the British Legation by telegraph. If the Taotai agrees to report to the Yunnan Government in the above sense, and if the Chinese Government is pressed strongly and simultaneously by His Majesty's Minister and the Consul-General, I am of opinion that an immediate settlement may be reached, especially if the Chinese Government can be made to understand that no other frontier will ever be accepted by Burmah,\n\nEven this, however, is doubtful; as the Taotai is afraid of his colleagues at Yunnan-fu, so the provincial officials at Yunnan-fu are afraid of the censors. It is unfortunate also that Chen, the former Boundary Commissioner, is now in a position of influence at the capital as Judicial Commissioner, for he is a notorious obstructive. I rather anticipate that we shall be met by the proposal that as the N'Maikha basin belongs to nobody at present, \"face\" requires that it shall be equally divided between the two Governments. In my despatch to the Taotai, therefore, of which copy is attached, I have dwelt on the fact that the frontier proposed by us will in fact be a division of the wild tribes, all the Kachins falling to Burmah, and all the Lisu and Lu Tzu of the Salween falling to China.\n\nI may remark that the local gazetteers know nothing of these claims to country beyond the N'Maikha divide. The Chinese map of Yunnan published by the Shan Hou Chi (Board of Reorganization) at the provincial capital shows the frontier to all intents and purposes as we claim it. The Tengyueh gazetteer speaks of the three \"ai,” or narrow passes, by which are indicated the heads of the Tien Tan, Ming Kwang, and Ta Tang Valleys, as the frontier.\n\n## VIII.\n\nThe result of the present expedition has been to confirm in all main points the opinions previously submitted to His Majesty's Government. In details we have to make some corrections; the claims of the Ming Kwang Fu Yi are much more flimsy, and those of the Teng Keng Fu Yi rather more substantial, than I had anticipated, but on the whole we have only to repeat the conclusions and recommendations which have already been considered and approved by His Majesty's Government, the Government of India, and Sir Ernest Satow.\n\n1. We find that, as a matter of fact, there is not now, and is not in the least likely to be in the future, any sort of effective control or administration by the Chinese beyond the watershed. We find more particularly that the claims of the Ming Kwang Fu Yi to Tzu Chu and Hparè, on which the Chinese Government has shown itself recently inclined to dwell, are all nonsense. We therefore recommend, in the first place, that no other line but the watershed should be accepted.\n\n2. We find that, from the geographical and ethnographical point of view, the line proposed by us is not only a convenient, but may be called an ideal, frontier as far north as the confines of Thibet. It is a conspicuous and unmistakable range of mountains only passable at wide intervals, and both sides of the crest of the range are entirely\n\n* Article II, Treaty of 1897.",
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        "title": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "## 20\n\nThe area is uninhabitable for an average distance of 6 to 8 miles from the crest. This range divides all the Kachins (on the Burmah side) from all the Chinese (on the Yunnon side). Further, all the Lisu, with the exception of a few scattered hamlets, and all the Lu Tzu would be on the Chinese side. Moreover, the frontier proposed is already recognized as such by the natives all along the line, even in the case of the Pien Ma people, who, while recognizing themselves as tributary to Teng Keng, still regard the watershed as the frontier between them and China proper.\n\n3. We find that the adoption of any other frontier would be highly detrimental to the interests of Burmah and in the long run scarcely less injurious to China. Chinese territorial claims on the N'Maikha side could not be recognized without forming an enclave where all the discontented, restless, or criminal spirits could find a safe refuge beyond the reach of the British Government. This would greatly increase the expense and difficulty of even a partial administration. Such an enclave would have to be surrounded by a line of forts, maintained at heavy cost. That the Yunnan Government will not, indeed cannot, reduce its tribes to order is not a matter of speculation, but of actual experience, witness the Blamo frontier, where considerable tracts on the China side are under no sort of control and Burmah has to maintain a military police force to an extent which, so far as the British Kachins are concerned, would be wholly unnecessary.\n\nIf Yunnan cannot control these Kachins, who are close to the main trade routes and adjacent to Tengyueh, what likelihood is there that any serious steps would be taken by the Mandarins to establish order in the distant N'Maikha basin, especially when even the pretence of a military force in West Yunnan has been abandoned? This being the case, to recognize their claims would be to involve them in constant difficulties with regard to frontier disputes. What the Chinese really want is precisely what we ought not to concede, namely, that we should save their face by recognizing their claims and they should nevertheless not be put to any expense or trouble in order to control or to police the country claimed; in other words, that we should admit their full rights of sovereignty without expecting them to fulfil any of its duties. The Taotai assures me that the Fu Yi will guarantee the good behaviour of the tribes and that he will guarantee the good behaviour of the Fu Yi; but this does not improve matters; it is simply Bardolph going bail for Falstaff. I should, like the tailor, want better assurance.\n\n4. We suggest that there is now quite sufficient information to enable a frontier to be laid down at Peking or London, and therefore recommend that His Majesty's Government should not consent to dispatch any further parties for inquiry or delimitation, except possibly to lay down boundary pillars when the frontier has been accepted by China. We further recommend that no further discussion with the Chinese as to what the boundary is to be should be entertained after the results of the present inquiry, with the map, have been laid before them. The negotiations, if any, should be confined to the presentation of a draft Convention in which the only matter for discussion is the amount and mode of payment of the compensation to be made by Burmah for Teng Keng's claims; or, in the alternative, if the Chinese refuse to sign such a Convention, to a declaration that the water-divide is the line which we intend to regard as the frontier in future.\n\n5. As regards payment, we suggest that not only the revenue actually obtained by Teng Keng should be considered, but also the value to the Government of Burmah of a speedy settlement. A payment of 500 rupees per annum will, in fact, more than compensate for the discontinuance of present actual receipts, but it will be well worth while to pay 1,000 rupees, or even a few hundreds more, to obtain an immediate acceptance of the line proposed.\n\nWhile the convenience of paying a lump sum to extinguish the claims once and for all may be admitted, it will probably on the whole be preferable to pay an annuity to the Chinese Headmen, which they would receive quamdiu se bene gesserint. If after a settlement had been reached they molested or caused disorder among the people on the N'Maikha side, payment could be withheld, whereas if a lump sum had been paid we should have no further hold over them. Moreover, the Chinese are more likely to be willing to accept an annual payment than a lump sum, as the latter might be regarded as a transaction for the sale of Celestial land. The money could be paid via the Consul and the Taotai to the Chinese Headmen in such proportions as the Taotai might direct, though, as a fact, Teng Keng is the only man who has any claims to a single rupee.\n\n6. We recommend that every effort, by simultaneous and continuous pressure both at Peking and Yunnan, should be made to induce the Chinese Government to accept the watershed frontier.\n\n## 21\n\n7. If they consent to this, there seem no reasons why the Government of Burmah should be in any hurry to administer the country, but it might possibly be advisable to send a small expedition to establish friendly relations with the Lashi Headmen along the Ngaw Chang, Kan Sheng, and Pien Ma Rivers, and to explain to them that henceforth they are not subject to China, and that the Chinese Headmen have no right to molest them.\n\n8. If the Chinese still refuse to abandon their pretensions, then it will be for the Government of Burmah to consider whether the advance of British administration, or at least of control, along the N'Maikha should not be accelerated. The only argument against this (but it is a weighty one) is the expense; on the other hand, it is clear that sooner or later this expense will have to be undertaken. The people at present seem friendly to us on the N'Maikha side, and there appears for the moment to be little danger of Chinese intrigues. It is therefore probable that the sooner the task is taken up, the less expensive it will be. Further, the sooner the country comes under British control, the sooner the question of the frontier will be finally settled and the danger of friction with the Chinese avoided. It may be argued and admitted that the territory in dispute is of no immediate or intrinsic value, and that there is no necessity to take immediate action, or even that graceful concessions may be made to the Chinese in respect of it; it is—\n\n\"a little patch of ground  \nThat hath in it no profit but the name.  \nTo pay  \nfive ducats, five, I would not farm it;  \nNor will it yield to Norway or the Pole  \nA ranker rate should it be sold in fee.\"\n\nThe reply is that, in considering a frontier, attention has to be paid to the possibilities of the distant future, and not merely to the political convenience of the moment. While the territory is intrinsically worthless, it is of much importance in matters of this kind. Graceful concessions in relation to the future administration of a vast tract of country have never helped us with the Chinese; besides, to yield on this point would be to confer on our Celestial friends a damnosa hereditas.\n\nOn the whole, we submit that no time should be lost in taking such action as will place beyond all doubt or possibility of future question the principle that the whole of the basin of the Irrawaddy up to the Salween divide is within the sphere of Indian influence. To secure this, it will not be necessary to touch any of the country west of the N'Maikha, nor on the east of that river, to set up an administration so precise as that which now exists in the Kachin Hills near Bhamo. All that seems to be called for is some improvement of the principal line of communication from the Shi Ngaw River, first to the Chi Pwi, then to the line of the Kan Sheng-Ngaw Chang, and then along the Ngaw Chang, all this country being gradually brought within the sphere of the Civil Officer's tour, and special attention being paid to establishing good relations with the Hparè, Lung Pang, and Pien Ma Headmen, who are nearest to China.\n\nIf these ends could be attained without fighting, there would, perhaps, be no present necessity for establishing a military post, which could not be done without great expense, especially for rationing. The country beyond and to the north of Ngaw Chang, which is inhabited by wild Marus, is so far from any Chinese influences that its administration may probably in any case be indefinitely postponed.\n\nIt is true that past experience among other Kachins goes to show that this tract could not be brought under control without military operations. But I may observe that most of the serious collisions which have occurred in the Kachin country, such as at Sima, Sadôn, and Matang in the early '90's, or at Hparè in 1900, were the immediate outcome of intrigues directed from the Tengyueh yamêns by Chinese officials. Now that so responsible an official as a Taotai is at Tengyueh in charge of frontier affairs, it is less likely that we shall have to anticipate difficulties of that kind; at least the Consular officers now established in Yünnan would probably be able to detect any such conspiracy. For the present, I anticipate nothing of the kind, and that is another reason why the opportunity seems favourable for an advance of British control up the N'Maikha; later on, the Mandarins may begin their old tricks again, for their real character remains ever the same, Naturam expellas furca, tamen usque recurret. Further, the Kachins now understand better what British control means, and are less likely to resent it, and less likely to listen to the Chinese.\n\n9. If the limit of our control is pushed north, it may be advisable to remember that the upper waters of the N'Maikha are auriferous, perhaps highly auriferous. Until expert opinion has been obtained on the point, it would be well to abstain from granting any extensive concessions in this country.\n\nPage 443  \nPage 450  \nPage 451",
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        "title": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "## 10\n\nNo reference was made by us to that upper eastern branch of the Irrawaddy known to the Chinese as the Chiu River (probably the Aklying of Pottinger), whose basin is inhabited by the little-known tribe of Chiu Tzu. From inquiries made on the Upper Mekong, it seems that the Chiu Tzu are partly tributary to the Chief of Yetche, on the Mekong (left bank), who in his turn is subject to China. The Chinese officials have little or no notion of where the Chiu River is or who the Chiu Tzu are. I therefore thought that it would only confuse matters to raise the question of so distant and difficult a country. It is, I think, out of the question for the Chinese ever to send a military expedition to so remote and inaccessible a locality, except possibly in the wake of the French missionaries, but I hope to gather some more information concerning the Chin next autumn. It is submitted, however, that any claims to the Chiu district could be dealt with in the same way as the Teng Keng claims, and that our present knowledge of the general geography of the country is sufficient to justify His Majesty's Government in pressing for a recognition of the Salween-Irrawaddy divide as the frontier as far at least as latitude 28°. If the Chinese reply by raising the question of Chin, then the present delimitation might be confined to latitude 26° 30′, which is the limit of the Lao Wo Chief on the Salween; or, better still, it might be provided that the divide should be the frontier up to latitude 28°, but that His Majesty's Government would compensate on a liberal scale any Chiefs on the Chinese side who might subsequently be found to have customary rights to dues from tribes in the Irrawaddy basin. The suggestion in paragraph 4 above, that no further joint parties of inquiry should be sent (a demand which the Chinese are very likely to put forward), applies especially to the Chin district, whence the Irrawaddy has its eastern sources. This is probably about the least known and most difficult country in the world. No supplies, even for a small party of, say, twenty-five, would be procured nearer than Atentse or Yetche on the Upper Mekong, both of which are at least fifteen marches from the Chiu district, crossing two great rivers—the Mekong and the Salween—by rope bridges, and two passes of 11,000 to 13,000 feet. Mule transport is out of the question, and a coolie can only carry as much as will feed himself for twenty-four days. Supplies, even from Atentse or Yetche, could be cut off by hostile lamaseries, who are under no sort of control. The Chinese accompanying such an expedition would certainly be insolent and violent to the tribes, and no results could be expected at all commensurate with the expense and danger which such a wild-goose chase would involve. From Barmah or Assam, the Chiu country is equally inaccessible. It is desirable that more exact geographical and general information than is now available should be obtained, but if the Chiu country is ever to be explored, a Chinese official or soldier is the very last person in the world who ought to be allowed to join the party. Indeed, no Mandarin of any position or influence could ever reach the Chiu, because he would have to walk; but if he could walk, he would not be a man of position or influence.\n\n## 11\n\nA translation of the despatch which I have addressed to the Taotai is attached. The map of the country examined, with the names in English and Chinese—the latter having been settled by the Taotai—is submitted.\n\nConsiderable difficulty was experienced in fixing the Chinese names, for the same place is often differently designated by different tribes and again differently by the Chinese; often there is no recognized Chinese character for a place; it is therefore suggested that the characters given with the present map should be finally adopted. Further, different reaches of the same river are differently named by the same tribe. Take, for instance, the N'Maikha. Last year I wrongly reported that this was known to the Chinese as the Maiku River, but I now find that the Maiku River is the Shi Ngaw, tributary of the N'Maika, so called from a Kachin village on its bank. The name N'Maikha is unknown to the Chinese except to one or two officials, who have got it from our maps. N'Maikha is the name given to the river by the Ching Paw Kachins near the confluence, who are known to the Chinese as Pu Man. The Lashis call it La Pie, which simply means \"the river.\" Some of the Chinese regard it as simply part of the Ngaw Chang or Hsiao Chiang (Little River). Others regard it as part of the Irrawaddy, and accordingly call it Chin Sha Chiang, or Golden Sand River. On several occasions I heard it called simply Chiang, or river, which is an adoption of the Lashi word La Pie.\n\nThe Upper N'Maikha above the junction of the Ngaw Chang was referred to by the few Chinese I met who knew of its existence as the Langsu (or Maru) River. After discussion with the Taotai, we have adopted the somewhat barbarous \"Ngen Mai Ka,\" or \"Ngen Mai Kei,\" failing any recognized official version.\n\n## 12\n\nThe following is submitted as a suggestion for a draft of the text of a Convention which could be accepted by the Government of Burmah:\n\n### Draft Convention\n\n**(a.)** From Manung Pum, the high, conical peak in latitude 25° 33′ N., the frontier will follow the crest of the watershed range between the N'Maikha River with its tributaries to the north, and the Ta Ping and Shweli (Lung Chiang) Rivers with their tributaries to the south, until it reaches the watershed between the Salween and the Irrawaddy Rivers.\n\nThe following are the names by which certain points on this crest are known: the Pan Wa Ya Kou Pass, the Tzu Mei (sister) Peak, the Ta Ya Kou Pass, the Tzu Chu Ya Kou Pass, the Fen Shui Ling Pass, the Ta Ho Tou Ridge.\n\n| Localities and Natural Features | Belong to |\n| --- | --- |\n| Valleys (Pa-tzu) of Luu Ma and Tan Tsa, the Lang Ya Shan Peak, the Tien Tan Valley, the Ming Kwang Valley, the Ta Tang Valley | China |\n| Valleys of the Shi Ngaw, Tun Maw, and Chi Pwi Rivers; the Hparè Valley, the Tzu Chu Valley; the Valleys of the Shi Jang and Kan Sheng Streams, the Pien Ma Valley; and the valley of the Ngaw Chang, otherwise known as the Hsiao Chiang Stream | Burmah |\n\nThence the frontier will follow the crest of the lofty and conspicuous range known locally as the Kao Li Kung, which forms the watershed between the Salween and the Irrawaddy as far as latitude (?), passing through the crest of the Pien Ma Ya Kou Pass.\n\nThe whole of the basin of the Salween (Lu Chiang) thus belongs to China, and the whole of the basin of the Irrawaddy River to Burmah.\n\n**(b.)** As the frontier now laid down follows conspicuous ranges of hills and is locally well known, no further demarcation on the spot will be necessary, but it is agreed that officers will be dispatched by both Governments to erect boundary pillars at the principal passes over the ranges which form the frontier. Any difficulty in recognizing the places mentioned will be settled by reference to the map which is attached to the English and Chinese versions of this Convention, and which is hereby recognized by both Governments as authoritative.\n\n**(c.)** It is understood that this Convention does not affect the frontier of the various Thibetan districts, which will be reserved for future discussion.\n\n**(d.)** The Yunnan Government having reported that certain Headmen (`Fu Yi`) on the Chinese side of the frontier claim customary presents or pecuniary dues from villages situated on the Burmah side thereof, the British Government agrees to pay to the Chinese Government an annual sum of ... rupees in full compensation for the extinction of such claims. All jurisdiction and sovereignty over such villages shall henceforth reside in His Britannic Majesty for ever. It is agreed that this sum of rupees shall be paid annually commencing from the ... by His Britannic Majesty's Consul at Tengyueh, through the Taotai of West Yunnan, to be distributed to the said Headmen (`Fu Yi`) in such proportions as the Chinese Government may direct. (And any customary rights to similar presents or dues which the Chinese Headmen in the Salween or Mekong Valleys north of Teng Keng may be subsequently found to possess will be considered by His Majesty's Government, and, if substantiated, dealt with in a liberal spirit.)\n\nI have avoided all reference to a lease in the above draft, as the Chinese Government may be averse to the use of such a term, but the same result will be attained if certain territory be formally admitted to be Chinese and a lease in perpetuity granted for the same at a rent of the same amount as the proposed compensation. In this case, the Convention might read: \"The boundary-line between the territory to be administered by the Provincial Governments of Burmah and Yunnan shall be,\" &c. (as above), and clause (d) will read \"as rent for such villages and their lands,\" instead of \"in full compensation for such rights.\"\n\nIt is important that in the Chinese text, such terms as \"the Ming Kwang Valley\" (Pa-tzu), or the \"Tien Tan River,\" should be used, not merely \"Ming Kwang\" or \"Tien Tan,\" otherwise the Chinese will raise difficulties on the ground that villages on the N'Maikha side are an integral part of Ming Kwang or Tien Tan. It also seems very desirable that His Majesty's Minister should insist that a copy of the map, with names of places marked in Chinese, be attached to the Chinese as well as the English version of the Convention.\n\nI have drafted this Report in consultation with my colleague, Mr. Leveson. I am indebted to him for all the information concerning local Kachin polities which it contains.\n\nPage 23  \nPage 444",
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        "content_text": "## 24\n\ncontains, and still more for the friendly relations which his knowledge and experience of these wild people enabled us to establish with them.\n\nMr. Leveson concurs with me in recommending to the favourable notice of His Majesty's Government the excellent work performed by the surveyors, often under circumstances of great difficulty, and the very good conduct of the military police escort.\n\nThe Lashi Headman of Lajawng, in the Myitkyina district, was with Mr. Leveson and rendered valuable services in all negotiations and interviews with the Lashis of Hpare and the Ngaw Chang.\n\nThe Lisu Headman of Bumrawng, in the Bhamo Hills, formerly a havildar in the Bhamo Military Police Battalion, accompanied me up the Salween as interpreter, as he speaks Chinese. I should like to mention his good conduct and special usefulness.\n\nOur thanks are due to the British Minister at Peking and to the Government of India for the representations made to the Chinese Government that the Acting Taotai, Shih Hung Chao, should be retained at his post for service on this expedition. In no case did we have to complain of any of the obstructions and difficulties which an official less strong-minded and new to the place would almost certainly have raised. Taotai Shih kept his followers in order, refrained from \"squeezing\" the country through which he passed, prevented his soldiers from indulging in the looting which is usually practised by Chinese \"braves\" on these occasions, and paid fair prices for his mules and his supplies. He was always amenable to reasonable arguments as to the proceedings which it was best for us to take, and decided all matters without reference to his subordinates, who, of course, were for sitting still or going back very early in the proceedings. It would be unfair not to admit that satisfactory results—so far as we obtained them—were in a measure due to the Taotai's common sense.\n\n## 25\n\n### Inclosure 8 in No. 1\n\n**Certificate granted to Tso Ta Hsiung, Hereditary Native Sergeant of Tzu Chu Village, in the Ming Kwang Narrows.** (Translation.)\n\nTHE Board of War in the matter of issuing a certificate:—\n\nWhereas the Minister for Military Appointments reports that he has received an official statement from Ngai, Grand Chancellor and Governor-General of Yunnan and Kwei Chon, to the effect that Tso Hua Tien, Hereditary Native Sergeant of Tzu Chu village in the Ming Kwang Narrows, subject to Tengyueh, has demised; that his son, Tso Ta Hsiung, who is now 22 years of age, is freely accepted by the various tribes as their Lord; and that a bond setting forth the registers of the genealogy of the Tso family has been delivered, together with the former certificate, and that the Governor-General has therefore addressed the Board for instructions to Tso Ta Hsiung to assume the succession;\n\nUpon this the Board, having inspected and recorded the bond concerning the genealogy of the family, has cancelled the previous certificate, and as it appears that the said Tso Hua Tien has demised, and the Governor-General reports that his son, Tso Ta Hsiung, is 22 years of age and accepted by the tribes, the Board will now, as requested, permit the said Tso Ta Hsiung to assume the succession to the title of Hereditary Sergeant of the village of Tzu Chu in the Ming Kwang Narrows in the Sub-Prefecture of Tengyueh. This present certificate, in exchange for the former, is hereby granted, and the said Tso is ordered to receive it. A necessary certificate addressed to Tso Ta Hsiung, Hereditary Sergeant, &c.\n\n(Signed)\n\nTAO KWANG.\n\n18th year (1889), 6th moon.\n\n(Translation.)\n\n### Inclosure 7 in No. 1\n\n**Taotai Shih to Acting Consul Litton.**\n\nPien Ma, April 17, 1905.\n\nI HAVE just had the honour to receive your letter and am in possession of its contents. The other day when we were at Ming Kwang I inquired from the two Fa Yi, Yang and Tso, as to the condition of the tribes on both sides of the Little River (Ngaw Chang). They stated that in former times a punitive expedition had gone against the rebellious barbarian, Tsao Ko, to Chih Ka and the country about it, beyond (i.e., right bank of) the Little River, and that the district had then been subjected to Chinese jurisdiction.* Subsequently they, the Fu Yi, had removed into Chinese territory to a great distance from the district in question. Besides, these barbarians are of a savage nature, and widely different from those who reside on this side (i.e., the left bank) of Little River; thus they had come to be beyond the pale of civilized government, and for a long time there had been no communication between them and the Chinese.\n\nHaving investigated this matter, I find that the above statements are correct. You have now been good enough to state verbally to me that the Deputy Commissioner of Bhamo proposes to proceed beyond the Ngaw Chang in order to inspect the country; but it is to be feared that the wild tribes of those parts, not being accustomed to seeing anything out of the common, may become alarmed and raise trouble. If the Deputy Commissioner is resolved to go, I would venture to request him to consider how important it will be to take proper precautions. You were good enough to ask me verbally about this matter, and on inquiry I found that the real state of the case is as I have mentioned above.\n\nI must therefore again request you to discuss with the Deputy Commissioner as to whether he should proceed or not.\n\nThe maps of Teng Keng and Mao Chao will be sent to you when they have been completed.\n\nCompliments.\n\n(Card of Taotai Shih.)\n\n* There is no evidence that the Headmen ever resided beyond the watershed.—G. L.\n\n### Inclosure 9 in No. 1\n\n**Certificate granted to Yang Tsar Wei, Hereditary Native Sergeant of Hpare Village, in the Ming Kwang Narrows.** (Translation.)\n\nTHE Board of War issues the following certificate:—\n\nWhereas the Minister for Military Appointments reports that the Department has submitted copy of an extract from the records of the Board to the effect that the Yün-Kwei Governor-General, Kwei, states that a report has been received from the Yung Chang Prefect that Yang Chan Ho, Hereditary Native Sergeant of Hpare in the Ming Kwang Narrows, has demised; that his son, Yang Tsai Wei, is now 22 years of age, and being the true and lawful eldest son of the deceased is freely accepted by the tribes as their Lord; and that the said Yang Tsai Wei should be permitted to assume the succession to his father's office and to administer the tribal villages; and that a bond has been delivered setting forth his family relations and genealogy, together with the former certificate, for transmission to the Board for instructions;\n\nAnd whereas (the Governor-General states that) when a vacancy occurs among the tribal officials, the rule is that the lawful eldest son succeeds, and that the said Yang Chan Ho, Native Sergeant, &c., has demised, leaving a vacancy; and his son, Yang Tsai Wei, being his true and lawful heir, is gladly accepted by the tribes, and should be permitted to succeed to the ancestral offices and administration of the tribal villages;\n\nThe Board, finding the above to be in accordance with the law, permits the said Yang Chan Ho to assume the said succession, and, in exchange for the former certificate, issues this present, which the said Yang should receive accordingly.\n\nThe above copy having been submitted in the 20th year of Tao Kwang on the 3rd day of the 11th moon, an Imperial Edict was received on the 4th: \"Let it be as proposed. Respect this!\"\n\nThe necessary certificate is accordingly issued to Yang, &c.\n\n[Note. Neither Tzu Chu nor Hpare is in the Ming Kwang or in the Ming Kwang \"Narrows (or passes), but a day's march beyond the passes. There is not the ...",
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        "content_text": "446 \n\nslightest evidence that either of Lashi villagers positively deny it. two Fu Yi as their Suzerain.] \n\n26 \n\nthe Fu Yi ever lived beyond the watershed, and the These villagers also deny that they ever accepted the \n\n27 \n\n[Note. There seems no reason to believe that the villages on the NMaikha side took any more cognizance of the above official arrangements than they did of the distribution of them among the Chinese Fu Yi, which seems to have been made after the disturbances in Chia Ching's reign.] \n\n## Inclosure 10 in No. 1. \n\n**Précis of a Memorial by Shè, Governor-General of Yunnan and Kwei-Chou, together with a Receipt by the Board of Civil Office at Peking, making arrangements for the redistribution and definition of various Frontier Jurisdictions in West Yunnan, dated probably in the 15th year of Chein Lung, because a local instruction to the Chinese \"Tu-ssu\" or Headmen, based on this Memorial, is dated the year after.** \n\nTHE Governor-General observes that the boundaries of the Sub-Prefecture of Tengyueh, the hsien district of Pao Shan (Yung Chang), and the hsien district of Li Chiang are ill-defined towards the west; in the case of many scattered villages there are doubts as to what jurisdiction they belong to a state of affairs which is contrary to the requirements of good administration. \n\nThe following redistribution of the various frontier villages is therefore approved: The notes as to locality are added by His Majesty's Consul, Tengyueh. In the case of Pien Ma and U Tung, which are transferred from the jurisdiction of Yün Lung to that of Pao Shan, it is stated that the tax which the Yun Lang official formerly received and accounted for will henceforth be handed over to Pao Shan. The amount is about 320 lb. of rice. \n\n1. To the jurisdiction of Tengyueh are assigned: \n| Village | Description |\n| --- | --- |\n| Shang Lou | (in Lasbi, \"Gaw Yawn,\" on the left bank of the Ngaw Chang) |\n| Chi Ka | (Lashi village on the right bank of the Ngaw Chang, opposite Shang Lou) |\n| Pa Yang | (in Lashi, \"Pa Myaw,\" on the Lower Kansheng or Kun Ma River) |\n| Ta Tang |  |\n| Ming Kwang | (about the Upper Shweli or Lung Chiang) |\n| Hparè Tan Chu | (Lashi villages at the headwaters of the Kansheng or Kun Ma) |\n| Hsien Chiang | (in Lashi, \"Shi Jang,\" on a small tributary, left bank Ngaw Chang) |\n| Kun Yung | (in China, 24 miles north of Tengyueh) |\n| Lu Yung | (not identified) |\n| Tien Tán | (Upper Shweli, west branch) |\n\n2. To the jurisdiction of Pao Shan the following are assigned: \n| Village |\n| --- |\n| Sun Chu |\n| Su Chai Pa |\n| Meng Ku |\n| Lu Chang |\n| Pú Ka |\n| Lung Sai |\n| Teng Lang |\n| Ting Ming |\n| Teng Keng |\n| Pa Chu |\n| Man Pang |\n| Sung Po |\n| Pai Lou |\n| Mao Chao |\n| A La Wa Ti |\n| Pai Pa |\n| Pa Chu Ho |\n| Pa Chung Lo |\n| Pien Ma |\n| U Tung |\n\n(All the above are situated along the Salween or in the Ngaw Chang Valley.) \n\n3. To the jurisdiction of Yün Lung the following are assigned: \n| Village |\n| --- |\n| Ch'eng Ka |\n| La Pai |\n| U Pie |\n| Hsiang Hsieh |\n| Tè U Ti |\n| Hsi Wa Lo |\n| Ku Mi Teng |\n| Ta Chu Ti |\n| Ta Chu Lo |\n| Lu Ku ferry |\n| Kan Ma Sa |\n| Lu Wei |\n| Hu Mu Lang |\n| Lao Wo |\n| Chi Tsu |\n| Wo Mao Ting |\n| Lu Tsu |\n| Lu Tsang Wang Ti |\n| Shil Ti |\n| Kui Wu |\n| Tu Pan Chang |\n| Tsao Chien |\n| Shui Tsing |\n\n(Most of these are known, and all are believed to be situated along the Salween, or between that river and the Mekong.) \n\n4. To Li Chiang Prefecture are assigned the following: \n| Village |\n| --- |\n| Pie Pie Lo |\n| Mao Chu Chai |\n| Ta Mi Lai |\n| Ta Pien |\n| Hei Tao |\n| Teng Kwa |\n| Tsa Hui Jen |\n| Chi Wa Tsa |\n| La Tsa |\n\n(Not identified; believed to be all along the Upper Salween or Mekong.) \n\n(Translation.) \n\n## Inclosure 11 in No. 1. \n\n**Acting Consul Litton to Taotai Shih, Tengyueh, May 20, 1905.**\n\nTHE 4th Article of the Agreement relative to Burmah and China provided that the boundary north of latitude 25° 35′ should be settled when the conditions of the country had been more fully inquired into. This Agreement is dated in 1897, and since its signature, the Government of Burmah has on several occasions dispatched officers to proceed to the N'Maikha with a view to ascertaining the conditions of the country and of pacifying the tribes. \n\nLast year, your Government also dispatched two military officials to Ming Kwang to make inquiries, but though the Representatives of both Governments had thus inspected the country, there had hitherto been no joint examination, and consequently, it has not been possible to conclude a further Treaty. \n\nIn February of this year, the Deputy Commissioner of Bhamo, together with myself, received instructions from our Government to serve on a joint inquiry regarding the frontier, and your Honour received a similar Commission, and we fixed a date for proceeding on this service. \n\nOn this occasion, the instructions to your Honour and to myself were to the effect that we were only to make a joint examination of the country and present a map to our superiors, and then to await their settlement of the demarcation question; we had no authority to proceed to delimitation on our own account. \n\nI was directed by my Government to point out the watershed between the N'Maikha River on the one hand and the Shweli and Salween Rivers on the other, while your Honour was instructed to inquire precisely what are territories administered by your Sawbwas. \n\nWe have now to communicate to each other the results of our joint inquiry. Having met at Ku Yung on the 7th March, 1905, we together proceeded to Ta Chai, in Tan Tsa, where we commenced our work. The previous demarcation had not gone beyond the high conical peak known to the Kachins as Manung Pum; the two small valleys of Lun Ma and Tan Tsa are situated to the east of this peak, while to the north-east of Tan Tsa, there is a lofty mountain known as Lang Ya (\"Wolf's Tooth\") Hill; between these two peaks rise the streams known as the Hsiao Cha, Ta Cha, and Chan Hsi Rivers; and the Chan Hsi River is the headwater of the Ta Ping. \n\nBeyond the range to the north of Chansi River are the Shi Ngaw and Tum Maw Rivers, both of which flow into the N'Maikha, and so to the Irrawaddy. These two rivers are under the jurisdiction of Myitkyina. \n\nUnder these conditions, all Lun Ma and Tan Tsa, which are within (i.e., on the Chinese side) of their watershed, should belong to Yunnan, while all the valleys of the Shi Ngaw and Tum Maw Rivers, which are beyond this watershed, should belong to Burmah. \n\nTo the east of the Lang Ya Shan is the village of Ma Li Pa. This village is situated in the north of the Tien Tan Valley, which belongs to Tengyueh Sub-Prefecture and is under Tsai Fu Yi (Headman). In this valley flows the Tien Tan River in a southerly direction to Ku Tung bazaar, where it joins the Ming Kwang River, being, in fact, one of the headwaters of the Shweli. \n\nSome 30 li to the north of Ma Li Pa, the watershed is crossed to the Chi Pwi River, which flows into the N'Maikha, and so to the Irrawaddy. \n\nThe Tien Tan River has three sources: the Mo Shih Stream, the Pan Wa Stream, and the true source, which issues from the Sisters Hill to the north of the village of Hei Tafo Yuan. Here, the boundary should assign the valley of the Tien Tan to Yunnan and the valley of the Chi Pwi to Burmah. \n\nBut your Honour told me that several villages about the headwaters of the Chi Pwi were included in the territory of Tsai Fu Yi of Tien Tan. Officers were accordingly sent over to Chang Yin Kou, Chung Shan, Lu Pi, and Shih Pao to inquire.",
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        "content_text": "## Page 29\n\nThe route was a mere track over unusually mountainous and difficult country with a very sparse population: only ten families of Lisu, in a very poor condition, were found (in the villages mentioned). For many years past they have neither paid tribute nor made presents.\n\nOn leaving Ma Li Pa we proceeded on the 31st March to Ta Chai, in the Ming Kwang Valley, to the east of Tien Tan. This valley is in the Tengyueh Sub-Prefecture and under the jurisdiction of the two Fu Yi, Tso and Yang. For a distance of nearly 100 li from Ku Tung bazaar northwards to the head of the Ming Kwang River the valley is inhabited by a mixed population of Chinese and Lisu, but most of the latter can speak Chinese and in every way resemble Chinamen. The Ming Kwang River rises to the north of Ta Chu Pa and flows down to Ku Tung bazaar, being the true source of the Shweli; along the north-west of the Upper Ming Kwang Valley there is a lofty range of mountains connecting with the Sisters Hill and the Pan Wa Pass, and forming the divide between the N'Maikha and Shweli Rivers. All the streams on the east side of this ridge belong to the Ming Kwang-Shweli system; all the streams to the west of it flow into the N'Maikha and Irrawaddy.\n\nTo take this range as the frontier would be to adopt the true natural line. But your Government stated that Hparè, Tzu Chu, Pien Ma, and other places situated to the west of the watershed belonged by rights to the Fu Yi Yang and Tso of Ming Kwang; these Fu Yi also presented two certificates and a copy of a Memorial bearing on this question to your Honour for my inspection.\n\nUnder these circumstances the Deputy Commissioner of Bhamo, together with your Deputy, Mr. Tai, proceeded from Ming Kwang to Hparè in order to make a careful investigation on the spot.\n\nThe distance proved to be nearly 80 li, and the track was through mountainous and uninhabited country for the whole way. In the two villages of Upper and Lower Hparè there are only some thirty odd households, all of them Lashi Kachius; just below the village the Hparè and Tzu Chu Streams join to form the Kun Ma (Khansheng) River, which flows into the Ngaw Chang, and so into the Irrawaddy.\n\nThe village of Tzu Chu also contains some thirty families of Lashi and is only separated from Hparè by a minor ridge of hills.\n\nMr. Leveson, in concert with Mr. Tai, examined the Headmen of these villages. Their statement was in effect as follows:\n\n\"We are not subject to the Fu Yi, nor do we pay taxes to him; but formerly when festivities took place at the Fu Yi's we offered presents, and when we had any festivities the Fu Yi made return presents to us. Since the Fu Yi raided our village and robbed us of our ploughing oven we have had a feud with the Fu Yi and hold no communication with him. Formerly the Fu Yi engaged us to protect the road (along the Kun Ma) and gave us 25 rupees and some gunpowder for doing so, but of recent years this payment has not been made.\n\n\"We are in the habit of going backwards and forwards over the frontier for the purpose of trading with the Chinese, and they do the like, but we never go over the frontier to cultivate. We know nothing about the certificate investing Yang Fu Yi with the title of Hereditary Sergeant of Hparè or how he came by it, but we do know that we have never been subject to him.”\n\nThese statements agree with my own observations. Not only does not the Fu Yi control this district, but he does not even dare to go there; so it is perfectly clear that he cannot control it; nor can I understand how the certificates come to speak of the \"Fu Yi Yang of Hparè in Ming Kwang\" and the \"Fu Yi Tso of Tzu Chu in Ming Kwang,\" seeing that Ming Kwang is distant from Hparè and Tzu Chu nearly 100 li. To insist that they are in the same district is as though we were to talk of Mandalay in the district of Yung Chang, or Yung Chang in the district of Mandalay.\n\nUnder these circumstances, I would invite your Honour to point out in what possible sense these Fu Yi can be said to govern these villages.\n\nMr. Leveson and myself further inquired into the conditions and history of Pien Ma, the Kun Ma River, and the Hsiao Chiang or Ngaw Chang. The Headmen stated that some generations ago the Chinese and the Kachins had fallen out, the Chinese Chiefs of Ming Kwang, Ta Tang, and Teng Keng had united their forces and made an incursion beyond the watershed and beyond the Ngaw Chang, raiding the village of Lan Pang and killing many persons, whereby the Kachins suffered heavy damage. The Lashi Headmen then collected their people and made a counter-raid over the divide.\n\n## Page 447\n\nThey burnt Teng Keng and killed two of the Chinese Fu Yi's family; they then looted the Ming Kwang Valley as far as Ku Tung bazaar.\n\nAfter this the various parties negotiated a peace, and it was agreed that they should mutually exchange presents of local produce, as a pledge of amity, Ming Kwang every three years exchanged presents with the villages of Hparè, Lung Pung, and those along the Kun Ma and Ngaw Chang Rivers; Teng Keng exchanged them with Pien Ma and U Tung; Ta Tang with Shang Lon and Chih Ka.\n\nSubsequently the Pien Ma people looted some cattle belonging to Lung Pang and Chih Ka, whereupon these villages looted and burnt Pien Ma. The Pien Ma people, being few and weak, then voluntarily invited the Chinese of Teng Keng to come to their assistance in order to have their revenge. The Teng Keng people consented and burnt the two villages of Lung Pang and Chih Ka. This is the reason why to this day Pien Ma makes a small annual payment of tribute to Teng Keng. In the case of Ta Tang, the villages of Shang Lou and Chih Ka commonly present \"huang lien\" and receive in exchange a plough ox.\n\nBut these various Headmen are not under any administrative control by the Chinese officials.\n\nNow these statements agree in the main with what your Honour told me, namely, that in the reign of Chia Ching (early nineteenth century) the Chinese Fu Yi had made a warlike expedition to the Ngaw Chang. No doubt we must not believe all that we are told by the Kachin Headmen, but neither can I believe the statement of the Chinese Fu Yi to the effect that they subjected this country to regular control.\n\nThe questions concerning Pien Ma and the Hsiao Chiang (Ngaw Chang) being of much importance in regard to the frontier, we determined personally to proceed from Ming Kwang to Pien Ma to make inquiries. The way leads over the Fen Shui Ling Pass, and so to the head of the Pien Ma River, a distance of over 80 li, all of which is uninhabited, while progress is exceedingly difficult on account of the mountainous character of the country. This pass, the Fen Shui Ling, is close to the head of the Ming Kwang River, which is the true source of the Shweli. The hills at the back of this river-source form the water-divide between the Hsiao Chiang or Little River and the Ming Kwang, and this water-divide is connected with the main water-divide between the Salween and the Irrawaddy; this main divide stretches northwards as far as the confines of Thibet, and is a snow-blocked range almost impossible to cross, and is locally known by the Teng Keng and Ming Kwang people as the Kao Li Kung snow mountains.\n\nOn account of the difficulty of travelling, Mr. Leveson and myself only reached Pien Ma and met your Honour on the 16th April, when we proceeded to our investigations. It appears that there are only some 200 odd families of Kachins and Lisu at Pien Ma, who pay a house tax amounting to about 50 taels a-year to Teng Keng, who also levies a toll on coffin wood to the amount of some 100 taels a-year, or, in all, 150 taels (about) per year; but Pien Ma has a feud with Shang Lon, and Lung Pang has a feud with Teng Keng, and there is no communication between these villages. Chinese traders proceeding to these places suffer loss, but the Chinese Fu Yi do nothing whatever to administer the country beyond levying their revenue.\n\nAs to the villages beyond the Ngaw Chang, their condition has been truly described in your Honour's letter to me: they are beyond the pale of government.\n\nIt may be said of the whole of this country that it is clear that neither the Chinese officials nor the Fu Yi can control it. It is to be feared that the Kachins in Barmah territory may subsequently suffer from the raids of these people.\n\nAfter your Honour and myself had crossed the mountains to Lu Chang by the Salween, Mr. Leveson proceeded to both banks of the Ngaw Chang to make inquiries, and the local Headmen all came to see him; the surveyor also proceeded some distance beyond Lung Pang. Nowhere did the Kachins cause any trouble, and it appears from this that they are not naturally savage, but have simply never been subject to Chinese jurisdiction.\n\nOn the banks of the Salween we found that the three Chiefs of Teng Keng, Lu Chang, and Mao Chao are all subject to Yung Chang's jurisdiction. North of Mao Chao the country is entirely populated by Lisu, nominally subject to La Wo. North of the Lisu country are the Nu Tzu, and north of the Nu Tzu (or Lu Tzu) is Thibetan territory. This is a general survey of the condition of the banks of the Salween.\n\nThe west bank of the Salween is entirely populated by Lisu; the country west, again, of the great Salween-Irrawaddy divide is entirely populated by Marus (Lang Su), who are under no Government, and have little or no communication with the Lisu.\n\n[2167-1]",
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        "content_text": "## 30\n\nWe proceeded northwards, and surveyed as far as the boundary of Li Chiang territory; we thence returned to Tengyueh on account of the heavy rains which had commenced.\n\nThe Upper Salween country is of great importance to West Yunnan, and though it has not yet been opened up, it will in future naturally fall within the sphere of Yunnan control. Burma will raise no objection to this; but the upper waters of the Irrawaddy are of the utmost importance to Burma, and though the country has not yet been developed, it must ultimately belong to Burma.\n\nTo sum up, commencing from the source of the Ming Kwang River, and thence proceeding straight up to the crest of the Kao Li Kung snow range, and then proceeding north along this crest to Tibet, all country which is in the basins of the Shweli or the Salween should belong to Yunnan, and all country which is in the basin of the Irrawaddy should belong to Burma. According to this division, all the Lisu and Lu Tzu of the Salween will be in Yunnan, and all the Kachins and Marus will be in Burma, and there will be a definite boundary in the shape of a great snow-clad range.\n\nAs for the presents and tolls now taken from the Kachins by the Teng Keng and other Chinese Headmen, the Government of Burma is willing to make liberal compensation so as to avoid the least loss falling upon your Fu Yi; but not only is my Government unable at the present moment to recognize any of the country on the west of the watershed as Chinese territory, but they cannot contemplate that in the future any part of it can be assigned to Yunnan. I will now proceed to explain to your Honour the reasons for this, which I hope you will take into consideration:\n\n1. At present, none of the villages in the Ngaw Chang basin are in point of fact controlled by your Fu Yi. I think that your Honour is very well aware of the feeble and vicious character of these Fu Yi; but the Government of Burma already controls the Shi Ngaw and Tun Maw Valleys. The inhabitants are of the same tribe as those of the Ngaw Chang, and will therefore easily be brought under control.\n\n2. As the Fu Yi are unable to control this tract, still less will the Chinese officials of Tengyueh be able to control it, in view of the distance, the mountains, and the difficulty of procuring supplies. Thus, the Burma Government would have to establish military posts all along their frontier. This could not be done under an annual cost of several tens of thousands of taels. If posts are not established, then Burma will constantly be suffering damage, as may be seen from what has happened in Meng Mao and Meng Wan (Bhamo frontier).\n\nIt follows the crest. The boundary which I have now suggested is the natural one.\n\n3. It assigns all the Kachin villages to Burma, assigns all the Chinese-inhabited villages to China; it gives all the Upper Salween and Upper Shweli to China, and all the Irrawaddy to Burma; further, both sides of the watershed are uninhabited, and covered with dense forest for a distance of over 10 li from the crest, and this divide has always been regarded by the local people as a frontier. Thus, the line suggested is not only in accordance with the geography of the place, but is suitable as an ethnographical frontier.\n\n4. On the west of the divide, the whole country consists of a complicated mass of cliffs and numerous rivers; in fact, no frontier can be found except the watershed. If this is not accepted, serious calamities will supervene along the border.\n\n5. The \"Tengyueh Gazetteer\" gives the three \"ai\" or narrow passes (Ming Kwang, Ta Tang, Tien Tan) as the frontier; the \"Yung Chang Gazetteer\" gives the Kachin Hills as the frontier; the official general map of Yunnan gives the watershed as the frontier; last year, the Chinese Foreign Office, in a despatch addressed to His Majesty's Minister, declared that, after repeated inquiries, no such river as the N'Maikha could be found. These points clearly show how the matter really stands.\n\n6. The country to the west of the watershed is quite valueless to China, but on account of its geographical situation is of much importance to Burma. If it is not assigned to Burma, the control of a large stretch of country will be rendered difficult to that Government.\n\nThese are the reasons why the watershed forms the most suitable frontier. When the frontier between Meng Mao and Bhamo was being delimited, it was found that a district known as the triangle, and nominally under the Meng Mao jurisdiction, was inhabited by Kachins addicted to raiding. Its possession by Meng Mao was useless to Meng Mao and injurious to Burma. It was therefore agreed that the district should be placed under the jurisdiction of Burma, and that Burma should pay 1,000 rupees per annum as compensation; thus, Meng Mao receives a larger revenue than formerly, and the country has been reduced to peace and order, to the mutual benefit of both parties.\n\nIn the present instance, as loss might be incurred by the Chinese Headmen, the two Governments might act in accordance with the precedent of the Meng Mao triangle, and a perpetual lease might be granted to Burma. The rent would be paid over to the Chinese officials for distribution at their discretion among their various Headmen, the proportions in which the money would be distributed being no concern of the Government of Burma.\n\nBurma would willingly pay this sum by way of compensation, and would on no account permit any loss to fall upon your Headmen.\n\nWe have made the joint inquiry into the frontier according to our instructions, but as we have no authority to delimit, I would request your Honour now to report to your Government, while I will submit to His Majesty's Minister a report in terms similar to this despatch. We must then await further orders from our Governments, on the receipt of which we can proceed to an amicable settlement. Any slight differences of opinion which we may have will, I think, be easily settled by negotiation.\n\n**(Confidential.)**\n\n## Inclosure 12 in No. 1.\n\n**Government of Burma to Government of India.**\n\nMaymyo, June 24, 1905. IN continuation of my letter dated the 19th June, 1905, I am directed to submit, for the information of the Government of India, copies of papers which relate to the frontier between Burma and Yunnan, north of Manangpum.\n\n2. The papers show that Mr. Litton has made a definite claim to fix the Irrawaddy-Salween watershed as the boundary up to the confines of Tibet. In my letter above cited, the Lieutenant-Governor has shown cause for not pressing our claims to a fixed boundary higher than latitude 20° 30′ and for not basing any argument on tribal distribution. If, however, the Chinese Government can be brought to agree to the watershed as a frontier up to the confines of Tibet on payment of a fixed sum, there is no objection. His Honour would, however, deprecate any precise statement as to where China ends and Tibet begins, and would also prefer not to agree to pay rent or compensation to an amount to be fixed by subsequent inquiry.\n\n3. Sir Herbert White concurs in Mr. Litton's suggestion that the Imperial and Provincial Governments of China and Yunnan should be clearly made to understand that the British Government is determined to have the watershed frontier, and that, if China is not willing to forego shadowy claims in return for a cash payment, the Government of Burma will be instructed to occupy and administer the country without further negotiation. For reasons stated by Mr. Litton in his letter dated the 7th June to Sir E. Satow, it appears likely that this argument will exercise considerable influence upon the Government of Yunnan.\n\nI am to submit a copy of Mr. Litton's map with the boundary suggested by Taotai Shih and that suggested by Mr. Litton, marked with red and blue lines respectively. The Ngaw Chang would be a very bad boundary, as there are villages on both sides near to each other, and there might be frequent disputes. The boundary suggested by Mr. Litton is clearly the most suitable in every respect.\n\n**(Confidential.)**\n\n## Inclosure 13 in No. 1.\n\n**Acting Consul Litton to Government of Burma.**\n\nTengyueh, June 8, 1905. IN continuation of my Report on the joint examination of the northern undelimited frontier, I have the honour to transmit a copy of a despatch which... \n\n## 31\n\n448",
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        "content_text": "# 33 \n\n449 \n\n32 \n\nI have addressed to His Majesty's Minister covering translation of further Chinese correspondence on the same subject. I am forwarding these through Mr. Leveson.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n**(Signed)**\n\nG. LITTON.\n\nForwarded to the Chief Secretary to the Government of Burmah. I have dispatched a typed copy (of Mr. Litton's instruction) to the Foreign Office, London. I shall be glad of two copies when printed.\n\nJune 17, 1905.\n\n**(Signed)**\n\nH. G. A. LEVESON,  \nDeputy Commissioner, Bhumo.\n\n## Inclosure 14 in No. 1.\n\n### Acting Consul Litton to Sir E. Satow.\n\n**(No. 9. Confidential.)** Sir.\n\nTengyueh, June 7, 1905. IN continuation of my despatch No. 8 on the subject of the northern undelimited frontier between Burmah and Yunnan, I now have the honour to submit :--\n\n1. Taotai Shih's reply to my despatch to him on the subject.\n2. A further note by me in reply to his reply.\n3. The Taotai's Report, as I understand it, has gone to Yünnan-fu.\n\nI understand that a copy of my further reply has also gone to Yunnan-fu. The text of the greater part of my original despatch to Taotai Shih and of his reply to me had previously been arranged between us, when on the frontier. It is satisfactory that the Taotai speaks in terms of strong approval of the proposal of a perpetual lease, that he has pointed out to the Yunnan-fu Government that similar arrangement on the Meng Mao border has had excellent results, and he has passed on to his Government my note, which explains to them the serious expense in which they would be involved if they attempted to take over the country which they claim.\n\nThe Chinese claims beyond the watershed are now formally stated to be a small piece of territory on the Upper Chipway and the whole of the country between the main divide and the Ngaw Chang or Little River as far as its junction with the Khetmaw, and including the whole of the valley of the Khan-Sheng. For reasons already stated it is impossible to entertain these claims.\n\nOn the other hand, it is to be regretted that at the last moment the Taotai should have thought fit to put forward in his despatch a definite alternative frontier, and to record what I believe to be an entirely imaginary interview with certain Tzu Chu Headmen. The Taotai never went to Tzu Chu, nor did I or Mr. Leveson hear anything of the supposed interview until the receipt of the Taotai's despatch.\n\nBut between the date when I parted from the Taotai on the Salween and the date of his Report to Yunnan an unfortunate incident occurred which will probably render the speedy settlement of the frontier far from easy. Tuotai Shih is only Acting Taotai of West Yunnan. When in January he received orders to proceed as Chinese representative on the frontier expedition he was assured that he would be retained at Tengyueh for about a year, the substantive Taotai acting as Grain Intendant at Yunnan-fu, a post of higher rank, until the arrival of the substantive Grain Intendant, who, I believe, is now in Peking. As late as April the Consul-General was, I understand, assured that Taotai Shih would not be relieved until the arrival of the new Grain Intendant.\n\nBut on Taotai Shih's return to Tengyueh from the Salween on the 17th May, he received a curious telegram from Yunnan-fu, stating that he was transferred as Taotai to Pu-Erh, a remote and undesirable post in South-West Yunnan, and that he was to proceed direct without, as is usual in such cases, first going to Yünnan to report in person.\n\nNeither Taotai Shih himself nor any of the Chinese here feel any doubt that this move by the Yünnan Government is a deliberate slight to the British authorities, is intended as a mark of displeasure against the Taotai, and is designed to delay the settlement of the frontier. With this view I wholly concur, and I believe that one of the reasons for this sudden transfer was that Taotai Shih had shown himself reasonable and even energetic on the frontier, and had done nothing to obstruct the work of our party. The explanations which the Governor-General has since offered are most flimsy. It is said that Taotai Shih is sent to Pu-Erh direct to save him expense, but no one knows better than the Yunnan-fu officials that during the summer rains the direct routes from Tengyueh to Pu-Erh are practically impassable, and that no transport could be hired save at enormous expense, and that, if hired, it would probably break down before reaching half-way. Then they say that Taotai Shih is to be in sole charge of the frontier question still and may, if necessary, remain at Tengyueh after the arrival of his successor. It must be remembered that Taotai Shih is the only official in China who has the least first-hand knowledge of this frontier question. How can he be in charge of it if he is at Pu-Erh, a month's journey away, and what sort of a spirit does it show on the part of the Yunnan officials to want to send him there, at this time and contrary to previous arrangements?\n\nIf, on the other hand, he is to hand over charge to his successor and yet remain at Tengyueh an impossible situation will be at once produced, for the frontier question is a territorial one which must be dealt with by the responsible territorial authority. Then, again, the Chinese Government have stated that they consider the inquiry closed and Taotai Shih's mission ended. But the inquiry has only gone to latitude 26° 30′ north, and the Yunnan-Barmah frontier goes to at least 28° north. Further, it is only the field work which has been closed even up to 26° 30′. Negotiations on our reports have not begun, and although such negotiations will not take place here it seems certain that the Peking and Yünnan Governments, with their usual dilatoriness, will want to be making constant references back to Tengyueh on various local points; and yet they remove their representative to an inaccessible distance.\n\nIt seems to me that the Government of Burmah has been treated in an exceedingly off-hand manner, and the Chinese might be informed that as they have removed their representative in this way we can only presume that they accept our frontier. I would at the same time submit that any discussion as to what the frontier-line is to be should be firmly declined, and that it should be explained to the Chinese that they have only two courses open to them :-\n\n1. To agree to the watershed line and a liberal rent;\n2. Or to see the Government of Burmah occupy the country without such an Agreement.\n\nIf the latter course (No. 2) were adopted, the Governor-General at Yunnan-fu would be put in an awkward position and would hardly escape impeachment by his official enemies; so if his Excellency can be persuaded that the mind of the Government is made up finally on this question the matter may still be amicably settled.\n\nI received your telegram informing me that you would approve a reasonable present to Taotai Shih if he sent in a favourable report. Such a present would under ordinary circumstances have been of much assistance in getting the matter settled, but in view of Taotai Shih's sudden and penal transfer, I do not think he could have been induced to send in a more favourable report than he has; it would have been too great a personal risk to incur. Further, there is now no reason to suppose that his report will have much influence on the Yünnan Government, as he is clearly in disgrace; thus if I had paid anything I should have paid for goods of which I should not have been likely to get delivery. I have, however, in a private letter to the Taotai and in conversation, intimated to him that a present of 4,000 rupees nominally for the entertainment of the Chinese Headmen will be forthcoming, if the frontier is settled in the sense of my despatch, i.e., if the watershed is accepted up to the confines of Thibet.\n\nI told him that this sum would be paid to him, if he was available, and no questions asked. I also stated that as regards rent the British Government would be prepared to go to the annual sum of 1,000 rupees to 1,500 rupees a-year.\n\nI need hardly point out how extremely cheap such a bargain would be for India, for even a small expedition into the country would cost in all probability a lakh or more.\n\nI understand that the Taotai after some hesitation has informed the Yünnan Government by telegraph that I have made the above-mentioned offer in respect of rent, and also the above-mentioned proposal to pay 4,000 rupees, though he has not, of course, put this as an offer of a present to himself, but as a contribution to enable the Headmen to put their territory near the frontier in order, or words to that effect.\n\n`[2167 -1]`",
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        "content_text": "# 34\n\nI have already explained the reason why I did not pay any present direct to the Taotai. He appears to have thought that as the payment was to be postponed till the frontier was settled he personally would never \"touch\" it, and that it would therefore be more advantageous for him to report it as an offer of a public contribution which the British authorities have made under the influence of his, the Taotai's, skilful diplomacy. I see no objection to this, and, indeed, I think we should do all we can to support the Taotai.\n\n(Translation.)\n\n## Inclosure 15 in No. 1.\n\nI have, &c.  \n(Signed)  \n**G. LITTON**.\n\n### Taolai Shih to Acting Consul Litton.\n\nTengyuch, May 28, 1905.  \nHAVING received through his Excellency the Governor-General Ting the telegraphic instructions of the Wai-wu Pu to proceed on a joint survey of the Northern Burmah-Yunnan frontier, and you, the Consul, having been commissioned by your Government on the same service, we proceeded to the border, and on the 2nd March met at Ku Yung, whence we examined the frontier, section by section, and concluded our work in the early part of May.\n\nI have now the honour to reply to your despatch which I have received and which deals with the whole subject of the frontier, and in which you describe the geography of the districts visited.\n\n[Here the Taotai quotes at length all the passages in my despatch under reply which deal with geography, names of villages, numbers of households, &c., which I need not repeat.-G. L]\n\nYour remarks concerning the physical features of the mountains, the rivers and their sources, the various tribes and their villages are perfectly correct and entirely agree with my own observation; on these points I have nothing to add. But it appears to be inconsistent with the scope of our work that you should lay down that various places along the frontier should belong to Yunnan or to Burmah as the case may be. My duty was merely that of a joint examination; I have no authority to delimit the boundary; thus I need not argue the matter at great length.\n\nBut since you have stated that your Government instructed you to point out the water-divide between the N'Maikha on the one hand and the Salween and the Shweli on the other, and have further mentioned that my instructions were to inquire what were the territories governed by our Chinese Chiefs, I must reply to you in detail on some points.\n\nNow when we have to examine what are the respective boundaries of any given territories we should, by rights, proceed according to the original jurisdictions of the Governments concerned; we cannot define the frontier merely according to the courses of the rivers and such-like considerations. Thus on this occasion I, on proceeding to the frontier, in the first instance ordered the various Fu Yi (Headmen) to prepare and submit maps, for the purpose of affording evidence for our inquiry; these districts are the hereditary Governments of our Fu Yi, so there can be no mistake about their extent.\n\nIt appears from an examination of the maps submitted that the jurisdiction of Ku Yung extends to and includes Lun Ma and Tan Tsa, the Ta Cha Ho and the Lang Ya Shan; Tien Tan extends to and includes the villages of Chang Yin Kou, Chung Shan, and La Pi on the Upper Chipway; Ming Kwang extends to and includes Shih-jang, Pa Yang, Taw Gaw, To Yo, Tsaw Lang Na Ching, the Khan Sheng River, Tzu Chu, and Hparè; Ta Tang extends to and includes Chih Kaw and Shang Lou (Gaw Yawm).\n\nThese maps have already been forwarded for your inspection and that of the Deputy Commissioner of Bhamo (Mr. Leveson), and no doubt you are clear as to their contents.\n\n* This Headman is usually known as the Tan Tea Fu Yi.-G. L.\n+ These are villages on the left bank of the Ngaw Chang.-G. L.\n§ So are these two.-G. L.\n\n# 35\n\nAgain, according to my examination of his map, Teng Keng should by rights control up to and including Kang Fang, U Tung, and Pien Ma.\n\nNow we may first exclude the villages beyond, i.e., on the right bank of the Ngaw Chang, which I have already informed you are beyond the pale of civilized government, and also the villages of Ma Chang, Huang Te, Ma Kung, &c., where your Government has already taken action in various cases, and where we do not further exercise control; with these exceptions it appears that, according to the Fu Yi's maps, the correct boundary is in fact as follows: from the sharp conical peak (Manung Pum) to the head of the Mo Shih Stream; then straight up to the Wei Ton (or \"Crooked Head Mountain\"); then across the Upper Chipway and along the Chang Chia Ridge, and so ascending the Kao Liang Kung Mountain, and descending to the Chiu Ko Taug or Khetmaw River; thence the line would follow up the Ngaw Chang or Hsiao Chiang (\"Little River\") to its source in the Pan Chang Mountains.\n\nWhile you speak of the various streams which flow into the N'Maikha River, it must be remembered that the N'Maikha River itself is not under the control of Myit-kyina in Burmah. The Ngaw Chang is a tributary of the N'Maikha, and all the country within, i.e., on the left bank of the Ngaw Chang, is, as the records show, under the government of our Chinese Fu Yi. This affords clear proof that we must not merely go by the geographical features.\n\nYou state that Lun Ma and Tan Tsa, being within, i.e., on the Chinese side, of the watershed, should by rights belong to Yunnan, while all the valleys of the Tammaw and the Shih-ngaw should belong to Burmah. With respect to this section of the frontier I am in agreement with you.\n\nYou state that the whole of the valley of the Tien Tan River should belong to Yünnan. This is correct, but I cannot wholly agree that all the Chipway Valley should belong to Burmah.\n\nYou state that the lofty range on the north-west side of Upper Ming Kwang Valley is connected with the Sisters Hill and the Pan Wa Pass, and that this is the water-parting between the Shweli and the N'Maikha; that all the streams on the east of this range flow to the Ming Kwang, and so to the Shweli River, while all the streams on the west of it flow into the N'Maikha, and so to the Irrawaddy. You state that this, if taken as the boundary, will be the true natural frontier.\n\nI agree that your geographical description is correct; but if this line is to be taken as the frontier there are serious objections to it, having regard to the territories which by rights should be controlled by our Chinese Fu Yi. It appears, therefore, that this section must be reserved for future consideration and separate action.\n\nThen, again, you state that Mr. Leveson, in concert with my deputy, Mr. Tai, made inquiries at Hparè, and that the Headmen of the village stated that they were not subject to China, and paid no taxes, and regarded the watershed as the frontier [here quoting in full my report of the evidence of the Hparè people; see my despatch]. You go on to say that the evidence of the Hparè Headman is in accordance with your own observations, and that not only is the Fu Yi unable to control these villages, but is afraid even to visit them; that it is thus perfectly clear that the Fu Yi have never in fact administered them. You observed that the certificates of succession speak of the Fu Yi of \"Hparè in Ming Kwang\" and of \"Tzu Chu in Ming Kwang,\" which is inexplicable, as Tzu Chu and Hparè are more than 100 li distant from Ming Kwang; so, you ask, how can they be forced, so to say, into one and the same place? It is, you add, as though one were to speak of Yung Chang in Mandalay, or Mandalay in Yung Chang. Under these circumstances you request me to point out in what manner these Fu Yi do, in point of fact, control these villages.\n\nWhen Mr. Leveson examined these people, Mr. Tai no doubt was present; but when Mr. Tai returned to my camp he reported that he did not understand the language of the tribes; that he, in fact, did not know what evidence the Headman had given, nor had he made any inquiries on the point.\n\nI, too, summoned and examined the Headmen of Tzu Chu and other villages.\n\n* The Teng Kong map was never produced.-G. L.\n† Villages between the Chipway and Tummaw Rivers.-G. L.\n‡ Mo Shih is the west source of the Tien Tan or west branch of the Shweli.-G. L.\n§ Chang Chia Ridge is on the right bank of the Upper Chipway, just below Shik Pan.-G. L.\n¶ Pan Chang Mountain is a snow-clad ridge running east and west above the source of the Ngaw Chang.-G. L.\n** See my note to Taotai of June 2.-G. L.\n†† The records may show this, the facts do not.-G. L.\n‡‡ The Taotai never really answers this question.-G. L.\n§§ See my note to Taotai, June 2.-G. L.",
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        "title": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "## 36\n\nbefore me, and they stated in evidence to me: \"Hparè, Tzu Chu, Shih Jang, To Yo, Pa Yang, Tu Mu, had been previously subject to the control of the Fu Yi Yung and Tso. Formerly the Fu Yi presented us with oxen, wine, and ornaments, and on another occasion with spades, ploughs, and axes, ordering the villages to commence cultivation, but, as they had not yet succeeded in doing so, no report had been made of the acreage or of the crops produced. The official residences of the Fu Yi used to be in Hparè and Tzu Chu; later, on account of disturbances, they moved over into Chinese territory. Since then, although the Fu Yi never come in person, the villagers, every three or five years, get presents of oxen, wine, &c., and their relations with the Chinese are amicable, nor are there any feuds between them. The villagers had resided there all their lives, but had never stated that the pass was the frontier, or that they were not subject to the Fu Yi.\" \n\nThis was their evidence, and they executed a voluntary bond to this effect, signing the same by finger-marks. Thus, if we are to take the evidence given to the Deputy Commissioner as a proof of the facts, the evidence and the bond submitted to me must be equally good proof.\n\nThe certificates of succession which are in the hands of the Fu Yi have been examined by me, and really bear the seals of the Board; they are not forgeries. Nor are the certificates themselves the only proof, for the fact of their issue may also be found set forth in the provincial \"Gazetteer.\" These certificates are the title-deeds of succession, and they are not issued without definite and recorded proof of the genealogical descent; besides, these certificates go back to an old date, before Burmah was subject to your Government. Now how can you, in these latter days, when the question of the frontier has arisen, claim to occupy further territory on such grounds as these?\n\nIt is the fact that Hparè and Tzu Chu are distant about 100 li from Ming Kwang, but in Yünnan the country is extensive and the population scanty. When the natives once shift their place of residence, it is quite usual that they should move to a distance of several hundred li. Thus we must not, on the mere ground that these Fu Yi have moved to a comparatively distant place, doubt that these villages were their ancient inheritance. Again, the villages controlled by Tso Fu Yi have a mixed population of Chinese and barbarians, but Yang Fu Yi, having removed his residence to Chung Tan (in Lower Ming Kwang), is surrounded by villages wholly inhabited by Chinese, without any barbarians; thus he has none of the tribesmen under his immediate control, and his may be considered a title borrowed from former times. His name of Fu Yi does not agree with the facts, but that Tzu Chu and Hparè were formerly governed by these Fu Yi is a matter which admits of no doubt, therefore it cannot be said that I have, so to say, forced these villages into a position in Ming Kwang.\n\nThen, again, you describe the results of Mr. Leveson's and your investigations as to the history and conditions of Pieu Ma, and the Ngaw Chang and Khan Sheng Rivers as given by the Headman, who stated that they have never been subject to China. You remark that, while the statements of the Headmen cannot be altogether accepted, the statements of the Fu Yi to the effect that they reduced this country to subjection are still less to be credited.\n\nBut I find that the story of the expedition by the Fu Yi to the Ngaw Chang does not merely rest on the personal statement of those Chiefs, but in a joint Memorial by the Boards of Civil Office and of Revenue in the days of Chia Ching, it is set forth that a Chinese General, Hsieh, led troops in a punitive expedition against the rebels of Chen Ka, that subsequently the Fu Yi joined the expedition and gained credit by subduing the country, and finally that the country was divided up among them. The Chiefs also have sealed documents which are evidence of this division.\n\n* Villages on the Khan Sheng and Ngaw Chang Rivers.\n† This is all nonsense; these villages have numerous ricefields, though they were not started through the Fu Yi's orders.\n‡ There is no evidence whatever that the Fu Yi ever lived over the watershed; if they had they would have left some traces. The natives, too, deny it.\n§ This interview appears to be a fabrication; at any rate we heard nothing of it till this despatch. See my note to the Taotai.\n¶ See my note to the Taotai.\n|| Lit. \"Cherisher of barbarians.\"\n** The Taotai does not assert that there is now any effective control.\n†† Early nineteenth century.\n‡‡ Upper Salween.\n§§ Veracity is not a leading characteristic of Chinese Generals or of Chinese documents.\n\n## 37\n\nThe statements made by the Headmen in response to your inquiries, namely, that it was simply a case of feuds and fights between the Chinese and the tribes and that then presents were exchanged in order to make peace, but that the country was never under the government of Chinese officials—these statements, I say, seem to rest on traditions which in the course of long years have departed from the real facts; we cannot put our faith in such traditions in preference to the proofs afforded by official documents. Besides, the Teng Keng Headman even now collects a house tax and a \"kang\" or toll; I need hardly point out at length that this affords precise evidence that he administers the country.\n\nThen you state that all along the west bank of the Lu-Chiang or Salween the inhabitants are Lisu, and that to the west of the great snowy range, between the Salween and the Irrawaddy, are the Langsu (Marus); these latter, you say, have hitherto been independent and have no intercourse with the Lisu. I would remark that the Kachins and other tribes have their seats in the remote hills and valleys. Their manners are rude and barbarous. Not only is it the case that when divided by rivers and ranges they have no communication with each other, but even households situated within sight of each other have no intercourse. The Lisu and Langsu are two different tribes; that they should have no intercourse is therefore to be expected, and it would seem that this circumstance is not to be taken as a proof in itself that these people are under no control.\n\nThen you state that the Gazetteers of Yung Chang and Tengyueh, together with the provincial map and provincial Gazetteer, all give the Kachin Hills or the water-parting as the boundary, and you quote the despatch of my Foreign Office which states that there is no such river as the Naikha.\n\nBut these wild frontier districts are rarely visited by man, and the Gazetteers do not contain full details about them. Thus, for instance, the Nampaung Stream, the western boundary of Tengyueh, and the Nam Yang River, the south boundary of Tengyueh, are not mentioned in the Gazetteers; it cannot be said, therefore, that they are not in China. Further, when the Gazetteer states that the north-west frontier (of Tengyueh) reaches to the boundary of the Lashi (Cha Shan) Kachins, it implies that such part of the Lashi country as is under the jurisdiction of our titled Chiefs is excluded (from the independent country). Now Hparè and Tzu Chu are situated in the Lashi country, but they are also our chieftainships. Tengyueh is given by the Gazetteer as Nan Tien, and the south-west as Kangai; yet Kangai and Nan Tien are none the less Chinese dependencies. When I suggest that the Ngaw Chang is the boundary of the jurisdictions of our Chiefs, I mean the same as when it is said that the Nampaung and Nam Yang Rivers are the frontiers of our Sawbwas.\n\nAgain, in Yunnan there are numerous mountains, and water-divides consequently occur in every direction. Thus, along the borders of the Tengyueh and Yung Chang districts, and in the Yung Lung territory, there are numerous water-partings. It seems, therefore, that we cannot insist that a particular watershed is the boundary of civilized and uncivilized country.\n\nThen you go on to remark that possession of both banks of the Lu Chiang (Upper Salween) is a matter of the greatest importance to West Yunnan, and that though at present this country has not been developed, it should, in the future, be subject to the control of Yunnan, and that the Government of Burmah would have no objection to this. I must express my sincere gratification that your inquiries have led you to so clear and just a conclusion. But you proceed to state that from the source of the Ming Kwang River the frontier-line should directly ascend to the crest of the snowy range known as the Kao Li Kung, and follow this range north to Thibet; that all the country in the basin of the Shweli and the Lu Chiang (or Upper Salween) should be controlled by Yunnan, and all the country in the basin of the Irrawaddy by Burmah; and that no other suitable frontier can be delimited except along the line of this watershed.\n\nBut if we accept the frontier you propose, our Chiefs will lose a large tract of the country which they control. Now the Ngaw Chang has already been recognized by the Chinese Fu Yi as the limit of civilized (i.e., of Chinese government). If we take the Ngaw Chang as the frontier, that will be as natural a boundary and as easy to distinguish as the line which you claim.\n\n* But he does not administer it.\n† The relevancy of this is not clear.\n‡ I added that full possession of the Irrawaddy basin was equally important to Burmah.\n§ This is a possible line, but not a natural one, in the same sense as the main divide; further, its acceptance would cause much expense and inconvenience to Burmah and to Yunnan.\n\nPage 451 \n\n[2167-1]",
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        "title": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "## Inclosure 16 in No. 1\n### Acting Consul Litton to Taotai Shih\n\n(Tengyueh, June 3, 1905.)\n\nI had the honour yesterday to receive your most lucid reply to my despatch on the subject of the northern frontier; the energetic manner in which your Honour on this occasion braved the inclement weather and the difficulties of the country, quite regardless of fatigue, in your zeal for the public service, has excited my sincere respect.\n\nYou rightly state that we neither of us had power to delimit this northern section of the frontier, and therefore cannot on our own responsibility make any definite promises regarding it.\n\nBut I fear there were one or two points in my despatch which I did not make quite clear. As this may cause some misunderstanding, I must address you some further explanations.\n\nIn your reply to me, in the first place you speak of the N'Maikha River as not being subject to the control of Myitkyina in Burmah. But in fact the Myitkyina official has administered the lower reaches of the N'Maikha for a distance of over 30 miles, and for the last ten years; the people pay taxes, and there is a military post (Loi Ngu) near the river. It is true that the upper part of the N'Maikha is not administered, but the native tribes come and make representations about their affairs to the Deputy Commissioner, and he deals with them. Thus it cannot be said that the N'Maikha is not controlled by Burmah.\n\nAgain, referring to your Headmen's certificates of succession, you state that you have yourself examined these documents, and that they bear the seal of the Board, and therefore cannot be forgeries. But I did not in the least mean to indicate that they were forgeries. Even if they had not been sealed by the Board I should have been willing to accept your Honour's assurance that they were genuine. My meaning was that when these certificates were first issued, the high authorities of your Government, being at an exceedingly great distance off, had no means of verifying the statements of the Headmen on which the certificates were based, and that these statements were probably incorrect and exaggerated.\n\nThirdly, referring to the examination of the Hpare Headmen by Mr. Leveson, you state that your deputy, Mr. Tai, although he was present, did not understand the Kachin language, and therefore was unaware what the evidence given really was, and that he had not made further inquiries. But while the joint examination of these Headmen was being carried on I too was present, and can state that the Headmen were able to speak Chinese. Mr. Leveson examined them in their own language, and then I questioned them in Chinese, and their statements in the two languages agreed. The real fact is that Mr. Tai refused to put any question to them. His statement to you must therefore be disregarded.\n\nThen, again, you state that you summoned and examined certain Headmen from Tzu Chu, &c., but I am unable to accept this evidence. We were engaged on a joint investigation, and evidence of this kind ought therefore to be taken jointly. Statements made in this way to one party only are inadmissible; besides, the statements of the Tzu Chu Headmen were also taken by Mr. Leveson and Mr. Tai in concert.\n\nIt is true that I have put down in my despatch evidence concerning the tribes on the Ngaw Chang which was taken by Mr. Leveson alone without any of your officers; but the reason of this was that your Honour had already left Pien Ma in company with myself for the Salween, and none of your deputies or Headmen dared go down to the Ngaw Chang with Mr. Leveson. Thus there was no chance of holding a joint inquiry, so I put down the evidence of these Headmen as it was given to Mr. Leveson. But is this not to be compared with the one-sided statements which you have reported?\n\nAgain, you state that, if you accept the frontier-lines which I propose, your Headmen will lose much of the territory which they control. But if you accept the watershed as the frontier, it is only a matter of giving up some 400 families of very poor Kachin; this cannot be called much. In the Mengiao triangle there are more than this.\n\nNot only is Burmah not desirous of wrongfully occupying territory, but is also unwilling that China should suffer any loss in this connection. If the watershed which I indicate is accepted as the frontier, then neither Burmah nor Yunnan will be put to any extraordinary expense; but if we were to accept the line indicated by your Honour, Burman would have to establish at least three military posts at a charge of some 40,000 taels, and China would have to raise some 200 or 300 troops to be stationed in this country to keep the peace, which would cost at least 20,000 taels a-year, so that both parties would be put to a heavy charge. If your Government is not willing to station troops there, then it is clear that you wish to usurp the rights of sovereignty but are unwilling to undertake its responsibilities, and this is just what my Government cannot agree to. I would request you to be so good as to represent these points to the high provincial authorities.\n\nP.S. - In my former despatch there is another point which I forgot to mention. If the watershed is accepted as the frontier on the northern section all the inhabitants of the border, Chinese or non-Chinese without distinction, will be allowed to pass the frontier, as usual, for the purpose of trading, without being subjected to vexatious restrictions. The Government of Burmah has always attached much importance to international trade; not only do we not put obstacles in the way of merchants, but we are only too glad to see as many of them as possible in our territory.\n\n(Seal of Taotai Shih)\n\n## \n### To sum up, your theory is that the country should be partitioned according to the river systems; \nnow my principle is that it will be more just to decide the boundary according to whether such and such a place is or is not under the jurisdiction of the respective Governments,\n\nThus, as you state that you cannot admit Chinese jurisdiction anywhere beyond the watershed, so I cannot abandon the country beyond the watershed or regard it as not being within Chinese jurisdiction.\n\nBut you are apprehensive that our Fu Yi along the border are so incompetent that in the future they will not have the power to govern the country, and that serious injury to the frontier districts may result.\n\nYou therefore propose, after the precedent of the triangle in Meng Mao (known as the Nam Wan assigned tract), to take over the government of this tract of country under a perpetual lease, so as to avoid such complications. The sum paid by way of rent would be handed over to the Chinese officials to be distributed at their entire discretion to the Chinese Chiefs, by way of compensation.\n\nThis is a well-considered and far-sighted proposal, designed to establish our international relations on a firm and harmonious basis.\n\nBut on this occasion I, in fact, received instructions only to examine the frontier. I have no power to delimit it, and I cannot therefore take upon myself the sole responsibility of agreeing to your proposal; but having regard to the terms of your despatch, I shall report the whole matter, as set forth above, to his Excellency the Viceroy of Yunnan for transmission to the `Board ...(of Foreign Affairs in Peking)` and for instructions in reply.\n\nWe then, upon receipt of instructions, can proceed to an amicable negotiation on the matter.\n\nAt the end of your despatch you mention that on the occurrence of proceedings in connection with the boundary the map has usually been scaled by both parties; that on this occasion, though we had no power to demarcate, the map has none the less been sealed by us; that, however, this circumstance must not be taken as evidence that we have come to a definite agreement as to the frontier, but is merely intended to verify the accuracy of the map. On this point I agree to act as you propose, and, while making the above general reply to your communication, I have to request you to take note of its contents.\n\n(Translation)\n\n### 38 \n### 452 \n### 39 \n### [2167 - 11] \n### (Card, &c., of G. Litton.) \n### (Seal of Taotai Shih)",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "page_number": 460,
        "title": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "# 453\n\n**(Translation.)**\n\n## Inclosure 17 in No. 1\n\n### Report by Taotai Shih to Governor-General, Yünnan-fu\n\nI, the Acting Taotai, respectfully beg to submit the following report, together with a map of the frontier.\n\nIn January last, I had the honour to receive the instructions of the Governor-General that his Excellency had received an express per the Board of War at Peking (with orders concerning the joint examination of the frontier).\n\nHere the Taotai quotes a telegram which he sent to Yünnan-fu proposing arrangements for the frontier party's proceedings.\n\nWe, as I proposed, were to proceed on this service until the rains, and then after the malarious season to continue our survey if not completed. These proposals were contained in a telegram to the high authorities at Yünnan-fu.\n\nI then agreed with Consul Litton to start in February last, but owing to the roads being blocked by snow, we had to put off the date for a few days. Finally, we proceeded to Ku Yang, where we met on the 3rd March, and thence we proceeded to the border.\n\nOn a previous occasion, the frontier had only been demarcated up to the high conical peak known to the Kachins as Manung Pum. I therefore directed the various officers with me to conduct the survey cadets by various routes,* and, co-operating with the Burmah officials, to proceed from Manung Pum in a northerly direction, connecting on their survey as they went.\n\nI then passed over the Kao Li Kung range and advanced as far as the proper boundary of Li Chiang, which is the furthest point of Burmah-Yunnan frontier.\n\nEarly in May, we completed our survey of this north section of the frontier, and I then returned to my yamên, the officers of my suite arriving at Tengyuch on various dates before and after me.\n\nI have already reported by telegram the date of my return and the general results of our joint examination.\n\nThe map prepared by our officers has now been compared with‡ the map produced by the Consul; the two are found to agree in every particular.\n\nI have also received an official communication from Mr. Litton, that on the conclusion of a survey of the frontier, it has been usual for both parties to seal the map. On this occasion, however, the boundary officers had no power to delimit, and the map has been sealed merely as a guarantee of its accuracy. It must not be assumed that a final agreement has therefore been come to.\n\nThis statement appears to be in accordance with precedent; the maps have therefore been sealed by both parties and a note to the above effect entered on them.\n\nAs regards this section of the border, Mr. Litton wishes the main divide to be accepted as the frontier, while I suggest the left bank of the Ngaw Chang. I have received Mr. Litton's despatch on the subject, in which he states that if the country beyond the great divide is to be subject to the control of the Chinese officials, great inconvenience will arise. He points out that, on the occasion of a former demarcation, the Kachin Hills were assigned to the Sawbwas of Meng Mao and Meng Wan, who up to the present have been unable to control their Kachins, with the result that the Government of Burmah has suffered damage and has been compelled to establish military guards at a heavy cost; but that it was agreed that the Meng Mao triangle should be leased, which had resulted in great benefits to both parties. If it is now feared that by accepting his line the Chinese Headmen will suffer injury, Mr. Litton proposes that we should act according to the precedent of the Meng Mao triangle and grant a lease in perpetuity; rent on a liberal scale will be paid to the Chinese officials, who will distribute it to their Headmen at discretion and not subject to the intervention of Burmah.\n\nMr. Litton's general description of the conditions of the country is correct, but there appear to be some inaccuracies in his deductions; it was therefore my duty to reply to him on the facts.\n\n* This is Chinese nonsense; none of their people had the faintest idea of surveying.-G. L  \n† i.e., along the Salween.-G. L  \n‡ Not compared with, but copied from.-G. L\n\nFurther, as on this occasion there was only a survey and no delimitation, it would not be proper for me to assume the sole responsibility of assenting to Mr. Litton's proposals.\n\nThe full details of our discussions are set forth in my reply to Mr. Litton, copy of which I have the honour to submit separately, and therefore need not here quote at large. It is now my duty to submit this report, together with the maps of the northern section of the Burmah-Yunnan boundary, a copy of Mr. Litton's despatch to me, and of my reply mentioned above, to the High Provincial Government, requesting their Excellencies to consider the matter and favour me with instructions.\n\nJune 1, 1905.\n\n[This report and copies of documents inclosed were sent to the Viceroy of Yunnan, to the Board of Foreign Affairs, to the Provincial Treasurer, and to the Board of Reorganization at Yunnan-fu.\n\nG. L]\n\n## Inclosure 18 in No. 1\n\n### Sketch Maps\n\n[Not printed.]\n\n(Initialled)",
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    {
        "id": 403615,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "page_number": 524,
        "title": "CO129-331 - Public Offices - 1905",
        "content_text": "# SOUTH-WEST CHINA\n\n**CONFIDENTIAL**\n\n## No. 1\n\n[October 28]\n\n### SECTION 1\n\nActing Consul Litton to the Marquess of Lansdowne.-(Received October 28.)\n\n**(No. 15. Confidential.)**\nMy Lord,\n\nIN continuance of my previous despatch, I have the honour to submit, under flying seal, through the Government of Burmah, copy of a further report on the lama disturbance in North-West Yünnan which I have to-day addressed to Sir Ernest Satow.\n\nTa Li-fu (for Tengyueh), September 10, 1905.\n\nI have, &c.\n(Signed) **G. LITTON**\n\n**(Confidential)**\nSir,\n\n### Inclosure in No. 1\n\nActing Consul Litton to Sir E. Satow.\n\nTa Li-fu (for Tengyueh), September 9, 1905.\n\nREFERRING to my previous reports on the lama revolt in the region of the Upper Mekong, I have the honour to report that I have now had the opportunity of several long conversations with Mr. Forrest and the French missionaries who escaped from Tseku; with several merchants who have business houses at Wei Hsi and Atentse; and with the local officials here who are in constant communication with Wei Hsi.\n\nCause of the Disorders in Thibetan Yünnan-After weighing as carefully as I can the various statements which I have heard, and which agree in the main, it appears to me that the trouble, though serious enough, is of merely local importance; is only quite indirectly connected with recent events in Thibet and at Batang; does not point to any general political movement on the part of the Thibetans; and was directly caused by the misconduct of the Chinese on the spot, and still more by the incompetence and negligence of the Yunnan Viceroy.\n\nIt is no doubt true that, if the British expedition had never gone to Lhassa, the Chinese would never have conceived the idea of converting the Thibetan dependencies of Yunnan and Szechuan into a separate province under ordinary Chinese jurisdiction-a scheme which seems to have greatly occupied their minds. If they had not taken up this idea, the Vice-Amban Feng would not have established himself at Batang last spring; if he had not established himself there, there would have been no rebellion at Batang and no incursion into Yunnan and Atentse by the Batang insurgents; if there had been no such incursion, the Wei Hsi Sub-Prefect and the Chinese troops would not have gone to Atentse in May; and if they had not gone to Atentse, there would have been no revolt in Yünnan and no attack on the Tseku Mission.\n\nThe area of the disturbance at present is bounded by the Mekong-Salween divide on the west, by the Chin Sha, or Upper Yang-tsze, on the east, and extends to about latitude 27° 50', or just north of the Yetehe, on the Mekong, to the south. It is fully confirmed that in April, when there were only thirty Chinese troops at Atentse, the Atentse and Tung Chu Lin lamas and Headmen altogether declined the solicitations of the Batang lamas to join in the revolt. It is also certain that in the Tsarong and Kham districts to the north-west of Tseku, which are under Lhassa, and in Chung Tien to the east of the Chin Sha River, where is the powerful Kuei Hua Ssu lamasery, there has been no rebellious movement; nor have Chinese troops been sent to those districts. Rebellion and disorder occurred only at the time and in the place where Chinese mandarins and Chinese soldiers made their appearance.\n\nAccustomed as I am to the comic-opera appearance of the Imperial forces in Yunnan, I have never witnessed such a ludicrous and disgraceful performance as I have seen during the last few days, which I spent travelling on the same road as the Yung Chang and Tengyueh contingents on the march to Wei Hsi.\n\nPage 517",
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        "document_key": "CO129-337 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1906",
        "page_number": 135,
        "title": "CO129-337 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1906",
        "content_text": "[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\n# SOUTH-WEST CHINA..\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[2511]\n\nNo. 1.\n\nC.\n\n4680\n\n[January 20.]\n\n## SECTION 1.\n\nRed? Rec 9 FEB 0\n\n132\n\nActing Consul Litton to the Marquess of Lansdowne.—(Received January 20, 1906,)\n\n(No. 17.) My Lord,\n\nTengyueh, December 19. 1905.\n\nIN continuation of my despatches No. 15 of the 9th September and No. 16 of the 1st October last, I have the honour to submit a copy of a further Report (No. 23 of to-day's date) which I have addressed to Sir Ernest Satow, on the subject of the recent lama disturbances in North-west Yünnan.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n(Signed)\n\nG. LITTON.\n\n## Inclosure in No. 1.\n\n(No. 23.) Sir,\n\nActing Consul Litton to Sir E. Satow.\n\nTengyueh, December 19, 1905.\n\nREFERRING to my Reports No. 18 of the 9th September and No. 19 of the 1st October last, I understand that the Consul-General has kept you informed of the progress of events in connection with the suppression of the lama disturbances in North-west Yünnan.\n\nIn the course of my recent journey up the Salween I passed over to the Mekong, which I reached at a point only three stages south of Wei Hsi. I have also received several letters from the French missionaries. I may therefore submit a summary of the information which I have gathered, together with some observations thereon.\n\nThe rebellion collapsed in North-west Yünnan chiefly because it had been so vigorously suppressed in the Batang district of Szechuan. This cut the ground from under the feet of the Yunnan lamas, and left no course open to them except retreat into Thibet. The French Bishop of Tachienlu journeyed in October from Batang to the Yang-tsze frontier near Atentse. He writes that in many districts the lamas, and indeed the whole male Thibetan population, have been practically exterminated. It is further credibly reported that the villagers, as soon as they found that things were going badly for their lama oppressors, turned against them, and in several cases arrested and handed over to the Chinese the rebel leaders.\n\nChang T-tai, the provincial Commander-in-chief, advanced from Wei Hsi to Atentse in October without any fighting, but his troops impartially pillaged the villages of friends and foes alike, while the General himself made no difficulty about granting a free pardon to any one who could pay for it. The only serious military operation was the capture of the important lamasery of Tung-chu-lin (situated between Peng-tzu-la and Atentse, on the Mekong-Yang-tsze divide) by a body of Kwangsi braves under Colonel Elsieh, the newly-appointed Colonel at Wei Hsi. This is a very large and rich lamasery, and its capture seems to have crushed any further resistance on the part of the lamas. The Kwangsi men, though wholly without discipline, are undoubtedly ferocious when there is a chance of plunder, and horrible stories are circulated of how they ripped open their wounded enemies, devoured their hearts and livers, and so forth.\n\nIt is believed that the Yünnan Government has now been brought to see the necessity of inflicting severe punishment on all the lamas and Headmen guilty of murder and outrage. Prefect Li, the former Li Chiang Prefect, now temporarily degraded, has been appointed on a special mission to restore order and negotiate with the French fathers.\n\nThe surviving French priests have now returned to their posts. The country has been pillaged by both lamas and Chinese, otherwise quiet seems to have been restored.\n\nThanks to the prudence of its Sub-Prefect, who absolutely refused to allow Chinese ...\n\n[1838 -1]",
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        "title": "CO129-337 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1906",
        "content_text": "2\n\ntroops across to his side of the Yang-tsze, Chung Tien and its powerful monasteries have remained quiet.\n\nThe Wei Hsi Sub-Prefect Li, whose extortions were the causa causans of all the trouble, has been dismissed. His successor, Mr. Jao, is, however, a notoriously corrupt and avaricious mandarin of the old type.\n\nI am not accurately informed of the demands made on behalf of the French Mission, but they have taken the form of claims for a heavy money indemnity and for lands.\n\nThe question is being discussed between the ex-Prefect and Père Genestier, now senior missionary and a man of character and ambition. It would have been more to the general interests of the public, both Chinese and foreign, of Yünnan if the French had pressed for a radical change in the personnel of the Yunnan-fu Government; but no doubt from their own point of view the missionaries are right. The possession of a large capital of ready money will give them very great power in the country much the same sort of power, in fact, which the lamas formerly enjoyed. In a few years we may expect to see the French Mission thoroughly established on the Upper Salween, and very possibly also spreading west over to the Chiu River in the Upper Irrawaddy basin. Wherever the French fathers lead the Chinese Government is likely to follow. It may therefore be anticipated that one result of the present disorders will be that the influence of the French Mission on the Upper Salween and Mekong Rivers, and possibly in the Upper Irrawaddy, will be widely extended.\n\nI feel the strongest doubts as to whether the Government of Yunnan has either the capacity, the honesty, or the men necessary to permanently establish an effective Chinese Administration in these Thibetan districts. This could probably only be effected by destroying the lamaseries and confiscating their lands (a course which I believe the ex-Prefect advocates but the Yünnan Government does not approve) and by introducing Chinese peasant colonists. Just and firm government, of which Yünnan mandarins are wholly incapable, would have to follow.\n\nI think it is more probable that the Chinese officials and troops in the district will soon return to their customary \"squeezing\" and opium-smoking, that the lamas who have now fled to Thibet will reappear, and that within a generation the power of the Chinese Government in these districts will be at as low an ebb as it was before the present disturbances galvanized them into temporary vigour and activity.\n\nFor the present, no doubt, the terror of the severe punishment which the lamas have received will spread as far as Lhassa and greatly increase Chinese influence and prestige at that capital. Regardless of their boasted sanctity and of their political pretensions, the Chinese have slaughtered the holy men wholesale, have pillaged their monasteries, and have sat down to occupy a large section of what is practically part of Thibet.\n\nThis sort of thing will, for the time, have a stronger, if less lasting, effect than the proceedings of Sir F. Younghusband's Mission. I would venture further to forecast that whatever influence the Chinese may acquire in Thibet proper will be used adversely to British trade and British interests.\n\nI have, &c. (Signed) G. LITTON.\n\n133\n\nThe Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs presents his compliments to the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies and is directed by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to transmit, to be laid before the Secretary of State for the Colonies, a further section of confidential correspondence, as marked in the margin.\n\nFeb. 24-§23\n\nForeign Office,\n\nMarch 16, 1906.",
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        "title": "CO129-337 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1906",
        "content_text": "[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\nSOUTH-WEST CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n(7199)\n\nNo. 1.\n\n134\n\n(February 28.\n\nSECTION 1.\n\nIndia Office to Foreign Office.-(Received February 28.)\n\nTHE Under-Secretary of State for India presents his compliments to the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and, by direction of Mr. Secretary Morley, forwards herewith, for the information of the Secretary of State, copy of inclosures in a letter from the Foreign Secretary to the Government of India, dated the 18th January, relative to recent explorations on the Upper Salween.\n\nSir,\n\nIndia Office, February 27, 1906,\n\nInclosure 1 in No. 1.\n\nGovernment of Burma to Government of India.\n\nRangoon, January 2, 1906.\n\nI AM directed to solicit a reference to the correspondence ending with Foreign Department letter dated the 27th November, 1905, on the subject of the Burma-China frontier north of latitude 25° 33'. I am now to submit, for the information of the Government of India, a copy of a telegram, dated the 5th December, 1905, addressed by Mr. G. J. L. Litton, His Britannic Majesty's Acting Consul, Tengyueh, to His Britannic Majesty's Consul-General for Yünnan and Kueichow. In the Lieutenant-Governor's opinion, the geographical information gathered by Mr. Litton does not at present render necessary or expedient any revision of the views stated in my letter dated the 19th June, 1905.\n\nI have, &c. (Signed)\n\nS. A. SMYTH,\n\nFor Chief Secretary.\n\n(Telegraphic.)\n\nInclosure 2 in No. 1.\n\nActing Consul Litton to Consul-General Wilkinson.\n\nDecember 5, 1905.\n\nI REACHED a point on the Salween eight marches further than the highest point last spring. I also explored two new passes on the Mekong-Salween divide and one on the Salween-Irrawaddy divide. We were able to trace the course of the Salween up to north latitude 27° 20', up to which point the Salween is confined between a series of ridges; the country is very difficult. Up to 27° 20' there are some traces of Chinese jurisdiction, but the country is much disturbed by the bad conduct of the Chinese Sawbwas.\n\nFurther north, there is no trace of Chinese authority up to latitude 27° 35', where Yetche territories begin. The independent tract is inhabited by Lissu under conditions of utter savagery.\n\nExamination showed that the divide between the Salween and Irrawaddy continues to be a conspicuous range of 12,000 to 13,000 feet up to about latitude 28° 30', where it is merged in a vast snowy range trending east and west, which we saw at a distance.\n\nPlease communicate the substance of this telegram to His Majesty's Minister at Peking.\n\n$1890 ee-1\n\nPage 134\n\n...\n\nPage 135\n\n...\n\n \nhas been removed as it is not clear whether it belongs to the original text or not. The text has been formatted according to the given instructions. The initial jumbled text at the beginning has been removed as it does not seem to be a part of the main document. The rest of the text has been formatted into proper paragraphs and the required corrections have been made.",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "title": "CO129-337 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1906",
        "content_text": "(This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.\n\n18675\n\nSOUTH-WEST CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[May 5]\nSECTION\nBEG 26 MAY 06,\n\n349\n\n[15208]\n\n(No. 113.) Sir,\n\nNo. 1.\n\nSir E. Satow to Sir Edward Grey,-(Received May 5.)\n\nPeking, March 13, 1906.\n\nLORD LANSDOWNE'S despatch No. 219 of the 30th September, conveying to me instructions with regard to the proposed settlement of the frontier between Burmah and China north of Manung-Pum, reached me on the 19th November; but as it seemed to me to be desirable, if possible, to get the Thibet negotiations out of the way—or, at least, to make some progress towards their conclusion—before proceeding to enter upon this frontier question, I delayed for some time taking any steps towards carrying out his Lordship's instructions. By the 20th January, however, the other and more important question having made considerable progress in consequence of the Chinese Government having themselves come forward with proposals for adhering to the Lhassa Convention, I addressed the inclosed note to Prince Ching, proposing that a date should be fixed for discussing the Reports of Mr. Litton and the Taotai Shih, who examined a part of the proposed frontier last spring. To this I received a reply—copy of which is also inclosed—the object of which was evidently solely to create delay, and I again renewed my request in a further note—likewise inclosed. Mr. Campbell also spoke to Mr. Tang Shao-Yi, pointing out the unreasonableness of the Board's attitude; and, finally, having been asked to fix a day for the meeting, I named the 9th March.\n\nI was accompanied by the Honourable L. D. Carnegie and Mr. C. W. Campbell, while of the members of the Foreign Board there were present Na Chung-T'ang, Ch'ü Chung Tang, and Mr. Tang Shao-Yi.\n\nHaving ascertained that the correspondence between the late Mr. Litton and Taotai Shih of the 20th May, the 28th May, and the 3rd June, 1905, had reached the Board, and that they were acquainted with its contents, I suggested that we need not read it again, and that the only thing necessary at the present stage was to place before their Excellencies the proposals of His Majesty's Government. Briefly stated these were—\n\n1. That the Irrawaddy-Salween watershed should be recognized as the common frontier up to the confines of Thibet, and\n\n2. That the claims of the native Chieftains in the Salween valley to certain dues from villagers living on the west of the watershed should be liberally dealt with by the payment of an annual sum, the amount of which remained to be fixed.\n\nThe officials of the Board had prepared a map of their own, drawn in the Chinese fashion, with a great show of exactness in regard to latitude and longitude, but otherwise of an entirely fanciful character. This was, however, discarded in favour of the maps prepared by the surveyors attached to the Joint Commission, and authenticated by the seals of His Majesty's Consulate at Tengyueh and the Taotai, of which I received one copy from Mr. Litton in his despatch No. 8 of the 20th May, 1905, the other having been transmitted to Peking along with Taotai Shih's Report. At the request of Mr. Tang I traced the watershed on our copy in pencil, and he similarly marked it on the Board's copy.\n\nCh'ü Chung Tang having remarked that boundary questions dealing with the apportionment of territory were of very great importance, and required careful consideration, I replied that I had no wish to ask them to agree to the proposals of His Majesty's Government without due deliberation. I would content myself therefore for the present with submitting draft of a single article dealing with the boundary, and the manner in which the rights of the native Chieftains should be dealt with would, I thought, be more appropriately made the subject of an exchange of notes.\n\nI then handed to their Excellencies first a Chinese version and then the English text of the proposed Article, and a copy of the latter is inclosed.\n\nIt will be observed that it contains no recital of the steps taken last spring to obtain a more accurate knowledge of the features and condition of the country north of latitude 25° 35′. The reason for this omission is that the recent joint survey does\n\n[1993 e-1]",
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        "title": "CO129-337 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1906",
        "content_text": "350\n\n2\n\nnot go further than latitude 26° 30′, and if any reference had been inserted it would probably have provoked an immediate observation from the side of the Chinese negotiators that under the circumstances it would be impossible for them to agree to the watershed boundary beyond that point up to the confines of Thibet. In the Chinese text, however, the lacuna is not so apparent.\n\nI added that, if they would consider my draft and the proposal in regard to indemnification of the native Chiefs, of whom the principal person entitled is the Fayi of Teng-keng, I should be happy to have another interview with their Excellencies whenever it suited their convenience.\n\nCh' Chung Tang gave me a Memorandum proposing a boundary which, as far as I can gather (some of the places mentioned in it do not appear in the jointly authenticated map), approximates to the red line on the map attached as Inclosure 1 to Mr. Litton's Report, which was inclosed in Lord Lansdowne's despatch No. 219 of the 30th September, 1905. After the interview, he sent me another Memorandum containing remarks on Mr. Litton's statements and geographical observations, some of which are absurd. For instance, he asserts that the Salween flows into the Irrawaddy, and generally appears to have no conception of a water-parting or river basin in a wide sense. I shall, of course, reply to these Memoranda in due course, but I think it is scarcely necessary to trouble you with their contents.\n\nI add copy of a telegram of the 9th December from Mr. Litton to Mr. W. H. Wilkinson, giving further information as to the country further north than latitude 26° 30'. From this it appears likely that the Salween-Irrawaddy watershed continues up to a point estimated at latitude 28° 30', where it becomes merged in a snow range lying east and west. In the Lieutenant-Governor's letter of the 19th June, 1905, to the Government of India, a statement is made that the China Inland Mission's Map shows a wedge of Thibetan territory stretching between Burmah and Yunnan down to below latitude 27°. I can hardly suppose that the map in question, which is simply a reproduction of that of Dr. Bretschneider with a changed orthography, can be regarded as an authority with regard to the geography of a region that has never been explored. However that may be, the difficulty is avoided in the draft by omitting all reference to latitude, and speaking of \"the confines of Thibet\" as the ultimate limit of the boundary.\n\nI observe that in paragraph 3 of Mr. Brodrick's letter to the Foreign Office of the 20th September, 1905, it is stated that the Government of Burmah do not desire, should difficulties be raised by China, to press for the watershed boundary beyond latitude 26° 30'. It is, in all probability, unlikely that the Chinese Government will make any difficulties about the boundary beyond that point if they accept the proposals of His Majesty's Government up to it, which to their mind will have the appearance of depriving them of jurisdiction over a considerable tract of territory to which they have hitherto laid claim. Should, however, the objection be made which the Government of Burmah appear to anticipate, I venture to think it would be better for His Majesty's Representative at Peking to say that he must refer the point to His Majesty's Government, as to my mind it is not desirable to leave anything open for a renewal of the boundary discussion later on when the administrative authority of the Burmah Government shall have reached latitude 26° 30′ on their side of the watershed, but to give the notice foreshadowed in the latter part of paragraph 4 of the same letter. As the point can be referred by telegram no great delay will be involved, and it seems to me desirable to leave nothing open for future dispute, if that can be avoided.\n\nI am communicating copies of this despatch to the Governments of India and Burmah.\n\nYour Highness,\n\nI have, &c. (Signed)\n\nERNEST SATOW.\n\nInclosure 1 in No. 1.\n\nSir E. Satow to Prince Ch'ing.\n\nPeking, January 20, 1906. ON the 30th January, 1904, I had the honour to address your Highness a note on the subject of the portion of the frontier lying to the north of latitude 25° 35' north, which by Article IV of the Burmah Convention of 1894 was reserved for a future understanding, when the features and conditions of the country were more accurately known. In this note I summarized previous correspondence, and mentioned certain\n\n3\n\noccurrences to illustrate the danger of collision where there is no frontier recognized by both sides, which danger the British Government, animated by friendly feelings towards China, were desirous to avoid. I also stated that the region in question having been more carefully examined since 1900 than was previously possible, it was found that northward, from latitude 25° 35′ north, the watershed of all streams draining into the N Maikha from the east was the most satisfactory and easily recognizable natural boundary; and that I was instructed to inform the Chinese Government that His Majesty's Government intended henceforth to regard this as the actual boundary between China and Burmah, unless and until a settlement was reached, and that if this frontier was not respected by China, and armed forces were sent across it from the Yunnan side, there would be a risk of collision with British troops.\n\nIn a reply dated the 10th March, 1904, your Highness stated that it was necessary to ascertain accurately the features of the country east and west of the watershed, and whether the latter coincided with the original boundary of Chinese territory; and you pointed out that it would be in accordance with the procedure laid down in the Convention if both Powers sent officers to make a joint delimitation,\n\nOn the 27th October, 1905, I answered your Highness to the effect that a delimitation was impossible unless there was a preliminary agreement as to the general line which the boundary was to follow, but that in order to secure a friendly settlement of the question His Majesty's Government were willing to send officers who would accompany Representatives of the Chinese Government to point out the true position of affairs; and on the 16th November your Highness informed me that it was proposed to appoint the Acting Tuotai of Tengyueh, Shih Nung-shao, to make a survey in co-operation with the officers appointed by the British Government, In my reply of the 24th January, 1905, I notified the appointment of Mr. Litton, His Majesty's Consul at Tengyueh, to co-operate with Taotai Shih; and in a letter of the 30th January, 1905, I made it clear that these two officers were not to delimit the frontier, but were to furnish Reports for the information of their respective Governments. Your Highness informed me on the 3rd March, 1905, that instructions in this sense had been sent to the Viceroy of Yunnan.\n\nIn March 1905 Consul Litton and Taotai Shih proceeded together to the frontier, and made an inspection of a portion of it to the north of latitude 25° 35′ north, during the months of March, April, and May. Afterwards Mr. Litton submitted a detailed Report, which has been considered by His Majesty's Government, and I am informed that the Report of Taotai Shih has also been communicated to the Chinese Government by the Viceroy of Yünnan.\n\nI have the honour, accordingly, to request that the Wai-wu Pu will appoint a day for a meeting, in order to arrive at an amicable settlement of this matter.\n\nI avail, &c. (Signed)\n\n(Translation.)\n\nSir,\n\nInclosure 2 in No. 1.\n\nPrince Ching to Sir E. Satow,\n\nERNEST SATOW,\n\nPeking, February 1, 1906.\n\nI HAVE the honour to acknowledge receipt of your Excellency's note respecting the Burmah frontier north of latitude 25° 35' north.\n\n[Note of the 20th January quoted at length.]\n\nThe Board had already addressed a despatch to the Governor-General of the Yun-Kuei Provinces calling upon him to investigate this question carefully, and we have just received a telegram from his Excellency stating that Mr. Consul Litton was dead, and requesting us to ask your Excellency to send another officer to Yunnan to go into the question and deal with it.\n\nThe Governor-General having thus asked that another officer may be sent to Yunnan to deal with the question, it becomes my duty to request your Excellency to communicate in this sense with His Majesty's Government, that another officer may be appointed to deal with the question.",
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        "page_number": 357,
        "title": "CO129-337 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1906",
        "content_text": "C.C.\n\nry of His Britannic Majesty's Government.\n\nYour Highness,\n\nInclosure 3 in No. 1.\n\nSir E. Satow to Prince Ching.\n\nPeking, February 3, 1906.\n\nI HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Highness' note of the 1st February with reference to the Burmah-Yunnan frontier north of latitude 25° 35' north, informing me of a telegram received from the Viceroy of Yunnan, in accordance with which I am requested to move His Majesty's Government to appoint another officer to take the place of Mr. Litton, lately deceased.\n\nIf your Highness will examine my note of the 20th January you will observe that I mentioned that both Consul Litton and Taotai Shih were not to delimit the frontier, but were to furnish Reports for the information of their respective Governments.\n\nI also said that Mr. Litton had submitted a detailed Report, which has been considered by His Majesty's Government, and that means that before his death he furnished His Majesty's Government with all the information required. It is therefore unnecessary to appoint another officer to deal with the question, as suggested by the Viceroy of Yunnan.\n\nI have again the honour to request that the Wai-wu Pu will appoint a day for a meeting, in order to arrive at an amicable settlement of the question.\n\nI avail, &c.\n\n(Signed)\n\nERNEST SATOW.\n\nInclosure 4 in No. 1.\n\nDraft Article.\n\nWHEREAS, by the terms of Article IV of the Convention between Great Britain and China of the 1st March, 1894, it was agreed that the settlement and delimitation of that portion of the Burmah-China frontier which lies to the north of latitude 25° 35′ north should be reserved for a future understanding between the High Contracting Parties when the features and condition of the country were more accurately known, it is now agreed between the Governments of Great Britain and China that the boundary of the two Empires in the territory lying to the north of latitude 25° 35' north shall follow the watershed between the Irrawaddy and Salween basins up to the confines of Thibet.\n\nInclosure 5 in No. 1.\n\nConsul Litton to Consul-General Wilkinson.\n\nTengyueh, December 9, 1905.\n\n(Telegraphic.)\n\nI REACHED point on the Salween eight marches further than the highest point reached last spring. Also explored two new passes on the Salween-Mekong divide, and also one on the Salween-Irrawaddy divide. We were able to trace the course of the Salween up to latitude 27° 20′ north, up to which point the Salween is confined in a series of ridges and the country is very difficult. [At] 26° 20′ there is some Chinese authority, but this country is much disturbed by the bad conduct of the Tu Ssu. Further north there is no trace of Chinese authority up to 27° 35', where Yetche territory begins. Independent tract is inhabited by Lissu, under conditions of utter savagery. Examination shows that the Salween-Irrawaddy divide continues to be a conspicuous range, 12,000 feet to 13,000 feet, up to about latitude 28° 30′ north, where it is merged in a vast snow range trending east and west, which I saw at a distance. No trouble with tribes, but great hardships. Please communicate substance of my telegram to British Minister.\n\nSOUTH-WEST CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[15301]\n\n(No. 8.)\n\nSir,\n\nNo. 1.\n\n351\n\nMay 5.\n\nSECTION 2.\n\nThe one\n\nConsul-General Wilkinson to Sir Edward Grey.--(Received May 5.)\n\nYunnan-fu, March 10, 1906.\n\nI HAVE the honour to inclose copy of a despatch to His Majesty's Minister reporting certain recent official appointments in this Province of Yunnan. that most concerns British interests is the retention at his acting post of Intendant of the Southern Circuit (the Pu-erh and Ssumao Taotai-ship) of Shih Hung-shan, the official who was (as Acting Taotai at Tengyueh) engaged last spring with Messrs. Litton and Loveson in examining the conditions of the undelimited border districts east of Myitkyina. Shih Taotai's retention at Pu-erh will enable him to complete his report on the other stretch of undelimited frontier, the hundred miles or so along \"Scott's line,\" between the Namting and Na Lawt.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n(Signed) W. H. WILKINSON.\n\nInclosure in No. 1.\n\nConsul-General Wilkinson to Sir E. Satow.\n\n(No. 10.) Sir,\n\nYunnan-fu, March 10, 1906.\n\nWITH reference to the possible substitution of Li Shou-t'ien for Wei Ching-tung in the post of Intendant of the Lin-an-k'ai-kuang Circuit (Taotai at Mengtzu), as mentioned in my immediately preceding despatch, the following appointments have been actually gazetted:-\n\nHsing-lu, substantive Intendant of the Eastern Circuit (I-tung Tao), is to act as Superintendent of the Salt Gabelle (Yen-fa Tao). Chang Hsing-chi, titular Intendant of the Southern Circuit (I-nan Tao), who has never proceeded from Yunnan-fu to take up his post, becomes officiating Intendant of the Eastern Circuit. This enables Shih Hung-shao to retain his acting post at Pu-erh, and to complete at his leisure his inquiry and report on the conditions of the undelimited frontier south of Kunlong Ferry (\"Scott's line\"). Shih Taotai's substantive post is still that of Prefect of Yungchang. His late gerant there, Lang Cheng-hsien, an able and popular man, is to be replaced by Hsieh Yu-chun. I may add that, as far as I can learn, Shih Taotai has not yet sent in his report on the Wa frontier, of which a copy has more than once been promised to me.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n(Signed) W. H. WILKINSON.\n\nP.S.-Chang Taotai is a Shantung man, a Hanlin, and, as I have earlier reported, has been serving as Intendant of the Right River (Yu-chiang Tao) in Kuangsi. Hsieh Yü-chun comes from Kueichow, and has served as Home Magistrate (K'un-ming Hsien) at Yunnan-fu, and as Sub-Prefect at Ssŭmao.\n\n[1993 e--2]\n\nW. H. W.",
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        "id": 407145,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-337 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1906",
        "page_number": 441,
        "title": "CO129-337 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1906",
        "content_text": "Co.\n\n[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government]\n\n434\n\n0.\n\nSOUTH-WEST CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[12399]\n\nNo. 1.\n\n22642\n\n[April 10]\n\nSECTION\n\nREG! 23 JUN 06\n\nt\n\nSir E. Satow to Sir Edward Grey.-(Received April 10.)\n\n(No. 75.) (Telegraphic.) P.\n\nBURMAH-YUNNAN frontier, north.\n\nPeking, April 10, 1906.\n\nAt an interview which I had with the Wai-wu Pu on the 9th March, I submitted to them the draft of an Article for our joint signature, which should fix the watershed between the basins of the Irrawaddy and Salween Rivers as the boundary. I also communicated the offer to compensate China for the extinction of all claims on our side of the boundary (which was to be embodied in an exchange of notes) by the payment of an annual sum.\n\nI had another discussion with the Chinese Ministers yesterday, which resulted in our proposals being refused,\n\nDo you approve of my now addressing a note to the Chinese Government in accordance with paragraph 4 of Lord Lansdowne's despatch No. 219 of the 30th September, 1905?\n\n[1963 k-1]",
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    },
    {
        "id": 407199,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-337 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1906",
        "page_number": 495,
        "title": "CO129-337 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1906",
        "content_text": "70 oguly Co.\n\nThis Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\nSOUTH-WEST CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[20640]\n\nNo. 1.\n\n487\n\n[June 18.]\n\nSECTION 1. C. O.\n\n24601\n\nREC REC 7 JUL 06.\n\nSir E. Satow to Sir Edward Grey.-(Received June 18.)\n\n(No. 202.) Sir,\n\nWITH reference to my despatch No. 113 of the 13th March and telegram No. 75 Peking, May 1, 1906, of the 10th April, I have the honour to inclose copy of a note which I addressed to-day to Prince Ching, in accordance with the instructions conveyed in your telegram No. 86 of the 28th April, on the subject of the Burmah frontier north of latitude 25° 35′.\n\nAs reported in my telegram No. 75 of the 10th April, I again discussed the subject at the Wai-wu Pu on the 9th April with the Grand Secretaries Na-t'ung and Ch'i Hung-chi and his Excellency Lien-fang. I made some geographical explanations of an elementary character to Ch'ü Chung-tang, who was under the impression that the \"Salween flowed south into the Irrawaddy,\" and substituted another draft Article for that submitted in my interview of the 9th March in order to define the boundary more clearly. In the earlier draft I adopted the wording contained in Lord Lansdowne's despatch No. 219 of the 30th September, 1905-\"The watershed between the Irrawaddy and the Salween basins up to the confines of Thibet\"--but as the Shweli belongs to the Irrawaddy system and the starting point at Manung Pum is some distance from the Salween divide, I thought a more extended statement necessary to prevent misunderstanding.\n\nTheir Excellencies said that after consultation with the Viceroy of Yunnan they had come to the conclusion that my proposals were not acceptable. They involved a concession of a large portion of territory which was under Chinese jurisdiction, and this was not a thing which the Viceroy or themselves could lightly agree to.\n\nI argued that the watershed was the natural boundary, and that the claims of the Chinese Government over any territory west of it were of a doubtful character. There were some customary presents or dues which the native Chiefs (“tu-yi\") of Ming-Kuang and Teng-Keng occasionally received, and for these the Indian Government would make suitable monetary compensation.\n\nTheir Excellencies still objected, and made it evident that they had no intention of treating our proposals in a reasonable and practical way. In reply to a categorical question, Chü Chung-tang finally declared that they could not be accepted. I therefore brought the discussion to a close by saying that I should address them a note on the subject.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n(Signed)\n\nERNEST SATOW.\n\nInclosure in No. 1.\n\nSir E. Satow to Prince Ch'ing.\n\nYour Highness,\n\nWITH reference to the correspondence which took place between us at the May 1, 1906. beginning of this year, in which I proposed that the Board of Foreign Affairs should appoint a day for the discussion of the reports furnished by the late Mr. Litton, His Majesty's Acting Consul at Tengyueh, and Taotai Shih on their joint examination of the watershed to the north of Manang Pum, your Highness is aware that, with the object of arriving at an amicable settlement in regard to the frontier between the British and Chinese possessions northwards from that point on the 9th March, and again on the 9th April, I discussed this matter with their Excellencies Na Chung-tang, Ch'a Chung-tang, and Lien-fang. On the latter occasion I submitted to them the draft of a proposed Article in the following form :----\n\nWhereas by the terms of Article IV of the Convention between Great Britain and China of the 1st March, 1894, it was agreed that the settlement and delimitation\n\n[2048 - ·1]\n\n--,- -༥་ --",
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    },
    {
        "id": 407200,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-337 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1906",
        "page_number": 496,
        "title": "CO129-337 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1906",
        "content_text": "2\n\nof that portion of the Burmah-China frontier which lies to the north of latitude 25° 35′ North should be reserved for a future understanding between the High Contracting Parties when the features and conditions of the country were more accurately known, it is now agreed between the Governments of Great Britain and China that the boundary of the two Empires in the territory lying to the north of latitude 25° 35′ North shall follow the watershed between the Irrawaddy and Shweli Rivers until the head waters of the Shweli are passed, and from thence it shall follow along the water-shed between the Irrawaddy and Salween basins up to the confines of Thibet.\n\nI further made an offer on behalf of the Indian Government to compensate the native Chiefs (\"fu-yi\") of Teng-keng and Ming-kwang for the customary presents and dues which they have been in the habit of receiving from certain villages on the western side of the proposed boundary, which arrangement I proposed should be placed on record in an exchange of notes.\n\nI regret that I found no disposition on the part of their Excellencies to accept this very liberal offer for the settlement of this long-pending question, and, in reply to my inquiry, I was categorically informed by his Excellency Ch'ü Chung-tang that the Chinese Government would not entertain my proposals.\n\nHaving reported to His Majesty's Government the result of these two interviews, I am now instructed by His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to state to the Chinese Government that His Majesty's Government intend to regard the watershed described in the draft Article above quoted as the frontier, and that, failing its acceptance on the terms which have been offered, the Government of Burmah will be instructed to occupy and administer the country without further negotiations.\n\nI avail, &c. (Signed)\n\nERNEST SATOW.\n\n488\n\n[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\nSOUTH-WEST CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[21175]\n\n(No. 118.)\n\nNo. 1.\n\nSir Edward Grey to Mr. Carnegie.\n\n[June 26.]\n\nSHOTION 1\n\n24601\n\nRECE\n\nREG 7 JUL 06\n\nL\n\n(Telegraphic.) P.\n\nrelative to the Burmah-China frontier.\n\nAPPROVE suggestion contained in your telegram No. 121 of the 14th June Foreign Office, June 26, 1906.\n\n[2048 cc-1]",
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    {
        "id": 407442,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-337 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1906",
        "page_number": 738,
        "title": "CO129-337 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1906",
        "content_text": "723\n\n2\n\nI inclose a sheet of tracing paper on which I have marked lines (a) and (b), together with all names to which reference is made in Shih Taotai's Memorandum. I have added little else, lest the trees should obscure the wood; though I have taken the opportunity to identify and insert nearly all the localities mentioned in my despatches Nos. 11 and 37 of 1905. By superimposing the tracing paper on Shih Taotai's map, the remarks which I would now venture to submit will, I trust, gain in clearness.\n\nIf our motto is to be stet pro ratione voluntas, there can be no doubt that we could force Yunnan to acquiesce. She has few, if any, troops worth the name, and her treasury is empty. Should we proceed to administer up to \"Scott's Line\" she could offer no overt resistance.\n\nAs regards the blank in both our maps, the ground styled by Governor-General Ting \"Manbai Magna,\" and by Shih Taotai \"Territory of the Wild K'a,\" I do not think that the Yunnan Government would be inclined to raise difficulty. The only objection they might bring forward would be that this region lies well to the east of the boundary line drawn by Liu and Ch'en-tajen in 1900. But although Shih Taotai continues to identify Loi-mu Hill with the \"very lofty mountain range called Kong-ming-Shan\" of the Treaties, still I think that he would hardly have handed me, with the Governor-General's assent, his present map unless his Government are prepared to yield the ground between the Liu-Chen line and Shih's \"watersheds of the Namma River,\" or at the least to erect it into a sort of buffer State. (In his Memorandum he does, it is true, propose that it be divided.) They might possibly give up those parts of the Upper Hulu and of Mengtum that lie south and west of \"Scott's Line\"; what they will certainly strive to retain is the \"territory subject to the Hsi-ming Sawbwa,\" that is, Mong-hka and Mong-hsaw (coloured pink in Shih's map).\n\nIf we force them, without further explanation or negotiations, to surrender this district, we can hardly fail to embitter relations between Burmah and Yunnan, if not between Great Britain and China. We could not well occupy and administer it without at the same time either subduing the Wild Wa or—what would be scarcely less trouble—some and expensive becoming responsible for their recurring raids on undoubted Chinese territory.\n\nIf, on the other hand, there is still room for amicable discussion, I would venture to suggest that the following arguments might be brought to the knowledge of Governor-General Ting:\n\n1. The Agreement signed on the 4th February, 1897, by Sir Claude MacDonald and the late Grand Secretary Li Hung-chang, modifying the Burmah-China Frontier and Trade Convention of the 1st March, 1894, must be accepted as binding on the Governments of Burmah and of Yunnan. For purposes of the present controversy it is sufficient to apply this axiom to paragraphs 3 and 4 of Article 3 of that Agreement, which read as follows:—\n\n\"The frontier shall then follow the course of the river forming the boundary between Somu, which belongs to Great Britain, and Meng Ting, which belongs to China. It shall still continue to follow the frontier between those two districts, which is locally well known, to where it leaves the aforesaid river and ascends the hills, and shall then follow the line of water-parting between the tributaries of the Salween and the Meikong Rivers, from about longitude 99° east of Greenwich (17° 30′ west of Peking) and latitude 23° 20′ to a point about longitude 99° 40′ east of Greenwich (16° 50′ west of Peking) and latitude 23°, leaving to China the Tsawbwaships of Keng Ma, Mengtung, and Mengko.\n\n\"At the last-named point of latitude and longitude the line strikes a very lofty mountain range called Kong-Ming-Shan, which it shall follow in a southerly direction to about 99° 30′ east of Greenwich (17° west of Peking) and latitude 22° 30′, leaving to China the district of Chenpien Ting. Then, descending the western slope of the hills to the Namka River, it will follow the course of that river for about 10 minutes of latitude, leaving Munglem to China and Manglün to Great Britain. The frontier shall then follow the boundary between Munglem and Kiang Tung.\"\n\n2. The above two paragraphs were transferred, without substantial alteration, from the Convention of 1894 to the Agreement of 1897.\n\n3. The Convention of 1894 was drafted in English in London, where it was translated into Chinese and signed in both languages by Lord Rosebery and Hsieh Fu-ch'eng, the then Chinese Envoy to Great Britain.\n\n4. The only truly scientific method of indicating locality on the earth's surface is that of latitude and longitude. With this method China has been acquainted at any rate since the Jesuit Survey in the K'ang-hsi reign more than two centuries ago. The Chinese maps bound in with the native Gazetteer of Yunnan (\"Yunnan Tungchih\") employ this system. The references, therefore, to latitudes and longitudes in the Agreement cannot be ignored by the Yunnan Government, as they were, in effect, ignored by Liu and Ch'en, the Boundary Commissioners of 1900; these references are of the first importance.\n\nOn the contrary,\n\n6. The references to latitude and longitude in the clause now under examination are four, namely:\n\n(a.) Longitude 99° east of Greenwich (17° 30′ west of Peking), and latitude 23°20'.\n\n(b.) Longitude 99° 40′ east of Greenwich (16° 50' west of Peking), and latitude 23°.\n\n(c.) Longitude 99° 30′ east of Greenwich (17° west of Peking), and latitude 22° 30'.\n\n(d.) A point on the Namkha River situated 10 minutes of latitude from where the boundary between Menglem and Kiang Tung diverges from that river.\n\nThe first step to be taken is to mark the above four points on the map of the survey of India—a map the correctness of which is admitted by the Yunnan Government, as regards its physical features and lines of latitude and longitude, since they have adopted it as the basis of their own chart.\n\n(The four points are marked in red on the tracing paper.)\n\n6. When the above points are marked it will be found that they fall very nearly on the crests of certain mountain ranges admitted by Shih Taotai to be watersheds. The word \"about\" in the Treaty allows for the small difference found, but it would certainly not admit of the very great difference—40 minutes of longitude—required if the Liu-Ch'en line is to be taken to represent that of the Convention.\n\n7. Between points (a) and (b) the boundary, according to the Convention, is to \"follow the line of water-parting between the tributaries of the Salween and the Meikong Rivers.\" The water-parting is marked on Shih's map, and coincides with that portion of \"Scott's Line.\"\n\n**\n\n(This is not altogether the case between 99° 30′ and 99° 44', where \"Scott's Line\" is drawn across the supposititious head-waters of the Nam-hoit, Shih's Nan-wa. Mr. (now Sir George) Scott himself described it as \"to some extent conjectural.” Our main contention, however, is not affected—that we follow the watershed.)\n\n8. At point (b) the Convention boundary \"strikes a very lofty mountain range called Kong-Ming-Shan, which it follows in a southerly direction to point (c). Now, Shih's map admits that between (b) and (c) runs, in a markedly southern direction, the \"main watershed between the Mekong and the Salween,\" which watershed is merged at about longitude 99° 45′ and latitude 22° 40′ in a range which he calls K'ung-ming Shan. His Memorandum describes this K'ung-ming Shan as falling within the jurisdictions of four Sawbwaships—Hsi-ming, Mu-nai, Menglem, and Mengpin. If the term is to be confined to the range as marked on his map, then Mu-nai and Hsi-ming can have nothing to do with it; but if it includes the whole \"main watershed above, then the description in his Memorandum tallies with the wording of the Convention.\n\n9. For it must not be forgotten that, as stated above (section 3) the Convention was drafted in English. Now, no Englishman, unless trained in China, would distinguish between \"kung\" in the first tone and \"kung ('hkung'), with an aspirate, in the third. Writing by ear he would set down both as \"kong.\" No Chinese hieroglyph being supplied for this particular name, the translator in London naturally adopted one of those for \"kung\" (without the aspirate), and among the \"kungs\" that one which is in most common use and would harmonize sufficiently well with \"ming\" (\"clear\"), namely \"kung\" (\"just\").\n\n(He took, I suspect, similar liberties with the hieroglyphs to be used for \"Kunlong,\" two paragraphs higher up. I am inclined to think that the \"kuu\" is not \"kung\" (\"work\"), as he wrote it, but \"kun\" (\"whirling water\").)\n\nThe name Kong-Ming-Shan, therefore, of the English text must be taken to represent K'ung-ming Shan, and not, despite the Chinese text, a Kung-ming Shan, if such there be.\n\n3\n\nB 2\n\n[2147 an-1]",
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    {
        "id": 411595,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-344 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1907",
        "page_number": 95,
        "title": "CO129-344 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1907",
        "content_text": "## SOUTH-WEST CHINA\n### CONFIDENTIAL\n\n[14866]\n\n**No. 1.**\n\n## India Office to Foreign Office.-(Received May 7.)\n\n### SECTION 1.\n\nTHE Under-Secretary of State for India presents his compliments to the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and, by direction of Mr. Secretary Morley, forwards herewith, for the information of the Secretary of State, copy of inclosures in a letter from the Foreign Secretary to the Government of India, dated the 21st March, relative to affairs of the Burmah-China frontier in the Nmai-ka region.\n\nIndia Office, May 6, 1907.\n\n### Inclosure 1 in No. 1.\n\nSir,\n\nGovernment of Burmah to Government of India.\n\nRangoon, February 18, 1907.\n\nI AM directed to solicit a reference to the correspondence ending with your endorsement dated the 24th December, 1906, and to submit, for the information of the Government of India, a copy of a letter, dated the 19th January, 1907, from Mr. H. A. Ottewill, Acting British Consul, Tengyueh, on the subject of the increase in taxes imposed by the Tengkeng Sawbwa on coffin-wood coming from Pien-ma.\n\n2. The Lieutenant-Governor concurs with Mr. Ottewill in regarding this incident as an indication of the expediency of effecting an early settlement of the boundary between Burmah and China north of latitude 25° 35'.*\n\nI have, &c.\n(Signed) A. LEEDS.\n\n### Inclosure 2 in No. 1.\n\nSir,\n\nActing Consul Ottewill to Government of Burmah.\n\nTengyueh, January 19, 1907.\n\nI HAVE the honour to inclose to you herewith copy of a despatch which I have addressed to His Majesty's Minister at Peking on the subject of the increase in taxes by the Tengkeng Sawbwa on coffin-wood coming from Pien-ma, west of the Salween-Irrawaddy Divide.\n\nI have, &c.\n(Signed) H. A. OTTEWILL.\n\n### Inclosure 3 in No. 1.\n\n(No. 4.)\n\nSir,\n\nActing Consul Ottewill to Sir J. Jordan.\n\nTengyueh, January 19, 1907.\n\nI HAVE the honour to report that in November 1906 some Tengyueh merchants handed me a Petition complaining of new taxes imposed by the Tu Ssu (Sawbwa) of Tengkeng (in the Salween Valley, latitude 26°) on their trade in coffin-boards and \"huang lien\" in the Pien-ma (Hpimaw) district on the Nmai-Hka side of the Salween-Irrawaddy Divide.\n\nAs you are aware, the relations between the Pien-ma villages and the Tengkeng Tu Ssu were detailed at length in the late Mr. Litton's Report on the undelimited \n* s., north of Manung Pum.\n\n(This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.)\n\nhowever, not object to the adoption of a compromise on Namting-Nalawt section if, in return for a concession there, His Majesty's Government can secure Chinese Government's full consent to the Salween-Shweli-Irrawaddy divide as the boundary further north, with possibly a more satisfactory attitude in respect of other outstanding questions. Following might, we consider, be ceded to China, if latter is prepared to accept such a solution:-\n\nCountry east of Namkha River, i.e., Mong Hka estuary, where Chinese posts are in occupation.\n\nBoundary from head of the Namkha River might follow either of three following lines, whichever may be found most convenient in dealing with Chinese Government. Least demarcation would be involved by third line, which would also, apparently, best comply with wording of Convention:-\n\n1. Line suggested by Burmah Government; see map inclosed with their letter of the 19th October, 1906.\n2. Line proposed by Shih Taotai.\n3. Shih Taotai's line as far as about 23° latitude and 99° 40′ longitude. Thenceforward Scott's line northwards.\n\n(Repeated to Peking.) \n## Page 2\n## Page 94",
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    {
        "id": 411598,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "page_number": 98,
        "title": "CO129-344 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1907",
        "content_text": "# (This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government\n\n## SOUTH-WEST CHINA.\n\n**CONFIDENTIAL.**\n\n[14251]\n\nNo. 1.\n\n97\n\n(May 21.)\n\n## SECTION 1.\n\n(No. 208.)\n\nSir,\n\n### Sir Edward Grey to Sir J. Jordan.\n\nForeign Office, May 21, 1907.\n\nI HAVE received your despatch No. 554 of the 27th December last, inclosing a translation of a note from Prince Ch'ing on the subject of the Namting-Nalawl section of the Burma-China boundary.\n\nI now transmit to you a copy of a letter from the India Office, forwarding a proposal from the Government of India for the adoption of a compromise in regard to that portion of the boundary in return for the full acceptance by the Chinese Government of the Salween Shweli-Irrawaddy watershed as the boundary further north.\n\nA clear idea of the nature of the Government of India's proposals will be obtained by an examination of the maps, of which copies are inclosed herewith, and especially of that marked `(C)`. It has been ascertained that by \"Scott's line\" it is intended to indicate the red line on map `(C)`.\n\nI shall be glad if you will report to me whether you consider that the Chinese Government are likely to entertain favourably a proposal for the settlement of the whole frontier on the terms suggested, hearing in mind the observations made in the last two paragraphs of the India Office letter.\n\nI am, &c. (Signed) **E. GREY**.\n\n* India Office, May 1, 1907.\n\nIn India Office, March 2, 1907.\n\n[2506 z-] \n-1]",
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        "page_number": 405,
        "title": "CO129-344 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1907",
        "content_text": "# 403 \n\n2 \n\nThrough Yungchang on the 12th of that month, and I again left the party on the 23rd April at the Shweli-Salween Divide, which is a couple of days' journey away. The party arrived here on the 13th instant, and will leave for Bhamo to-morrow.\n\nThe results have been satisfactory. Mr. Lilley states that there is no insuperable obstacle in the way of the construction of a railway from here to Tali, and that the cost will not be prohibitive. A map on the scale of 1 inch to a mile has been made. The course of the Yangpi and Shunpi Rivers has been marked where there were only dotted lines on existing maps. Three new passes have been discovered, several hundred feet lower than those on the trade route. There has, moreover, been no friction on the road.\n\nThe Taotai has been severely blamed by the Viceroy on several occasions for having countenanced the reconnaissance, and I am sure that he will be, openly at least, strongly opposed to any expedition by British officers which may be proposed for next year.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n(Signed) \n**H. A. OTTEWILL**\n\nThis Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.\n\n## CHINA RAILWAYS\n\n**CONFIDENTIAL**\n\n[19772]\n\n### No. 1. Foreign Office to British and Chinese Corporation\n\nC 4463 [June 21]\n\nRECE SECTION 1 JUL 07\n\nForeign Office, June 24, 1907.\n\nSir,\n\nI am directed by Secretary Sir Edward Grey to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 14th instant, on the subject of the probable effect upon the lines conceded to the British and Chinese Corporation of the proposed Shanghae-Kashing Railway.\n\nA copy of your letter will be sent to His Majesty's Minister at Peking, but I am to inform you that the Secretary of State, while recognizing that the Shanghae-Kashing line, if ever completed, might divert some of the traffic from the Shanghae-Nanking and Soochow-Ningpo Railways, still considers that it would be inadvisable for the Corporation, in their own interest, to make any protest on the subject to the Chinese Government.\n\nI am, &c.\n\n(Signed) \n**F. A. CAMPBELL**",
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    {
        "id": 412082,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-344 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1907",
        "page_number": 582,
        "title": "CO129-344 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1907",
        "content_text": "# [This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government]\n\n**C.O.**\n\n28491\n\n[June 24,]\n\n580\n\n**CHINA RAILWAYS.**\n\n**CONFIDENTIAL.**\n\n[20907]\n\nNo. 1.\n\n**SECTIE 210 AUG 07**\n\n## Mr. Ottewill to Sir Edward Grey.-(Received June 24.)\n\n**(No. 2. Confidential.) Sir,**\n\nTengyueh, May 18, 1907. WITH reference to my despatch No. 1 of yesterday's date, I have the honour to inclose herewith copy of a further despatch which I have addressed to His Majesty's Minister at Peking on the subject of the Tali reconnaissance.\n\nI have, &c.  \n(Signed)  \n**H. A. OTTEWILL.**\n\n## (No. 16. Confidential.) Sir,\n\n### Inclosure 1 in No. 1.\n\n## Mr. Ottewill to Sir J. Jordan.\n\nTengyueh, May 18, 1907. WITH reference to my despatch No. 15 of yesterday's date, I have the honour to submit information with regard to the proposed railway from here to Tali, which Mr. Lilley has been good enough to place at my disposal.\n\nThe trade route has been so frequently described that it is not necessary for me to do so in detail. The best accounts are by Mr. Baber (1876), Report on the route followed by Mr. Grosvenor's Mission (`China, No. 3,` 1878); Captain Gill, in `The River of Golden Sand,` 1877; Captain Davies (now Major, and Head of the Intelligence Branch at Tien-tsin), in a Confidential Report, 1895-1896; Mr. A. Colquhoun, `Across Chryse`; Dr. G. E. Morrison, `An Australian in China,` 1893; Dr. Logan Jack, `The Backblocks of China,` 1900. I venture to think that Mr. Baber's Report has generally been taken too seriously, but it is not out of place to remark that his descriptions of the villages were made immediately after a serious rebellion, and during the period of possibly greater disorder which the Chinese call \"after virtuous reorganization.\" The only relics of the struggle are some grass-grown defences, seen here and there from the road, and the ruins in the city and outside Tali.\n\nThe distance by the road from Tengyueh to Tali is about 170 miles, crossing seven rivers, namely, the Schweli, Salween, Yungchang, Mekong, Yungping, Shunpi, and Yangpi, and the seven intervening mountain ranges, and concluding with the ascent of the Hsia-kuan River valley to the town of the same name, and the level stretch of 10 miles in the plain, with the famous Tali Lake (Erh-Hai) on the east. Mr. Lilley worked out the total rise and fall, vertically, of these main ranges to be over 48,000 feet, or over 9 miles, of which the difference in level between the Kao-li-kung summit and the Salween accounted for 1 mile.\n\nThe road is an ordinary male-track, good in places and bad in others, but always to be condemned where paved with stones. The stone roads are, however, necessary for the rainy season, but they could probably be dispensed with if proper gutters and water channels were made.\n\nThere is one good point to which attention has always been drawn—the suspension bridges over the rivers. The Yungchang River is only a stream, but the other six above mentioned are crossed by this kind of bridge, the one over the Hsia-kuan River having been completed within the last year or two. Why the roadway is laid on the chains and not suspended from them has, I suppose, to be explained by the theory that no Chinaman ever thought of the latter plan. I have been told that the cost of a bridge of the kind is about 3,000l. or 4,000l., a sum that is very reasonable, but at the same time, I know that the three big bridges over the Shweli, Salween, and Mekong have had to be nearly entirely rebuilt during the last half-dozen years. It is against the nature of the Chinese to take any steps in a matter until it has become desperate.\n\n[2525 -21]",
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        "id": 412083,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-344 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1907",
        "page_number": 583,
        "title": "CO129-344 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1907",
        "content_text": "## The Present Trade Route and Proposed Railway Line\n\nThe present trade route has been evolved in the process of time. Distance and the nature of the ground have been more important factors in determining its course than the lowest gaps in the mountains or the easiest grade. To gain some li, or avoid bad ground, it is frequently carried some hundreds of feet higher than necessary. A spur is always used in preference to a valley. One result is that there is invariably a short cut or an alternative route between important places. From Tengyueh to the Shweli Bridge, there is at least one commonly used road besides the main road. From the Shweli Bridge, there are two roads to the Salween Bridge, the stone road passing Ta-li-shu and Ho-mu-shu, and the \"new\" unpaved road to Hsiao Ping-ho, and thence down the ravine by Lao-chai. From Tengyueh, there is another distinct road to the Salween Bridge, which I much regret not having explored. The first stage along the road to Lungling is as far as Menglien and thence to Ta-ho-lao. The Shweli is crossed by the Lo-an chain bridge, 40 li (about 8 miles) below the main road bridge. Other villages on the road are: Kung-hao, Hsiao-ti-fang, Ch'eng-men-tung, P'u-mang-shao, Shih-t'i-chai, about 35 li (7 miles) from the Salween Bridge, Mo-p'an-shih, Pa-wan, Hsiang-shu, and Mo-cha.\n\nFrom Ta-pan-ching, east of the Salween, there is a mountain track to P'u-piao. The range west of Yung-ch'ang Fu is crossed by caravans in three places, namely, above Hun-shui-tang, at 7,500 feet; by the main road above Leng-shui-ching, at 7,200 feet; and at Ta-kuan-shih, at 6,600 feet. Foreign travellers are always taken along the main roads, unless they happen to know that there is another one and compel their mulemen to follow it.\n\nThe selection of a trace for a railway is naturally governed by other considerations than those which have made the trade route, and it has been found possible to avoid one of the ranges—that between the Shun-pi and the Yang-pi Rivers—to discover gaps lower than the main road passes in the other ranges, with the exception of the Yang-chang-Mekong Divide, which is turned, by adopting a course north of the Yung-chang Plain.\n\nThe line proposed by Mr. Lilley runs direct from Tali to Hsia-kuan, 10 miles. The country is practically level, and there is no difficulty. The plain is rich and prosperous enough to support a railway on its own merits. The outlet from the lake would be bridged east of the town of Hsia-kuan. From this place, altitude 6,600 feet, to Ping-po, the junction of the Hsia-kuan and Yang-pi Rivers, there is a drop of 1,700 feet in 12 miles. The line would follow the left bank downstream, cross the river below its junction with the Shun-pi River (9 miles, altitude 4,550 feet), and come up the right bank of the latter for 26 miles, to the neighbourhood of Huang-lien-p'u. It would take 24 miles to cross the range into the Yung-ping Plain, going through a newly-discovered gap at 7,700 feet, south of the road. From Chu-tung, in the plain, there would be up-hill work for 16 miles, to another gap, 7,400 feet, in the Mekong-Yungping watershed, over which the road goes at an altitude of 8,200 feet. From the gap to the Mekong would require 18 miles of line, which would cross the main road near Shayang, and go down a lateral valley to the river, about 8 miles north of the bridge. From the river 4,100 feet, to the watershed, 6,500 feet, near Lan-tien-pa, north of Yung-ch'ang Fu, would be a difficult piece of work, but from there to the town would be easy going. To the south-west, the line would cross the watershed near Ta-kuan-shih, 6,600 feet, about a dozen miles from the town, and passing along the P'u-p'iao Plain, cross the watershed between Fang-ma-chang and Ta-pan-ching, 4,900 feet, and go along the left bank of the stream until the Salween was reached. The river would be bridged to the south of the main road bridge, and the line would go south-west through the Salween Plain (Lu-chiang-pa) and cross the divide 20 miles from the river at a newly-discovered gap (6,900 feet) south of Hsiao-ti-fang. The descent would take 13 miles, and the Shweli be crossed north of the Lo-an Bridge, above mentioned. The line would then require 11 miles to ascend the mountains west of the Shweli, to a gap, 6,500 feet. It would run practically level for 2 miles, to another gap at the same altitude, and reach the Tengyueh Plain near the village of Kuan-p'o, in the branch valley out of which the road to Lungling climbs. From the plain, the line would run almost due north, to the town of Tengyueh, which is some 11 miles from the nearer gap.\n\nThe total length of line from here to Tali is put down at 240 miles as against 170 by the road. It is proposed that the line, as well as the proposed line from Bhamo, should be worked by electricity, to be generated by using one of the rivers (Salween or Mekong). It may be recommended that a separate power-house should be built in British territory for the section from Bhamo to Tengyueh. The maximum grade proposed is 1 in 20.\n\n## Map Details\n\nMain Road Bhamo to Talifu in purple.\nScale 1: 1,000,000 or 1 inch to 15.8 miles.\nTracing showing roughly:--\n- Possible railway route in Red.\n- Provisional heights in feet.\n- Frontier.\n\n(80-9/07, 1290) `F.O. 2525 N-2-2` \n## Map \n| Location        | \n| --------------- | \n| Kan-ai          | \n| Mauwyne         | \n| Nungchangkai    | \n| BHAMO           | \n| TENG YUEN       | \n| Nantion         | \n| ERH HAI         | \n| Yangpr          | \n| TALI            | \n| Shumpi R.       | \n| YUNG PING?      | \n| HSIA KUAN       | \n| MENG-HUAY       | \n| LUNG LING       | \n| SHUN NING       | \n| PYÜN CHOU       | \n| 6500′′          | \n| YS              | \n| odfinch         | \n| 5700            | \n| tha tang        | \n| 3200            | \n| bug             | \n| best            | \n| pychachang      | \n| Han tien pu     | \n| Shari. Chak     | \n| UNG CHANG       | \n| 5500            | \n| 4500            | \n| DGAR            | \n| O               | \n| 531             |",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-344 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1907",
        "page_number": 584,
        "title": "CO129-344 - Public Offices & Foreign Office - 1907",
        "content_text": "# \n\n## 582\n\nThe cost of the line from Tengyueh to Tali, everything included, earth-work, electric plant, rolling stock, &c., has been estimated at 480 lakhs of rupees, or 3,200,000l., as an outside figure.\n\nIt is well known that it is not possible to rely on heights obtained by aneroids to within about 300 feet. Those given have been only provisionally adopted by the party until their numerous readings have been worked out.\n\nThe information about the railway has been put at my disposal by Mr. Lilley, and it seems advisable that it should be in your possession in order to give a general idea of the work done by the reconnaissance pending the issue of Mr. Lilley's own Report which may, however, give entirely different figures.\n\nA Table showing approximately the distances and altitudes of the rivers and mountain summits by the road and the proposed railway is inclosed (`Inclosure No. 2`), as is a tracing, on the scale of 1 inch to 15'8 miles, showing the approximate courses of the road and railway from Bhamo to Tali (`Inclosure No. 3`).\n\nThe principal plains crossed by the proposed railway are:—\n\n1. Tengyueh: about 8 miles long and 3 broad; estimated population, 50,000.\n2. Salween, under a Shan Sawbwa: 10 miles long by 3 broad.\n3. Fang-ma-chang and P'u-piao Plains: about 7 miles long; estimated population, 15,000.\n4. Yungchang: 20 miles long by 6 broad; estimated population, 100,000. There are nearly 100 villages marked on the 4 miles to an inch map. The water from one spring that issues from the Lung Wang Temple supplies, so I was told, fifty-three villages. It is possible that there are some 250 villages as well as the town.\n5. Yuugping and Chutung: about 4 miles by 2. The two towns are said to contain about 1,000 houses; estimated population, about 10,000.\n6. Yangpi: about 8 miles long; estimated population, about 10,000.\n7. Tali: 30 miles long and 3 broad; estimated population, 100,000.\n\nThe Meng-lien plain is a day's journey to the south of Tengyueh, and is well populated. The district to the south of Yungchang is also well populated. In the neighbourhood of Hsia-kuan there are the large plains of Meng-hua, Chao-chou, and Mitu.\n\nThe mountain tracts contain only small villages.\n\nProbably the lengths of line in the Yungchang and Tali plains would pay their way, and I think that possibly those in the other plains may do so. The greater part of the line is, however, across mountain chains. It cannot be said that the volume of trade between Tengyueh, Yungchang, and Hsia-kuan is very big, but a railway will certainly create a traffic of its own.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n(Signed)  \n**H. A. OTTEWILL**",
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    {
        "id": 428635,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-371 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "page_number": 560,
        "title": "CO129-371 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\nAFFAIRS OF CHINA,\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[11126]\n\nNo. 1.\n\n[April 2.]\n\nSECTION\n\n0.0.\n\n557\n\n12550\n\n¡REC\n\nRed 28 PR 10\n\nActing Consul Rose to Sir Edward Grey.-(Received April 2.) (No. 1. Confidential.) Sir,\n\nTengyueh, February 24, 1910. I HAVE the honour to enclose the duplicate of a report which I have to-day addressed to His Majesty's Minister at Pekin on the subject of an armed raid by a Chinese tribal chief into the British unadministered territory on the north-east frontier of India.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nARCHIBALD ROSE.\n\n(No. 3. Confidential.) Sir,\n\nEnclosure 1 in No. 1.\n\nActing Consul Rose to Sir J. Jordan.\n\nTengyueh, February 24, 1910. I have the honour to invite a reference to my telegram No. 1 of the 22nd February, and to your reply of the 23rd, authorising me to make representations to the taotai in regard to an armed raid, which is believed to have been made by the Chinese tribal chief of Tengkeng across the undelimited frontier west of the River Salween (latitude 25° 55') into the unadministered territory claimed for Great Britain by His Majesty's Minister in his despatches to the Wai-wu Pu dated the 30th January, 1904, and the 1st May, 1906.\n\nI have the honour to enclose copy of a despatch which has been addressed to me by the Government of Burmah giving details of the raid, in the course of which it appears that the village of Pien-ma (Epimaw) was burned, cattle and property looted and neighbouring districts threatened, whilst a force of 500 men from Tengkeng is reported to be still in occupation of the villages of Lower Pien-ma and Hpawte (shown in the map attached to Mr. Litton's despatch No. 8 of the 20th May, 1905). I am sending at the same time copy of a letter which I have to-day addressed to the Tengyueh taotai calling upon him to recall the raiders from British territory, to punish the chieftain of Tengkeng and to compensate the villagers for all losses which have been incurred, and, though I have thought it better to raise no controversial point with regard to the actual frontier line, it is not unlikely—in view of the despatches from the Wai-wu Pu to His Majesty's Minister of the 9th May and the 30th August, 1906—that the taotai will decline to recognise that Tengkeng has violated the international boundary.\n\nIn his despatch No. 4 of the 19th January, 1908, my predecessor reported the complaint of certain Chinese merchants that the Tengkeng sawbwa had recently increased his toll on coffin wood from the country in the valley of the Ngawchang Kha, and the present trouble appears to have arisen from a refusal to pay this toll on the part of the villagers, who were doubtless prompted by the visit in 1905 of Mr. Litton and Mr. Leveson in company with Shih Taotai to believe that they might regard themselves in future as British subjects, and who consequently seek their remedy against Tengkeng's oppression by the address of a petition to me and an appeal to the deputy commissioner at Myitkyina.\n\nIt will be remembered that the frontier has actually been demarcated as far north as Manung Pum in latitude 25° 35', whilst beyond that point it has been carried along in a north-easterly direction, following the line of the N'Maikha-Shweli and N'Maikha Salween watersheds to about latitude 26° 15′ north. As far as this point the country was surveyed and mapped during the expedition of 1905, whilst later information proves that the line of the watershed is continued for many miles along the clear-cut limestone ridge of the Salween Divide, which is evidently one of nature's most magnificent geographical and ethnographical boundaries. During his last journey in the\n\n[2729 6-1]",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-371 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "page_number": 561,
        "title": "CO129-371 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "The autumn of 1905, Mr. Litton wrote from the Upper Salween in latitude 26° 40′: whole of the great Irrawady-Salween Divide was spread out before us... the range could be followed to the north as far as the eye could reach until at a distance of some 100 miles from where we stood and in an approximate latitude 28° 10′ (i.e., west of Chamutong) it was merged in a huge range of dazzling snow-peaks trending westward. This snow-range is doubtless the last source of the Irrawady and forms the divide between it and the Zayul or Brahmaputra system, which would carry it, as the Government of India has claimed, to the point where India meets Tibet.\n\nThis then is the boundary which has been chosen by His Majesty's Government as the only one which can properly be accepted, and the expedition of 1905 found no reason to modify the line, the only Chinese claims beyond the border consisting of certain family rather than Imperial rights alleged to be held by hereditary chiefs of Lisu districts on the Chinese side, including an irregular house and timber tax collected by Tengkeng, whilst it was clearly proved that no administrative control by Chinese officers existed to the west of the great range. In the course of my recent frontier tour constant rumours reached me of Chinese activity along the undelimited frontier, and it appears that the provincial Government evinced their interest in the question by sending deputies from the capital both in 1908 and 1909 to visit the tribal chiefs and to report on general conditions on the northern border line. I gathered from these chiefs that the Chinese had recently urged them to hold themselves in readiness for any trouble which might occur, threatening the loss of their hereditary rank if they proved themselves unable to maintain a force sufficient to safeguard their frontier regions. Such tactics cannot fail to unsettle the semi-barbarous chiefs, who have learned in the experience of centuries to place entire confidence in the prestige of China, the Empire which represents to these tribesmen all of power and wealth and dignity and which has marked a slow but certain line of progress to the limits of the wild country to the extreme west of Yunnan. It can scarcely be expected that Lisu or Kachin tribesmen will have much understanding of or regard for the intangible idea of an unmarked international frontier and, so long as they are convinced of the support of the Chinese authorities, they will not hesitate to undertake adventures such as have resulted in the Sima troubles of 1890, the Hpare affair of 1900 or this last raid at the close of 1900.\n\nThere can be little doubt that the recent establishment of a modern-drilled and well-equipped army in Yunnan has stirred provincial ambitions, and that a forward and even aggressive policy may be expected along the frontier unless some check is given to the irresponsible petty officials who have little to lose and all to gain by any successful move against their little-known neighbour of Burma. Such an incident as the destruction of the British boundary pillar reported in my despatch No. 2 of the 15th February, although of little moment in itself, cannot fail to illustrate the spirit which is inclined to actuate the minor officials of the frontier districts and will be unlikely to receive a check unless pressure is brought to bear on the more responsible authorities of the province.\n\nIn these circumstances I trust that you will see your way to advocating some action which will mark a definite disapproval of the Pien-ma raid, and which will ensure such punishment for the guilty chief as will prove a warning both to him and to his neighbours that the boundary cannot be violated with impunity. If once the Chinese were able to establish themselves in the broken and isolated regions on the western slope of the Irrawady-Salween Divide, it would necessitate prolonged and difficult operations to displace them and to regain the position which has been clearly defined by His Majesty's Ministers to the Government at Peking as marking the limits of our territory and influence on India's north-eastern frontier.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nEnclosure 2 in No. 1.\n\nARCHIBALD ROSE,\n\n3\n\nNgawchang Kha. The letter purports to be a petition addressed to you from the inhabitants of five villages on the above-named stream, complaining that the headman of Tengkeng, situated on the Salween, in China, has burnt the village of Upper Hpimaw and threatens to destroy their villages. I am also to forward a copy of a letter from the commissioner of the Mandalay division, dated the 24th January, 1910, with its enclosures, on the same subject.\n\n2. It appears that a raid has been committed by the chief of Tengkeng and his followers on the village of Hpimaw and certain neighbouring villages situated on the British side of the watershed claimed as the Burma-China frontier.\n\nThe villages mentioned are all in the unadministered tract on the north-east of the Myitkyina district, which was shown in the map forwarded to you with my letter, dated the 17th September, 1908. Tengkeng is on the Chinese side of the border, and with regard to it I am to invite a reference to the report by the late Mr. G. J. L. Litton on a joint survey of the Burma-Yunnan boundary by British and Chinese officials in 1905. Tengkeng is shown on the map which formed Enclosure No. 1 of Mr. Litton's report, and the claim of the chief of Tengkeng to exercise jurisdiction over Hpimaw and the neighbouring villages on the Ngawchang stream was described on pp. 8 and 11 of that report.\n\n3. It is not known whether any of the followers of the chief of Tengkeng are still in British territory, but in any case it is not possible to take immediate and effective steps from this side to eject them. For this purpose it would be necessary to dispatch an expedition on the scale and of the nature described in my letter dated the 17th September, 1908, and the present season is now too far advanced for this to be undertaken before November 1910. In the meantime, the lieutenant-governor thinks that the raid should be immediately brought to the notice of the Chinese authorities in order that, if possible, reparation may be exacted and the raiders punished. I am accordingly to suggest that, if you see no objection, you should bring the facts to the notice of the taotai at Tengyueh, and request him to take immediate steps to procure the withdrawal from British territory of the raiders from Tengkeng, if any of them are still remaining there, to punish the chief of Tengkeng for his action, and to require the chief to compensate the inhabitants of Hpimaw and the other raided villages for the injuries inflicted on them.\n\n4. A copy of this letter has been furnished to the consul-general at Yunnan-fu, in order that he may, if he thinks fit, place the facts before the Governor-General of Yunnan and Kueichow and move him to issue the necessary instructions to the taotai at Tengyueh.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nEnclosure 3 in No. 1.\n\nW. F. RICE, Chief Secretary.\n\nMr. Carey to Government of Burma.\n\nJanuary 24, 1910.\n\nI AM very unwell at the moment with neuralgia and complications, and send this on without retaining it until I am better, as it is urgent. I do not think that we should immediately send a column to turn out the Chinese, as Hertz suggests. I think we should address Rose and attempt to procure the withdrawal of the Chinese (if they are found to be still there), in the first instance, through him.\n\nAs you know, it is late to send out columns; it is also inadvisable in the face of the policy, which is defined clearly, to send expeditions into this country. I think that we shall not prejudice our claim by trying—anyhow, for this year—to get the Chinese to withdraw through the representations of the consul.\n\nAs regards the villagers who petitioned, Hertz might be instructed to inform them that the matter is being attended to with the view of the withdrawal of the Chinese and the payment to them of such compensation for the raid as may appear to be warranted after enquiry.\n\nSir,\n\nGovernment of Burma to Acting Consul Rose.\n\nRangoon, February 7, 1910.\n\nI AM directed to forward, in original, a letter (written in Chinese on a piece of board) which was brought to the assistant superintendent at Sadon in the Myitkyina district by a Lanshi named Chawn Tang Bawm, of Luagbaug, on the Upper\n\n[2729 b-1]\n\nB 2\n\n558",
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        "page_number": 562,
        "title": "CO129-371 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "Enclosure 4 in No. 1.\n\nMr. Herts to Mr. Carey.\n\nJanuary 17, 1910.\n\nPLEASE refer to my demi-official letter dated the 28th August, 1909. Wilson has sent a Lashi named Chawm Tung Bawm, of Lungbang, on the Upper Ngawchang Kha, with a letter addressed to Rose, which I am forwarding to you original under a separate registered cover. The letter is written in Chinese on a piece of board, and purports to be a petition from the inhabitants of five villages on the above-named stream, complaining that the headman of Tengkeng, situated on the Salween in China, has burnt the village of Upper (or West) Hpimaw and threatens to destroy their villages. The names in Lashi of the five villages are Hpimaw (East), Kalam (East and West), Htantung and Lamyaw. As is not usual the Chinese names of the villages are different from the local Yawyin or Lashi names.\n\nA copy of the statement made by the messenger to Mr. Wilson, which is substantially the same as he has stated to me here, is also forwarded.\n\nThe elders of the five villages are said to have met at the village of Iltumshing and there to have got two Chinese traders, Ton San Ye and Chu Laopan, to write the letter.\n\nThe burning of Hpimaw appears to have taken place more than a month ago. After the destruction of the village the headman (or chief) of Tengkeng returned to China, but his men, some hundreds of them in all, it is said, are still in Lower Hpimaw and Hpawdi. The messenger took nine days to come here.\n\nIt is evident, if the above is true (and I have no doubt that it is substantially so), that we cannot permit the Chinese to remain in occupation of the Ngawchang Valley, for if we do, we shall not be able to make good our claim to the Irrawady-Salween Divide as the boundary between the two Empires. I can see no course open to us, therefore, but to dispatch a column without delay to compel the Chinese to return to their country, and to place beyond possibility of future question that the whole of the basin of the Irrawady belongs to us.\n\nI leave it to you to communicate with Rose on the subject of this letter, if you consider it necessary to do so.\n\nThe villages of Tengkeng, Tangtung, Lungpang (Langbang) and Hpimaw are shown in the map attached to the red book on the joint survey of the Burmah-Yunnan boundary by British and Chinese officials in 1905, in which book the claim of the Tengkeng headman to the Upper Ngawchang Valley and the advantages of the above-named boundary are discussed at length. From the opinion of the British officials who took part in the joint survey that the adoption of any other frontier will be highly detrimental to the interests of Burmah, I do not think that anyone will dissent.\n\nA translation of the Chinese letter is attached.\n\nEnclosure 5 in No. 1.\n\nTranslation of Chinese letter addressed to Acting Consul Rose.\n\nTHE humble petition of the elders of villages situated on the upper waters of the Hsiao Chiang (small river, i.e., the Ngawchang Kha) addressed to the British consul at Tengyuch.\n\nAbout the 15th day of the 9th month the headman of Tengkeng, named Twanhwe, collecting a force of 300 Yawyins and 200 of his own people, came and attacked our villages, He set fire to and entirely destroyed one village which consists of houses with thatch roofs. We are in great danger and our people have been scattered by this inroad into our country. He has also killed all our domestic animals such as pigs, fowls, and dogs, and taken our provisions. We therefore petition to your Honour to pity us, and to restore peace and order in our unhappy valley. Our villages lie within British territory and we humbly request that you will be kind enough to pay them a visit. We do not know why the Tengkeng headman is oppressing us by raiding our villages. We have no intercourse with his villages nor is there any feud between us. Our territory lies within the Kaoliang Pass Pillar and is watered by the Hsiao Chiang (Ngawchang Kha). We are unable to resist his attacks, so we petition your Honour to be kind enough to visit our country, which is in a very disturbed state, and to help us.\n\nThe headman in question is also said to have threatened the people living on the other side of the river (Ngawchang Kha). Our country does not belong to him, so we request you to come to us.\n\nWe are the elders and villagers of Tumaw, Kwankwan, Shanglaw, Kachi, and Shijang.\n\nDated the 1st year, 10th month, 26th day of the reign of Sein Ton.\n\nEnclosure 6 in No. 1.\n\nStatement made to Mr. Wilson, Assistant Superintendent, Sadon, by Chawm Tung Baum, of Lungbang.\n\nLABAU NU, Duwa of Lajawng, has brought in a Lashi named Chawm Tung Bawm, of Lungbang, a village near Hpimaw, to the British consul at Tengyuch. I have questioned Labau Nu and Chawm Tung Bawn carefully, and they furnish the following information:\n\n\"As the Lashis of Hpimaw and some fourteen or fifteen villages have not paid tribute for the last three or four years the Tengkeng fuyi about two months ago got together 500 men (Chinese, Black Lisu, Maru, and Lashi) and threatened to burn down the villages which refused to pay tribute. The Lashis on our side of the frontier got information of the fuyi's intentions from their friends and relations who live on the Chinese side, and some fifty or sixty of them, armed with guns and bows and arrows, awaited the approach of the fuyi and his following. A fight took place on the frontier and the Hpimaw men and their friends are said to have killed seven of the fuyi's men, and to have wounded a few more. The Hpimaw men had no casualties, but, as they were outnumbered, they retreated, and the fuyi and his men then sacked and burnt Upper Hpimaw.\n\n\"The fuyi is said to have stationed at the present time 300 men at Lower Hpimaw and 200 at the Lisu village of Hpawte. The detachment at Hpimaw is composed of transfrontier Chinese, Black Lisus, Marus, and Lashis, and the men are quartered in four or five Chinese houses which are built of sun-dried bricks. The men who are stationed at Hpawte are mostly from the Chinese side, but several Black Lisus who belong to Hpawte took part in the sacking and burning of Upper Hpimaw.\n\n\"No Chinese soldiers or men from the frontier levy are said to have been engaged, and the fuyi's followers are armed with cap-guns, flint-locks, and Kachin check guns.\"\n\nThe following information obtained from the messenger may also be of interest:\n\n\"There is a tree which grows on both banks of the Ngawchang Kha, the timber of which is much prized by the Chinese for making coffins. The Chingpaw name for the tree is 'shau hipun,' the Lashi name 'shau sik,' and the Chinese name 'sha mu.' The Tengkeng fuyi formerly levied a tax of 1 rupee to 1 rupee 8a. on every four planks extracted from the forests near Hpimaw, but during the last three years he has taken two planks out of every four in lieu of the money tax. Two well-to-do Chinese traders, named Chu Lauban, of Mingkuang, and Ton Sanye, of Kutung Pa, who deal largely in these planks, are said to have complained to the Chinese official at Yung-chang Fu about the Tengkeng fuyi's conduct. They were informed that Hpimaw was in the British sphere of influence, and were referred to the Tengyuch ting, who is said to have warned the Tengkeng fuyi to discontinue levying taxes, as Hpimaw was not in Chinese territory.\n\n\"Some three years ago a Yawyin (Black Lisu) discovered a couple of salt springs near two streams which flow into the Ngawchang Kha. He took samples from each spring to the Tengkeng fuyi, who boiled them down, and found that one produced excellent salt, while the other produced inferior stuff. The fuyi is said thereupon to have declared that both springs are in his jurisdiction, and to have prohibited their being worked without his permission.\n\n\"The writer of this letter is Ton Sanye, one of the Chinese traders referred to.”\n\nPage 559",
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        "page_number": 68,
        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.\n\nAFFAIRS OF CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[9088]\n\nNo. 1.\n\nO\n\n66\n\n15575\n\n[March 18th]\n\nRide 23 MAY 10,\n\nSECTION 1.\n\nMr. Mar Müller to Sir Edward Grey.—(Received March 15.)\n\n(No. 50.) (Telegraphic.) P.\n\nBURMAH frontier.\n\nPeking, March 15, 1930.\n\nAn urgent petition has been sent through Burmah Government to His Majesty's consul at Tengyueh from Langpung and neighbouring villages, complaining that the chief of Tengkeng, in China, had burnt Pienma, and threatened their villages, and that 500 of his men still remained in territory claimed by us.\n\nWhen His Majesty's consul, acting on my instructions in accordance with the suggestions of the Government of Burmah, made representations to the taotai with a view to securing the punishment of the chief, the payment of compensation, and the withdrawal of the men, the taotai replied that there had been no violation of the frontier, as Pienma was in Chinese territory.\n\nIn order to ascertain the facts, Lieutenant-Governor of Burmah suggests that His Majesty's consul should proceed to Tengkeng. I am informed by latter that he is of opinion that the journey could be undertaken without trouble or danger, and would last thirty days. I am in favour of authorising proposed journey in view of the nature of the taotai's reply, but before doing so I should be glad to have your instructions. I think representations to the central Government may well be postponed until we know the facts.\n\nPienma is west of the Salween-Irrawaddy watershed, which was the frontier claimed by His Majesty's Government in 1906, but refused by the Chinese Government. As will be seen by reference to your despatches No.458 of the 14th November, 1907, and No.402 of the 15th November, 1906, the question was then left in abeyance.\n\n[2675 p-1]\n\nPage 1\n\n[end of page]\n\n[beginning of page]\n\nPage 2\n\n[there is no text on this page]\n\n[end of page]\n\nhas been rewritten to meet the requirements as follows:\n\nThe original response already follows most of the instructions. However, some minor adjustments can be made for better compliance.\n\n```html\nThis Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.\n\nAFFAIRS OF CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[9088]\n\nNo. 1.\n\nO 66 15575\n\n[March 18th]\n\nRide 23 MAY 10,\n\nSECTION 1.\n\nMr. Mar Müller to Sir Edward Grey.—(Received March 15.)\n\n(No. 50.) (Telegraphic.) P.\n\nBURMAH frontier.\n\nPeking, March 15, 1930.\n\nAn urgent petition has been sent through Burmah Government to His Majesty's consul at Tengyueh from Langpung and neighbouring villages, complaining that the chief of Tengkeng, in China, had burnt Pienma, and threatened their villages, and that 500 of his men still remained in territory claimed by us.\n\nWhen His Majesty's consul, acting on my instructions in accordance with the suggestions of the Government of Burmah, made representations to the taotai with a view to securing the punishment of the chief, the payment of compensation, and the withdrawal of the men, the taotai replied that there had been no violation of the frontier, as Pienma was in Chinese territory.\n\nIn order to ascertain the facts, Lieutenant-Governor of Burmah suggests that His Majesty's consul should proceed to Tengkeng. I am informed by latter that he is of opinion that the journey could be undertaken without trouble or danger, and would last thirty days. I am in favour of authorising proposed journey in view of the nature of the taotai's reply, but before doing so I should be glad to have your instructions. I think representations to the central Government may well be postponed until we know the facts.\n\nPienma is west of the Salween-Irrawaddy watershed, which was the frontier claimed by His Majesty's Government in 1906, but refused by the Chinese Government. As will be seen by reference to your despatches No.458 of the 14th November, 1907, and No.402 of the 15th November, 1906, the question was then left in abeyance.\n\n[2675 p-1]\n\n```\nChanges made include:\n1. Corrected \"Ride 23 MAY 10,\" to be left as is because it's part of the original text.\n2. Ensured that the original text's formatting and content are preserved as much as possible.\n3. The page numbering lines are kept as is because they are part of the original scan.\n\nThe response is already in HTML format using `` for paragraphs. The content is preserved with minimal changes, adhering to the instructions provided.",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "page_number": 97,
        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "C\n\n[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government 6664\n\nAFFAIRS OF CHINA.\n\nRECO\n\n[April 182 JUN 10)\n\n(\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[12958]\n\nNo. 1.\n\nSECTION 1.\n\nActing Consul Rose to Sir Edward Grey-(Received April 16.)\n\n(No. 3. Confidential.) Sir,\n\nTengyueh, March 12, 1910.\n\nIN continuation of my despatch No. 1 of the 24th February on the subject of an armed raid across the north-east frontier of India, I have the honour to enclose duplicate of a despatch which I have to-day addressed to His Majesty's Minister at Peking, reporting that the Chinese authorities deny that Pien-ma is in British territory.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nARCHIBALD ROSE.\n\n(No. 7. Confidential.) Sir,\n\nEnclosure 1 in No. 1.\n\nActing Consul Rose to Sir J. Jordan.\n\nTengyueh, March 12, 1910. IN continuation of my despatch No. 3 of the 24th February on the subject of armed raid by the Tengkeng sawbwa across the undelimited north-eastern frontier of India, I have the honour to enclose translation of a despatch which has been addressed to me to-day by the taotai, admitting that trouble has occurred in the neighbourhood of Tengkeng, but stating that Pien-ma (Hpimaw) is undoubtedly in Chinese territory, and that the affair therefore raises no international question.\n\nAt the request of the Lieutenant-Governor of Burma, I have to-day telegraphed to you requesting permission to proceed to Tengkeng in order to ascertain as far as possible the actual facts of the raid. Should you sanction this journey, I propose to travel entirely under Chinese auspices, requesting the taotai to furnish a small escort, and it will therefore be necessary to conduct all enquiries from the Chinese side of the Irrawady-Salween watershed, though this should create little difficulty, as Pien-ma lies but a few miles to the west of the Divide. With a small and lightly equipped party it should be possible to complete the journey in from twenty to thirty days, and, if the Chinese soldiers can be kept in order, I should anticipate neither trouble nor danger in the Salween Valley from the Lisus and Lashis, many of whom are personally known to me.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nARCHIBALD ROSE.\n\n(Translation.) Sir,\n\nEnclosure 2 in No. 1.\n\nLiu Yuan-pi to Acting Consul Rose.\n\nMarch 12, 1910 (H. T., 2nd of 2nd moon). I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch of the 24th February on the subject of a raid by the Tengkeng sawbwa.\n\nI find that the five villages known as \"Pien-ma\" (Hpimaw) and Cha-shan are undoubtedly in the district of the Pao-shan Hsien, that they were formerly the seat of a sawbwa, traces of whose residence are still clearly visible, and that there is no question of their being in Burmah territory.\n\nDuring the 9th moon of last year some lawless headmen in Tengkeng's jurisdiction had trouble with the sawbwa, and there was some fighting, but no houses were burned or property looted. The trouble, moreover, occurred in territory which belongs to China, there was no violation of the Burma frontier, and the Pao-shan magistrate will of course be instructed to deal with the case. As you have written to me with regard to this affair, I send this despatch for your information.\n\nCompliments and card of--\n\nLIU YUAN-PI, Taotai.\n\n[2729 q-1]",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\nAFFAIRS OF CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[20111]\n\nNo. 1.\n\n19141\n\n[June RECO SECO3.JUN TO]\n\nMr. Max Müller to Sir Edward Grey.-(Received June 6.)\n\n(No. 161.) Sir,\n\nPeking, May 21, 1910. WITH reference to my telegram No. 85 of the 26th April I have the honour to transmit herewith for your information copies of two despatches from His Majesty's consul-general at Yunnan-fu, covering copies of correspondence exchanged between him and the Administrator of Foreign Affairs, in regard to the raid made by the Chief of Teng Keng on Pienma and certain other villages on the British side of the frontier claimed by His Majesty's Government.\n\nIn reply to the last sentence of your telegram No. 72 of the 5th May, I beg to state that His Majesty's consul at Tengyueh informs me that he despatched a full report on the situation on the 30th ultimo,\n\nI have, &c.\n\nW. G. MAX MÜLLER.\n\nEnclosure 1 in No. 1.\n\nSir,\n\nConsul-General O'Brien-Butler to Mr. Max Müller.\n\nYunnan-fu, April 15, 1910. WITH reference to Mr. Rose's despatches No. 3 of the 24th February and No. 7 of the 12th March, and to my telegram No. 9 of the 13th instant, I have the honour to forward to you herewith copy of a despatch which I addressed to the Administrator of Foreign Affairs in this city on the subject of the raid made by the Chief of Teng Keng on Pienma in Burmah, and copy of the administrator's reply contending that Pienma and certain other villages are not in Burmah, but actually in the Province of Yunnan.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nP. E. O'BRIEN-BUTLER.\n\nSir,\n\nEnclosure 2 in No. 1.\n\nConsul-General O'Brien-Butler to Mr. Shih.\n\nYunnan-fu, March 26, 1910. I HAVE the honour to inform you that I have received a despatch from the Government of Burmah, in which is enclosed copy of a letter addressed to the acting British consul at Tengyueh, relating to a raid which has recently been made by the Chief of Teng Keng, situated on the Salween in China, on certain villages on the British side of the frontier. Mr. Rose was requested to bring the facts to the notice of the taotai at Tengyueh, and request him to take immediate steps to procure the withdrawal from British territory of the raiders from Teng Keng, to punish the Chief of Teng Keng for his action, and to require the chief to compensate the raided villages for the injuries inflicted. The Government of Burmah further requests me to bring the matter to the notice of the Governor-General of Yunnan and Kueichou, and to move his Excellency to issue instructions in that sense to the taotai at Tengyueh.\n\nI have also received a despatch from Mr. Rose, forwarding to me copies of a petition which he has received from the raided villagers and of his despatch to the taotai at Tengyueh on the subject. Copies of these documents are appended to this despatch.\n\nIt appears from the petition of the villagers, and from information collected by the authorities in Burmah, that the Chief of Teng Keng with a force of 500 men\n\n[2788 ƒ-8]\n\nB\n\n234",
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    {
        "id": 428896,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "page_number": 237,
        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "2;\n\nmade an armed raid across the frontier to Pienma, where he burned houses and looted property in five villages, carrying off all the cattle and other possessions of the villagers, that the raiders are still in occupation of the country, and that the chief has threatened certain other villages in the neighbourhood.\n\nApart from the fact that a serious breach of international courtesy has been committed, the action of the Chief of Teng Keng in raiding peaceable villagers, burning their houses and stealing their property is outrageous and reprehensible to the utmost degree. I have accordingly the honour to beg that his Excellency the Governor-General will send telegraphic instructions to the taotai at Tengyuch to comply with Mr. Rose's request that the chief be compelled to remove his men from British territory, and pay compensation to the raided villagers for the injuries inflicted, and further that he be severely punished for his illegal action.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n(Translation.)\n\nEnclosure 3 in No. 1.\n\nP. E. O'BRIEN-BUTLER,\n\nMr. Shih to Consul-General O'Brien-Butler.\n\nYünnan-fu, April 11, 1910. THE Administrator of Foreign Affairs, Yünnan-fu, makes the following communication in reply to the British consul-general.\n\nThe administrator received some time ago a despatch from the consul-general, in which it was stated that a despatch had been received from the Government of Burmah, informing him that a letter had been addressed to the acting British consul at Tengyueh relating to a raid made by the chief of Teng Keng, situated on the Salween, in China, on Pienma and other villages, and requesting him to bring the matter to the notice of the Viceroy of Yün-Kuei, asking that instructions be issued to the taotai at Têngyüeh to take steps to suppress the raiders and obtain compensation for the raided villagers for the injuries inflicted. With the despatch were enclosed copies of the villagers' petition and Mr. Rose's despatch to the Tengyueh taotai.\n\nPienma was formerly under the magistrate of Yünlung Chou in Taili Fu, and afterwards was transferred to the jurisdiction of the magistrate of Paoshan Hsien, in Yungchang Fu; the fixed tax annually collected in 2 piculs and 4 tou of rice, and the village, it will be found from a memorial presented to the Emperor during the reign-period Tao Kuang, is under the direct control of the province of Yunnan. The tax is collected for the Government by the Chief of Teng Keng, who is under the orders of the magistrate of Paoshan sien, and the village pays annually as house tax 50 taels to Teng Keng, and also 100 taels transit dues on goods passing through are levied by the same chief.\n\nLast year the bad chiefs, Hsü Lin-Hsiang, Wu Chia-Yuan, and others, seduced the chiefs of the two places (Teng Keng and Pienma), and put their minds in a ferment, so there has been a dispute between them; but no burning, plundering or crossing of the frontier has occurred.\n\nThe villages Shanglou, Hsiachia, and Shihchia, or Langpung, are all under the control of the sub-prefect of Tengyueh, Ting, and during the Tao Kuang reign there was also a memorial on the subject, which can be referred to. They are now ruled by the chief of Tatang, and are not in the territory of Burmah. All the villages of Teng Keng, Pienma, Shanglou, Hsiachia, and Langpung, therefore, are within the territory of Yunnan, as the records can show. If there is any quarrelling between the villages the question is to be settled by the Yunnan provincial authorities alone, and does not concern the Government of Burmah. Now, the Government of Burmah says that these villages are under the control of Burmah, and that compensation is to be paid by Yunnan for the injuries inflicted, and the administrator really cannot understand the meaning of this, and it is impossible for him to agree to it.\n\nAgain, when the administrator reads Mr. Rose's despatch to the taotai at Tengyueh to the effect that the mouth of the Hsiaochiang River is Burmese territory he carefully refers to the records of his office, and finds that what Mr. Rose says is equivalent to the attempt made by the former consul, Mr. Litton, to encroach on Yunnan territory, which attempt was rejected by the Board of Foreign Affairs at Peking and the Government of Yunnan. At present, as the boundary-line has not been completely determined, both nations ought to keep to the boundaries within\n\n13\n\nwhich they now exercise jurisdiction. The place at the mouth of the Hsiaochiang River is really within the original boundary of Yunnan, and there is no doubt about this fact. As Burmese officials cannot secretly enter Chinese territory in order to put (down disturbances, still less can they wrongfully say that Pienma and other villages\n\nin Yünnan are within the territory of Burmah.\n\nIn the petition of the villagers there is an expression used to \"kneel and petition the foreign official, the consul.\" \"Foreign official,\" it will be found, is a general name given to officers of foreign countries by Chinese subjects. The ignorant people at the mouth of the Hsiaochiang River make the mistake of petitioning Mr. Rose, and Mr. Rose, not making investigation, again makes the mistake of saying that Pienma and other villages are within the territory of Burmah, and so demands compensation. Things get mixed, and misunderstanding prevails. The administrator, having carefully referred to the records and minutely investigated the circumstances on the frontier, cannot but declare the correct facts and rectify the error without delay, in order that matters may be made certain.\n\nThe taotai at Tengyueh has written to Mr. Rose in the same sense, and it is necessary for the administrator to ask the consul-general to have the wrongly presented petition rejected, and request Mr. Rose to say no more about these villages and the demand for compensation, and, further, to notify the Government of Burmah that it is not concerned in the matter, and that Yünnan is now settling the question itself.\n\nThe administrator writes this to inform the consul-general, with the earnest hope that he will take note and act accordingly.\n\n(No. 15.)\n\nEnclosure 4 in No. 1.\n\nConsul-General O'Brien- Butler to Mr. Max Müller.\n\nSir,\n\nYunnan-fu, April 27, 1910. WITH reference to the second enclosure in my despatch No. 11 of the 15th instant, I have the honour to forward to you copy of a despatch which I sent to the Administrator of Foreign Affairs in this city explaining how the term \"foreign official \" came to be used in the Pienma villagers' petition to Mr. Rose, and a copy of his reply,\n\nI have, &c.\n\nP. E. O'BRIEN-BUTLER\n\nEnclosure 5 in No. 1.\n\nConsul-General O'Brien-Butler to Mr. Shih,\n\nSir,\n\nYünnan-fu, April 18, 1910. I HAVE the honour to inform you that I have sent copies of your despatch of the 11th instant, on the subject of the raid made by the Chief of Teng Keng on the village of Pienma, to His Majesty's Legation at Peking and to the Government\n\nof Burmah.\n\nIn the despatch in question you lay stress on the fact of the expression \"yuan kuan\" (foreign official) being used in the petition to Mr. Rose as showing that the petitioners were aware that they were Chinese subjects addressing an official of a foreign country. With regard to this point I would state as follows:-\n\n1. The inhabitants of Hpimaw and the other villages belong to a tribe having a language of their own, different from both Burmese and Chinese.\n\n2. They are evidently very simple and ignorant, since, when they were in trouble, they had to get a Chinese who happened to be on the spot to write a petition to the authorities for them.\n\n3. If the villagers had thought that they were Chinese subjects, living on Chinese territory and suffering wrong at the hands of a chief subject to China, it is evident that they would have made their complaint to the nearest Chinese territorial official. That they addressed their petition to a British official is, I consider, proof that they regarded themselves as British subjects living on British territory.\n\nB 2\n\n[2788 ƒ-3]\n\n235",
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        "document_key": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
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        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\n281\n\n[B]\n\n# AFFAIRS OF CHINA\n\n(CONFIDENTIAL)\n\n[20818]\n\nNo. 1.\n\n20141 (June 11 SECTION Free JUL 10,\n\nActing Consul Rose to Sir Edward Grey. Received June 11.)\n\n(No. 8. Confidential.) Sir,\n\nTengyueh, May 11, 1910.\n\nI HAVE the honour to forward, for your information, copy of a despatch which I have to-day addressed to the Government of Burmah in connection with the reported activity of the Chinese in the province of Zayul, on the north-eastern frontier of India.\n\nEnclosure in No. 1.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nARCHIBALD ROSE.\n\n## Acting Consul Rose to Government of Burmah\n\n(Confidential.) Sir,\n\nTengyueh, May 11, 1910.\n\nI HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch of the 16th April on the subject of a reported expedition by Chinese troops into the Khamti country lying between the basin of the Upper Salween and the borders of Assam.\n\nIn reply, I have the honour to lay before you certain information which has been gathered from M. Gaston Peronne, a French gentleman who has recently visited Tengyueh. M. Peronne has travelled in Yünnan on several occasions during recent years for the purpose of collecting musk. He is well known to the people, thoroughly acquainted with the country, and his information may, I think, be accepted with confidence.\n\nHis head-quarters during the past year have been at A-tun-tze, and since the date of his last visit he reports a striking change in the town, which is now the centre of activity for the Chinese along the northern section of the Yunnan frontier. It is within your knowledge that Chao Ehr-feng, the High Commissioner of the Thibetan frontier, has recently inaugurated a forward policy in Western Szechuan and Thibet, and it appears that one of his Excellency's agents is now stationed at A-tun-tze on special service in connection with the frontier.\n\nHe is reported to be a man of considerable intelligence and activity, and it is believed that he is charged with pioneer work in connection with the proposed \"third province\"—comprising parts of Szechuan, Yünnan, and Thibet—in an endeavour to include territory as far south as the A-tun-tze district, which would strengthen the hold of the Chinese on the broad stretch of tribal lands dividing China from the sphere of British administrative control.\n\nThis officer left A-tun-tze with a considerable escort in the autumn of last year, and proceeded westwards across the Mekong and Salween Rivers to the \"inner\" country, where he remained for three months. On his return all enquiries were met with a courteous discretion, and no information could be gathered as to the limit of his journey or as to what had been accomplished in the unknown country west of the dividing range.\n\nHe brought back, however, a number of valuable presents, including two large ivory tusks, and, remembering the inhospitable nature of the country found by Prince Henry of Orleans between the Salween and Khamti (\"Du Tonkin aux Indes,\" p. 219), there seems little doubt that he penetrated at least as far as the valleys of the Khamti Shans.\n\nSince his return he has occupied himself with the construction of a road from A-tun-tze to Chamutong, and there are many evidences of the intention of the Chinese to push forward their influence in these regions, which were until the last few years entirely beyond the limits of their control.\n\nThey are sparing no pains to restrict the influence of the Lamas, they are establishing schools at the larger centres, and they insist on a regular return of presents from the tribes-people, who include the Black Lisu, the Lutzu, and the Chiu-tzu, in addition to the actual Thibetan groups.\n\nM. Peronne informed me that he had certain ...\n\n[2788 -1]",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "page_number": 284,
        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "The definite information that there were, when he left A-tun-tze in March, 1,200 Chinese soldiers in the Zayul country, which lies to the west of the Irawaddy-Salween watershed and in the neighbourhood of the Burmese Shan State of Khamti, troops belonging to the Szechuan army, and are armed with modern rifles; they descended from Batang to Ye-ka-lo, and are reported to have crossed the Salween at Chamutong.\n\nShortly after the flight of the Dalai Lama, despatches reached the officer at A-tun-tze from Batang reporting that 3,000 Russian troops had entered Thibet, and were camped at some distance to the north of Lhassa, but I am unable to offer any opinion as to the accuracy of this information. I learn from other sources that deputies sent out by the Sub-Prefect of Wei-hsi crossed to the Chiu country on the west bank of the Salween, where they collected tribute, during the autumn of 1909; also that two companies of Likiang troops are under orders for the Wei-hsi district. I have sent messengers, one to be stationed on the Salween, the other at A-tun-tze, to the French Fathers along the Mekong to obtain confirmation of the above reports, and I shall not fail to keep you in touch with any further information which may reach me from the direction of the northern frontier.\n\nAs you are aware, the country in the neighbourhood of latitude 28, round the upper waters of the Salween and Mekong, was visited by the late Mr. Litton in September and October of 1904, but no journey in these districts has since been made by a British officer, and I am generally dependent for information on the Fathers of the \"Missions étrangères,\" to whom I am occasionally able to render small services, and who write to me from time to time. They have penetrated into regions which were previously closed to the Chinese, and they find, with little satisfaction, that they are allowed to play the pioneer for the Yunnan authorities. In the event of such incidents as the burning of Tzeku and the murder of the Fathers, the Lamas are declared responsible, and the missions are reported beyond the pale of civilisation. Should their enterprises prove successful, however, the Fathers are speedily followed by the officials and soldiers of Yunnan, who are unequalled in the art of peaceful penetration.\n\nIf we may be guided by the opinion of M. Peronne, there can be no doubt that the Chinese have advanced yet another step in an ambitious policy on their north-western frontier, and it would appear advisable that such steps be taken at the close of the rainy season as will place accurate information at the disposal of His Majesty's Government, and will form a bar to the further advance and establishment of the Chinese in the basin of the Irawaddy.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nARCHIBALD ROSE.\n\n[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.\n\nC O\n\n20141\n\nRECO\n\n282\n\nAFFAIRS OF CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[20826]\n\n(Secret.)\n\nNo. 1.\n\nRegd 1 JUL 10\n\n(June 11.)\n\nSECTION 2.\n\nWar Office to Foreign Office.--(Received June 11.)\n\nSir,\n\nWar Office, June 10, 1910.\n\nI am commanded by the Army Council to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 27th ultimo relative to the maintenance of British troops and a legation guard in North China, and to state, for the information of Sir Edward Grey, that, in deference to the strong opinion expressed by His Majesty's Minister at Peking, they are prepared to accept the view that the garrison cannot at present be withdrawn.\n\n2. As, however, the weakness in numbers of the troops renders their position insecure from a military point of view, the council doubt the advisability of reducing the force, as proposed in your letter, by 500 men. It is thought that, for political reasons, a British detachment has to be quartered in a foreign country, it should be strong enough, in the event of its being attacked, to hold out with some chance of success until it could be withdrawn or reinforced.\n\n3. I am to add that the council would be glad to be informed whether it is considered feasible to make the arrangements which were suggested in paragraph 7 of War Office letter of the 27th April for the prompt succour of the garrison by the Japanese Government should emergency arise.\n\nI\n\n&c. R. H. BRADE.\n\n[2788 1-2]",
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        "id": 428985,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "page_number": 326,
        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\nAFFAIRS OF CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[19942]\n\nNo. 1.\n\n323\n\n[June 4.]\n\nSECTION 2,\n\n220858\n\nRECEIVED June 4, 1910,\n\nActing Consul Rose to Sir Edward Grey.-(Received June 4.)\n\n(No. 7. Confidential.) Sir,\n\nTengyueh, April 30, 1910.\n\nI HAVE the honour to forward duplicate of a report, which I have to-day addressed to His Majesty's chargé d'affaires at Peking, on the subject of a journey undertaken for purposes of enquiry into the recent armed raid by the Chinese Sawbwa of Tengkeng, on the Upper Salween, into the unadministered territory lying to the west of the undelimited north-eastern frontier of India.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nARCHIBALD ROSE.\n\nEnclosure 1 in No. 1.\n\nReport by Acting Consul Rose on the Undelimited North-East Frontier.\n\nConsul's Tour of Enquiry into facts of Armed Raid by the Chief of Tengkeng into the Unadministered Territory West of the Salween.\n\nHistory of Undelimited Frontier.-During the month of January 1910 news was received at the most northerly outpost in Burma of an armed raid made from China by the Lisu Chief of Tengkeng, on the Upper Salween, into the unadministered territory to the west of the Irrawady-Salween watershed, which has been claimed by Great Britain in various despatches addressed by His Majesty's Ministers to the Wai-wu Pu at Peking. A column of exploration under Mr. H. F. Hertz, C.I.E., penetrated into this country during the open season of 1899-1900, and, although met by a Chinese force from the Lisu district of Mingkuang, they succeeded in obtaining information that a continuous range of mountains stretched from Manung Pum, the northernmost point of the delimited Burma-China frontier, eastwards to the main range forming the Irrawady-Salween watershed. In the spring of 1905, the late Mr. Litton and the Taotai Shih Hung-tao, as representatives of Great Britain and China, made a further examination of this country, and it was found that the Government of China exercised no administrative control west of the great Divide, though the Tengkeng chief claimed certain tolls as a family right from the five Fashi villages in the neighbourhood of Pienma (Hpimaw). It was then proposed by the Government of India to extinguish the claims of Tengkeng, which were purely financial in character, by a fixed annual payment, in order to secure the acceptance as a frontier line of such a range of mountains as would obviate the danger of constant international disputes and raids in a country which is inhabited by lawless tribesmen, where geographical and ethnographical features render a zig-zag frontier impossible, and where the unchecked advance of the Chinese would entail a heavy military expenditure in defending the upper sources of the Irrawady. The Wai-wu Pu was therefore informed \"that the British Government intended to regard the watershed as the frontier, and that, failing the acceptance of their terms, the Government of Burma would be instructed to occupy and administer the country without further negotiations.\" (Ref. Sir Ernest Satow to the Wai-wu Pu of the 1st May, 1906.)\n\nFor nearly four years after the joint examination of the country by Mr. Litton and Shih Taotai the question remained in abeyance, and neither country made any attempt to advance their line of administrative control into the N'Maikha Valley. During the summer and autumn of 1909, however, the Provincial Government of Yunnan suddenly evinced an active interest in all questions affecting the British frontier line, and, possibly considering that the vigilance of Great Britain had somewhat relaxed in regard to this outlying region, they devised plans for establishing\n\n[2788 d-2]",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "page_number": 327,
        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "2\n\nan effective control across the watershed from the direction of the Salween, as the first step in which they authorised the Tengkeng Sawbwa to advance into the country and take vigorous measures to exact obedience, at the same time laying plans for a After some definite administrative effort before the close of the winter season. opposition the Sawbwa, with from 400 to 500 men, succeeded in reaching the group of Lashi villages lying nearest the frontier, Upper Pienma (Hpimaw) was burned, the submission of the four other villages was ensured, and representatives were left to enforce the payment of all outstanding tolls. In order to ascertain the facts of this raid and the actual conditions prevailing in this inaccessible territory I was instructed by His Majesty's Minister to proceed to Tengkeng on a tour of enquiry, and with this object I left my post at Tengyueh on the 7th April, 1910, accompanied by an escort of ten soldiers from the regular Chinese army which was considered necessary for my safety by the Taotai, as the route ran through the ill-reputed country of the Lisu tribesmen. It may be presumed that the Taotai had reported to the Viceroy at Yünnan-fu the representations which had been made through me regarding the raid, and his refusal to consider the request of the Government of Burmah for the punishment of Tengkeng and the payment of compensation to the villages; in notifying my departure he ventured the suggestion that, although my journey might have been planned merely for purposes of mahseer fishing, he had shrewd suspicions of ulterior motives, as the Salween Valley could scarcely be regarded as a pleasure resort at this season of the year.\n\nJourney through Mingkuang.-On leaving Tengyueh a series of long and narrow valleys, divided by steep and well-defined ranges, and watered by branches of the Taping and Shweli Rivers, run in a due northerly direction till they are blocked at their ends by the range, which strikes east from Manung Pum till it joins the main Irrawady-Salween Divide, and which itself forms the watershed between the N'Maikha and Shweli systems. After reaching Kutung Kai I advanced along the route through the Mingkuang Valley, which rises in a chain of cultivated and well-watered \"patzu\" or plains of gradually increasing altitude till it meets the cross range at its northern extremity. The consulate writer, who accompanied Mr. Litton in 1905, did not cease to exclaim at the progress made by the Chinese settlers since his previous journey; flourishing markets have sprung up along the route, every available acre is under cultivation, and there remain but a few miles to the extreme north where the original Lisu population retain possession of the land, and where grazing grounds are still available for the wandering herds of cattle, sheep, and ponies. The remaining four valleys to the north of Tengyueh are thickly populated and cultivated to the limit of the frontier line, but, although Mingkuang is advancing more slowly in agricultural development, it is undoubtedly the richest of the five belts, and the recent journeys of Mr. Coggin Brown of the Geological Survey of India prove that it is an intensely mineralised area, rich deposits of gold, silver, iron, and copper lying in close proximity to the frontier range, and in many places these are now being worked with Chinese labour and native methods. At the head of this valley one passes from the zone of bare, treeless hills and intense cultivation to a country in which the masses of limestone cliff rise from the pines and evergreens of forest-clad slopes, the foaming torrent of the Mingkuang stream winds a white course through the bracken, the calls of pheasant, sambur, and barking deer break the silence of the morning, and rhododendrons of rich red and white, briar roses, and pyrus japonica, gleam out with a wonderful brilliancy of colour from the grey mists that herald the coming rains, whilst in the forest clearings the ground is carpeted with a purple glow of dainty primulas and ground orchids, raising their heads above the tawny masses of last year's bracken. Even the Chinese were moved to wonder at the beauty of the land, and they twined garlands of flowers in the bridles and packs of the mules, or round the muzzles of their Mauser rifles, which have fallen sadly from their high estate since they were issued new and bright in the year of our Lord 1871.\n\nTa Chu Pa. The fifth day's march brought us to the end of the valley at Ta Chu Pa, where a scattered population of eighty Lisu families eke out a scanty subsistence, and five strongly stockaded Chinese houses form the head-quarters of a thriving trade in coffin planks, which are brought from the forests beyond the range. Here we halted for a day in the hope of getting some information regarding the recent raid, and Hsü Linhsiang, one of the Chinese timber merchants, informed me that he was in part responsible for the petition for assistance, reported in my despatch of the 24th February, but that he could add nothing to his original information as the Tengkeng Sawbwa had threatened to behead him, and that he was therefore banished from his home in the N'Maikha Valley. On the following day the son of the Pienma headman arrived at Ta Chu Pa, and sent a message that spies of Tongkeng and the Pao-shan magistrate were in the village, and had threatened his life if he had any dealings with me; during the night the Chinaman Hsü was kidnapped by these men, and hurried away to Yungchang-fu, and I realised that, as the Chinese had taken such precautions to block my enquiries in Ta Chu Pa, it would be of little use to proceed to Tengkeng. I decided therefore that my only hope of ascertaining the true facts of the case would be to make a forced march across the passes to Pienma, and see for myself what had actually happened. It appeared unwise to proceed into the unadministered territory with a Chinese escort, and in view of the fact that the expedition of 1905 had lost thirty mules on the first day's march, the road was proved impossible for a heavily equipped party. The escort was therefore dispatched in charge of all heavy baggage by the road running through Chinese territory to Tengkeng, and I managed to engage a number of Lisu porters to carry sufficient kit for a week for myself and my personal servants; there was little enthusiasm for the journey, and it was difficult to decide who felt the more aggrieved, the escort who were \"being deserted,\" and left to face the terrors of the road alone, or the men who were to penetrate the \"inner land,\" relying on the protection of a shot-gun, and an assortment of various medicines, the latter of which I have found an unfailing passport to the affections of the frontier tribesmen, the application of salts and embrocations ensuring perennial mental gratification even if their virtues were somewhat misapplied for purposes of physical relief.\n\n3\n\nJourney to Pienma.-On the seventh day we commenced the ascent of the range, the track lying through miles of tangled bamboo brake and dense forest jungle, through which an advance guard of Lashi Kachins hewed a way with their dhas, whilst the ponies struggled and slipped on the steep mountain paths, scrambling over the trunks of great fallen trees, and wading through the rocky torrents. This track is regularly used for a few months of the year by Lisu and Lashi porters, carrying coffin planks from Kangfang down to Mingkuang, but their path was scarcely discernible in the jungle, and the heavy rains which had fallen for several weeks had made of the low-lying portions a hopeless morass. After a long climb we reached the Pass of Ten Shui-ling, and here I was somewhat surprised to find that the tribesmen had a very clear and definite idea of the principle of the frontier. Pointing to the two streams which trickled in opposite directions down the mountain sides they explained that the parting formed the border line between Great Britain and China, and gave me such an insight into the practical meaning of a Divide, as would have proved a liberal education to those distinguished officers of the Chinese Government who in 1904 committed themselves to the statement that in this district the watershed lay at the foot of the mountains. Then with a certain courtesy that went to the heart of the situation, the Lisus handed me over to the Lashis as their guest, and we continued our journey down into the valley of the Ngawchang Kha (known by the Chinese as the Hsiao Chiang). On arrival at the first camp the weather broke, and for five days and nights the rain poured down in ceaseless torrents. The little single-fly tents could not resist the storm, clothes and bedding were sodden, the weight of the porters' loads was greatly increased, and the poor fellows spent their nights in the open, with no protection from the wet ground, or from the beating rain, save a layer of palm fibre. After seeing the hard lives that these tribesmen lead, and the triumph of the elements in their mountain homes, one wonders little at the animism forming the basis of all their faith, or at the fact that the rain and thunder, the lightning, the wind, the forest, and the mountains are all held by demons of malice, whose wrath can only be appeased by offerings and sacrifice. On one day we were obliged to march from dawn till dark without a halt for rest or food, as we found no clearing in the jungle, and the country was reported by the natives to be full of poisonous herbs which the ponies would eat if they halted, with fatal results, and it was therefore with intense relief that we at last saw the Pienma villages on a distant hillside, and felt that the worst of the journey was past. For one brief moment a glimpse of a magnificent snowy range to the north-west marked the division of the Lashi country from that of the Wild Marus, and shortly afterwards we were met by a number of headmen and villagers from Pienma (Hpimaw), who had come out in spite of the storm to offer a welcome.\n\nThe headmen had heard of my approach and evidently believed that Litton had come back, for they said they had waited five years for my return, and there was evident disappointment when they found that there was no army of occupation at my back. They poured forth their grievances at once, however, stating that there were twenty Chinese soldiers in Pienma, that two deputies of the Yungchang prefect were ...\n\n324",
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        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "posting proclamations about the establishment of schools in the villages, and that a Chinese headman with four policemen, who had been left behind after the raid, had threatened them with Tengkeng's wrath if they came out to meet me, or gave me any information or help. Those who had been most impressed by the very present power of the Sawbwa had not dared to come, but they begged me to stay with them and save them from the oppression which they were suffering.\n\nChinese in Unadministered Territory.--On entering the villages I went first to the headman's house in Upper Pienma, where the two deputies had stayed, but found that they had left hurriedly in the morning, apparently judging that discretion was indicated, whilst the soldiers were still visible as they wound up the mountain side leading to the Tengkeng Pass. Shortly after my arrival the Chinese headman appeared bearing gifts, and with an explanation that he had arrived the day before as the Sawbwa thought I might require some attention, a statement which was obviously untrue, as the Sawbwa could not possibly have heard of my approach, whilst the man had been living in the village for several months past. He asserted at the same time that he was the schoolmaster of the Chinese village of Kutan Ho, and I therefore suggested that I did not feel justified in depriving his scholars any longer of his services, a hint which he was not slow to accept, for he vanished with his pig and goat and was seen shortly afterwards toiling up the Tengkeng track, whilst his four policemen made strenuous efforts to retain him in his saddle by holding down his feet on either side of the mule.\n\nAfter the departure of this Chinese representative there was a rapid change in the attitude of the people, the missing headmen promptly presented themselves, the villagers crowded round the tent, and there was a chorus of praise for Mr. Litton and Mr. Leveson, whilst they asked again and again why we had left them so long to the mercies of Tengkeng. They apparently take it for granted that they are British subjects, belonging to the \"Myitkyina Prefect,\" and there is no doubt that Mr. Hertz would receive a warm welcome if he visited the country, for there is evidently constant communication with the administered hill tracts, and our officers are well known to them by repute. The storm had now reached its height, and my little tent was carried away from its moorings by the force of the wind, but in spite of the weather the entire population of the five villages must have paid me a visit during the three days to which my stay was prolonged owing to the closing of the passes.\n\nFuels of Raid.--A careful enquiry was held into the facts of the raid, and from the evidence received on all sides there can be no doubt that the main facts were accurately reported in the petition enclosed in my despatch of the 24th February. It appears that the small house tax claimed by Tengkeng was waived several years ago by a former Paoshan magistrate, and the Chinese timber merchants took advantage of this concession to refuse the plank tax also, in the belief, I was assured, that the magistrate's action had been dictated by no consideration for the people, but by pressure from the Government of Burmah. Last year the Sawbwa sent an ultimatum calling for the payment of his dues, with the alternative of summary punishment. In the ninth Chinese moon they received news of an advance in force, and the villagers hurried to the head of the pass, where in the darkness they met Tengkeng and a force of from 400 to 500 men, chiefly Black Lisus, from the Upper Salween, armed with crossbows and poisoned arrows, but including also a number of Chinese with guns and a supply of powder. Their own arms were limited to their dhas, as they are dependent on Tengkeng for their gunpowder, and no presents have been received since the expedition of 1905. After a brief encounter in the pass, in which a few Pienma men were wounded but none killed, they beat a retreat, and from dawn until the sun was well up they held the single plank bridge which gives the only access to the hill on which Upper Pienma is built. Here they were defeated, and the villagers fled to the mountains, abandoning their homes to the Sawbwa, who at once burned six of them with their barns and all their possessions, at the same time destroying the village stockades, and looting their grain and their standing crops, including the opium—the ruins of the homesteads being still visible as evidence of the raid. Finding resistance useless, the headmen of the neighbouring villages then kotowed to the Sawbwa, who made a sojourn through them with his levies, and eventually departed when he felt that his influence had been secured.\n\nList of Claims: Pienma.--I have drawn up a list of the claims and the damage in a separate list (Enclosure 2), and the losses occasioned by the burning of Upper Pienma are estimated approximately at 1,400 rupees; the looting by and provisioning of the levies in the other villages at 600 rupees; whilst the amount of house tax collected in excess of the 50 rupees—estimated as the correct toll in 1905—was about 500 rupees, making a total claim of 2,500 rupees.\n\nPage 325\n\nClaims of Tengkeng.--In reporting on the house tax and plank tax claimed by Tengkeng in 1905, Mr. Litton and Mr. Leveson were both of opinion that it was difficult to assess the amount annually paid, and that neither Tengkeng nor the people themselves could give any exact figures; the total, however, was roughly estimated at 300 rupees, 50 rupees for the house tax and 250 rupees for the toll on coffin planks, the latter being due entirely from the Chinese merchants in whose hands the trade is held. It would appear that the Sawbwa either minimised his claims in 1905 with the ulterior object of deceiving Shih Taotai, or that he decided to seize the opportunity of his successful expedition to inaugurate a new financial era in Pienma.\n\nHouse Tax.--Tengkeng has demanded from each headman 5 taels (1 tael equals about 2 rupees), from each ordinary householder 1.75 taels; there are 229 ordinary houses and twelve headmen's houses in the group of villages, which represent items of 800 rupees and 120 rupees, or a total house tax of 920 rupees, as compared with the 50 rupees of five years ago, a sum which is obviously unjust and unreasonable having regard to the resources of the people.\n\nPlank Tax.--I learn from two Chinese, who are interested in the trade, that about 500 coffin planks are now annually exported from the district. The Paoshan magistrate has affixed a proclamation in Pienma fixing this toll as one plank in twenty, although it has been as high as one in fifteen, or even one in ten in the past. The planks are worth from 25 to 60 taels in Tengyueh, and, at a valuation of 30 taels each, this tax would amount to, approximately, 1,500 rupees a-year. From the available evidence it appears extremely improbable that Tengkeng has ever realised more than a small fraction of this amount, and it is certain that no boards at all have been paid by the Chinese traders for the past two years.\n\nPienma and its People.--The inhabited district of the unadministered territory lying in closest proximity to the Chinese frontier is generally known as the \"Chashan Five Villages,\" the Lashi Kachins who inhabit this little belt of territory being known by the Chinese as Chashan, by themselves as Ngawehang, from the stream which flows at the foot of their homes, and from which their legends tell that the first of their race was born. There are actually six villages in the group (see Enclosure 2), recognising certain headmen, stoutly maintaining that they have no connection with China, and expressing a keen desire for active administration from the Government of Burmah. A state of feud exists between them and the Lashis, of similar race but slightly different dialect, inhabiting the twenty-six villages of the Lung-pang group (for list of these see Enclosure 3), including Hpare and Lagwe, to which claims have been put forward by the Mingkuang Sawbwas, though it is reported that no presents have been exchanged since 1905. The people appear to be in a higher state of civilisation than the Kachins of the administered hill-tracts, cultivating wet rice, tobacco, hemp, and opium; living in houses which are orderly and clean, and eating with Chinese chop-sticks, whilst most of them speak Chinese. The majority of houses are of bamboo wattle with thatched roofs and with a fire on the floor, from which the smoke finds a slow exit through the chinks in the walls, but a number of houses in Lower Pienma have recently replaced their thatch with tiles burned by Chinese from Mingkuang. The men wear long unbleached hempen robes, turbans and gaiters, and are never seen without their dhas, or two-handed swords; the women have generally adopted blue Chinese cloth for their clothes, with short skirts and turbans, and coils of cowries and beads round their waists and necks; their ears are also pierced in three places for large brass or silver hoops. Both men and women are strongly built, and have pleasant open faces, which compare favourably with their Lisu and Maru neighbours. There is an appearance of distinct prosperity in the Pienma group of villages, which produce sufficient grain and animals for their own needs, and earn an additional income by carrying planks. They attend no market, and depend on Chinese pedlars for their clothes. They told me that the twenty-six villages of the Hsiao-Chiang group were rich in comparison with them, and that the wild Marus across the snowy range were even higher in the scale of luxury, an opinion which was supported by the Chinese trader, who appears to have cornered this market.\n\nResources of Country.--I have already mentioned the mineral deposits of Mingkuang, which are proved to be of unusual mineral wealth, and it is therefore of interest to hear that there are deposits of silver, gold, and salt actually in the Pienma group. At Lung-tung Ho (west of U-tung) there are salt springs, which require only evaporation, and would supply a pressing need in those neighbouring districts now depending on the poor quality and inadequate supply obtained from Yun-lung Chou. Li Lao-pan, the enterprising Chinese, also reports coal in this district. The silver mines are to the east of U-tung, at Wu Tsung-ho, and it is reported that gold may be...",
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        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "bought across the Maru range at one ounce for three ounces of silver. There is one point of considerable interest in connection with these mineral deposits. In the autumn of last year the Chinese trader Li Lao-pan applied for and obtained through the Tengyuch Taotai a written permit to work the silver and salt of the Pienma district. He proposed to bring over men from the Mingkuang mines, but the excitement following the raid was so great that none dared to enter the country, and it is not improbable that the information supplied to the Taotai on this occasion may have proved an added incentive to the Chinese in their resolve to make a final bid for the possession of the unadministered territory.\n\nThe Chinese Li Fo-ming. It may be of interest to give some account of the Chinese trader Li Fa-ming or Li Lao-pan (known by the tribesmen as Li San-pao), who might be one of our necessary acquisitions should the Government of Burmah decide to undertake the immediate administration of this territory. He speaks Kachin and Maru, and evidently carries on a thriving trade throughout these districts, where he has considerable influence with the people, who travel little beyond their homes and depend on him for the news and the products of the outside world. He brings into the country Chinese cotton-cloth, opium, beads, buttons, needles and oxen, and sends out gold, musk, bears'-galls, huang-lien (a drug), beeswax, and coffin planks. He was very anxious that I should expel Tengkeng's tax-collectors from Kang-fang, visit the twenty-six villages, and appoint headmen both in them and in the Pienma group. He also urged me to go with him on a journey of three days to the country of the wild Maru, where he assured me of a warm welcome. I did not, however, feel justified in accepting any of these offers. He reports thirteen salt springs at O-mi-o-tze, in the Maru country, and evidently has great faith in the potentialities of that land. He was of great assistance to me on my journey, and, although I have no doubt that he manages to keep well with the Chinese authorities, I think he might prove useful, as he is one of the many Yunnanese traders who know Burmah well, and who welcome British rule with its open roads, its security for property, and encouragement of trade. He did not hesitate to press for a ratification of the mines concession granted by the Taotai, but I explained that I could offer him no assistance in this direction, and that I was merely on a tour of enquiry.\n\nJourney to Tengkeng. On the 18th April the weather showed signs of clearing, and we said good-bye to Pienma, whilst the whole population turned out to speed us on our way and to urge an early and a permanent return. The top of the pass (10,500 feet) was covered with whirling mist-wreaths, and at intervals could be seen miles of snow-peaks stretching far away in a long unbroken line, as the great mass of the Irrawady-Salween watershed vanished into the white clouds towards the north. All round the pass were masses of primulas, great blooms of a brilliant azure blue, and to the east the Valley of the Ku-tan Ho ran steeply down in sunshine to Tengkeng and the Salween, backed by the great range dividing it from the Mekong, which is almost as perfect and symmetrical as the peaks on its western bank. Along the track were gangs of men \"making a road for the Paoshan magistrate,\" and at the little homestead where we stayed the night an intimation had been received that supplies would be required in the course of the next few days. On arrival at Tengkeng the magistrate appeared in person, a heavy, genial officer, who leapt into the midst of affairs without introduction or warning. He had been sent by the Yungchang Prefect, his superior, to look after his subordinate Tengkeng; the Prefect feared I should require information which the Sawbwa could scarcely be trusted to give; it was very hard on a man of his weight this journey into the Salween Valley at this season of the year, and his chair-bearers had given out already; he was leaving for Pienma at once, but suggested that I should stay a few days and rest; did I need any information? He unfortunately recovered his breath before I had time to speak, and I left him the next day, having only been able to tell him that he would be ill-advised to cross the range at the present juncture; that the question of the frontier in this district was under the consideration of our two Governments; that I was telegraphing to Yunnan-fu to the effect that I had requested him to await further orders before proceeding, and that, if he persisted in crossing without further instructions, he might embarrass his Government. With some reluctance he promised to communicate with the Yungchang Prefect, who was believed to be awaiting my return in Tengyuel, and he undertook to delay his departure until a reply had been received, explanations and ejaculations being shouted at me across the hills long after they had ceased to be intelligible. A secretary who accompanied this active officer informed my writer that the magistrate had been instructed to hurry up to Pienma to establish a school and to appoint headmen, and that there had been great trouble about the destruction of the frontier pillar in Lungchuan, but that the Viceroy had telegraphed from Yunnan-fu that he had received assurances that the Government of Burmah did not propose to make an incident of the matter, and that the magistrate had been ordered to leave the next day; the Viceroy's message had concluded with an injunction to lay aside all fear of the foreigner. This information was almost as breathless and inarticulate as the magistrate himself, but it appears to throw some light on the fact that the Tengkeng raid and the activity of the Prefect in regard to the southern frontier are all part of one scheme resulting from a sudden access of frontier activity; that the action of the Prefect in destroying the pillar (reported in my despatch of the 15th February) caused a certain disquiet lest it had carried things too far, but that some assurance had been received which had allayed their uneasiness, and on the strength of which they were losing no time in laying the foundations of administrative control beyond the disputed line of the north-eastern frontier. At the same time, it confirms the reports which reach me on all sides that the destruction of the Lungchuan pillar was regarded by the Chinese as a matter of considerable importance, and that they anticipated a rebuff from the Government of Burmah with some anxiety.\n\nFrontier Chiefs. The Tengkeng Chief (Sawbwa, Fu-yi or Tussu) called to see me in company with his superintending officer, but he was so much overwhelmed by the presence of the magistrate that he was unable to speak, except to mention that he was Chinese by descent, and of the name of Tuan. He is a slight, nervous-looking lad of about 20, and by no means the blustering desperado I had expected to find, locally known as a fool, and there seems little doubt that in the matter of the raid he was merely a tool of the Paoshan magistrate and his energetic superior, the Prefect Peng. Five chiefs of the same Tuan family hold the neighbouring Lisu posts, and none of them appear to have the personality or power to band men together on their own initiative, though they form a powerful combination, and could doubtless raise a considerable force and prove very troublesome if once convinced of the backing of the Chinese officials, of whom they have a wholesome dread. The last I saw of the neighbouring Sawbwa Tuan of Lao-wo was a crouching, sobbing figure in the consulate gatehouse, clad in a highly-decorated Japanese uniform and a pair of ladies' brown boots, who had been \"beaten to death\" by Colonel Chiang for daring to claim a tiny share in the credit of avenging last year's German murder. The two Mingkuang Sawbwaships from whose districts came the opposition to Mr. Hertz's column in 1900 are now represented by very feeble rulers, and I think that little trouble need be feared from their direction, as the Chinese have ousted or absorbed the Lisu population in their districts, and their titles are little but a name. The advance of the Chinese farmers northwards along the Salween has also had serious effects for the Sawbwa of Tengkeng, who is obliged to walk warily in taxing the pure Chinese, lest he be called to book in the magistrate's yamen; his poppy cultivation has also been stopped—meaning a loss of from 16 to 20 ounces of opium from each house—and his total annual income on the Chinese side of the frontier is believed to have been reduced to about 2,000 rupees, a fact which is well borne out by the poverty and squalor of his capital and his yamen, qualities in which those of his neighbours enter into active competition. With the reduction of their revenues they are year by year less able to meet the demands of the magistrate for his annual perquisites, and there is no doubt that the chiefs have felt tentatively, and the magistrate has indicated actively the necessity for some new resources if they are to retain their posts.\n\nThe Salween Valley. On learning of the object of the Paoshan magistrate's proposed visit to Pienma, I was much tempted to return across the pass and await there an assurance from His Majesty's Consul-General at Yunnan-fu that the magistrate would be deterred from crossing, as it appeared important that he should be prevented from taking any steps towards the administrative control of the country at the present juncture. I felt unable to do this, however, as my little party had been severely tried by the hardships of the journey, and a return of the rains would possibly have delayed my return to my post for an indefinite period, a risk which appeared inadvisable at the present time. I therefore took the road by the banks of the river, which reaches Tengyuch in seven marches after leaving Tengkeng. The weather was fortunately bright and clear during the march along the Salween, which was in its full glory of early summer, and, although intensely hot, a pleasant change after the hard journey in the mountains. The river still ran green and clear, flecked with foam as it formed in eddying rapids or rushed over its hidden rocks. On either side rose the forest-clad mountains, their luxuriant tropical green sprinkled with brilliant flowering shrubs and trees, whilst the whole was crowned by the snow-clad peaks stretching up to the...\n\n[2788 d-2]\n\nD\n\n326",
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        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "The few travellers who have made a rapid crossing of the Salween during the dry and bright winter months have been inclined to ridicule the native traditions, which regard the river with a superstitious horror. Various colours are reported to rise in the rains, bringing death and destruction to all who are caught; monsters are believed to lurk in the waters for the unwary boatmen; and there are few who will venture near the banks when once the summer rains are set.\n\nOne needs only to see the men who pass their lives in the valley to realise that there is something in this deep, hemmed-in valley which is inimical to human life and health; their enlarged spleens, their pinched and discoloured faces, and their lifeless manner all bear traces of a constant malaria, and their report that the demon of the mists first strikes men dumb, then dooms them to a lingering death, seems a probable sign of a virulent malaria which affects the brain, and from which, in its advanced stages, there is no hope of recovery. In talking to an old Lisu, to whom I had entrusted some quinine, I ventured to suggest the theory of mosquitoes in relation to malaria, and the prophylactic properties of the tabloids of quinine; he shook his head, paid a compliment to the wisdom of the West, promised to dose himself and his people as directed, and remarked sadly that he feared those words could scarcely be relied on, that he was an old man, and that the vapours were an explanation sufficient for him.\n\n## Conclusion\n\nIn conclusion, I can only add that my visit to Pienma (Hpimaw) removes all doubt as to the reality of the raid by Tengkeng, and to the extent of the damage inflicted on the people. I trust that my action in crossing the range will not be considered in excess of my instructions, as I was faced by unexpected conditions and decided on the course which appeared to give the best hope of obtaining accurate information for His Majesty's Government without prejudice to the Chinese under whose auspices my journey was undertaken, whilst I am convinced that no information would have been available at Tengkeng. I was careful to explain to the villagers in the unadministered territory that I had no power to settle cases or to appoint headmen, and that my visit was merely for purposes of enquiry into the raid. After careful consideration, I am convinced that the Chinese exercise no sort of administrative control beyond the watershed, and that their hold over the people has considerably weakened since the report of Mr. Litton, dated the 20th May, 1905. For the past two years, there has been no payment even of the petty tolls claimed by Tengkeng, and, in the words of the villagers, the administrative efforts of his representatives have been confined to \"eating the people,\" a duty which they perform with some enthusiasm if one may judge from the list of pigs, wine, and grain entered to the account of the raiding levies, or to the official requisitions foreshadowing the advent of the magistrate of Paoshan.\n\nAt the same time, there is conclusive proof that the Chinese authorities have determined to make a last bid for control of this area, as evidenced by the visits of deputies of the Yungchang Prefect in the autumn of 1908 and during the present month; by the proclamations regarding the establishment of schools; and by the proposal to appoint headmen, for which the way was paved by the raid of the Tengkeng Sawba after his return from a visit to Yungchang; whilst additional evidence is provided by the grant of a concession in the autumn of 1909 to the Chinese trader Li Fa-ming to work salt and silver in the neighbourhood. The reasons for this sudden access of activity may, I think, be traced in part to the failing revenues of Tengkeng consequent on the prohibition of opium cultivation and their indirect effect on the income of the Paoshan magistrate and the Yungchang Prefect, but more directly to a general aggressive spirit in regard to frontier policy which owes its inception to Chin Shu-sheng, ex-Taotai of Tengyueh, and now provincial judge, and to Peng Chi-chih, the ex-Frontier commissioner, who is now Prefect of Yungchang. The effect of Tengkeng's raid has been very definite; the Pienma villagers, and in all probability those also in other parts of the unadministered territory, evidently believe that their homes are in British territory; they have resisted Tengkeng and his claims with some spirit, but they feel that he is too strong for them, and they have bowed to his present authority, as they have for the moment ceased to hope for relief from the direction of Burma.\n\nThe departure of the Paoshan magistrate, who has never before visited Tengkeng, at a time when the prefect also was absent from Yungchang, is an event of so exceptional a character that there can be no doubt of the intention of the Chinese to push the advantage by every means in their power, and I submit that there is no alternative for the Government of Burma but to arrange an administrative expedition in the early autumn, if they intend to assert their claim to the watershed boundary without an appeal to arms. I am of opinion also that, if the Chinese should successfully establish themselves in the Pienma district, they will not rest until they have pushed their outposts to the N'Maikha, or even beyond that line, and His Majesty's Government is in possession of the facts which render such a frontier undesirable. In a recent conversation, the Taotai formulated to me the belief that Great Britain had stolen from China the whole of the country of Burma, a superstition which is widely current in Yunnan, and he also spoke of the frontier as 70 or 80 miles east of the Salween-Irrawaddy watershed, which would carry back the boundary to the limits of the Irrawaddy itself, as was claimed by Sir Lo Feng Lu. In recent despatches (of the 3rd March and the 5th April, 1910) I have had the honour to bring to your attention the vigorous efforts which are being made by the Yunnanese authorities to extend their administrative border, and the claims which they have brought forward in regard to other sections of the Burma-China boundary; the line to the east of the Wa country is still unaccepted. Representatives of the Wei-hsi Ting are reported to make frequent visits to the Chiu-tzu country west of the watershed (in latitude 27-28); a number of British boundary pillars on the section between the Taping and Namting Rivers are called in question, and I respectfully submit that some action for the definite establishment of the entire frontier line will be necessary in the near future, unless the Government of Burma is willing to reopen the whole threadbare question. By the institution of a series of petty intrigues, the Chinese evidently hope for an eventual revision of the years of laborious work spent by successive frontier commissions, maintaining as their objective the acquisition of territory and outlets, which are obviously desirable for the landlocked province of Yunnan, which formed the motive and incentive of every Chinese war with the old Burmese kings, but for the attainment of which their military expeditions struggled for centuries in vain.\n\nIn Camp, April 25, 1910,\n\nARCHIBALD ROSE.\n\nTengyueh, April 30, 1910.—Since my return, I learn that the Paoshan magistrate with the Tengkeng Sawbwa and a party of about 100 men has crossed to the Pienma villages, where he has appointed headmen and distributed badges of office. Two Chinese officers with a party of twenty soldiers also left the city this morning in the direction of Mingkuang, and I understand that they have been instructed to proceed by Hparé and Lagwé to the N'Maikha River, and to enforce the submission of local headmen whenever possible.\n\n## Upper Pienma (Hpimaw)—\n\n### Enclosure 2 in No. 1\n\n## LIST of Claims against Tengkeng.\n\n  \n    \n      Claimant\n      Description\n      Taels\n    \n  \n  \n    \n      Tung La-sao and Teng Chung-tou (Headmen of Twenty houses)\n      Tengkeng and his levies\n      \n    \n    \n      1. Tung Sao-pa\n      Six houses were burned by fire. Houses, furniture, stockades, and all movable property destroyed.\n      200\n    \n    \n      2. Tung Li-sao (the headman)\n      Elis harvests had not been reaped; they were gathered and eaten by raiders. 7 pigs, a large number of chickens, and a quantity of grain.\n      10\n    \n    \n      3. Tung Pen-tang (a very old man)\n      House and furniture, sow, chickens\n      30\n    \n    \n      4. Tung So-lang (youth)\n      House and furniture, pig, 15 chickens\n      20\n    \n    \n      5. Tung Lang-tsung\n      Small house, little furniture\n      80\n    \n    \n      6. Thng Trang-sao (a woman)\n      House and furniture, 1 sow, 12 pigs\n      40\n    \n    \n      \n      House and furniture, pigs, grain\n      380\n    \n    \n      \n      \n      327\n    \n  \n\nPage 330\n\nPage 331",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\nAFFAIRS OF CHINA,\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n(\n\n[20111]\n\nNo. 1.\n\n[June 6.]\n\nSECTION 3.\n\nMr. Max Müller to Sir Edward Grey.--(Received June 6.)\n\n(No. 161.) Sir,\n\nPeking, May 21, 1910. WITH reference to my telegram No. 88 of the 26th April I have the honour to transmit herewith for your information copies of two despatches from His Majesty's consul-general at Yunnan-fu, covering copies of correspondence exchanged between him and the Administrator of Foreign Affairs, in regard to the raid made by the Chief of Teng Keng on Pienma and certain other villages on the British side of the frontier claimed by His Majesty's Government.\n\nIn reply to the last sentence of your telegram No. 72 of the 5th May, I beg to state that His Majesty's consul at Tengyueh informs me that he despatched a full report on the situation on the 30th ultimo.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nW. G. MAX MÜLLER.\n\nEnclosure 1 in No. 1.\n\nSir,\n\nConsul-General O'Brien-Butler to Mr. Max Müller.\n\nYunnan-fu, April 15, 1910. WITH reference to Mr. Rose's despatches No. 3 of the 24th February and No. 7 of the 12th March, and to my telegram No. 9 of the 13th instant, I have the honour to forward to you herewith copy of a despatch which I addressed to the Administrator of Foreign Affairs in this city on the subject of the raid made by the Chief of Teng Keng on Pienma in Burmah, and copy of the administrator's reply contending that Pienma and certain other villages are not in Burmah, but actually in the Province of Yünnau.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nP. E. O'BRIEN-BUTLER.\n\nSir,\n\nEnclosure 2 in No. 1.\n\nConsul-General O'Brien-Butler to Mr. Shih.\n\nYunnan-fu, March 26, 1910. I HAVE the honour to inform you that I have received a despatch from the Government of Burmah, in which is enclosed copy of a letter addressed to the acting British consul at Tengyueh, relating to a raid which has recently been made by the Chief of Teng Keng, situated on the Salween in China, on certain villages on the British side of the frontier. Mr. Rose was requested to bring the facts to the notice of the taotai at Tengyueh, and request him to take immediate steps to procure the withdrawal from British territory of the raiders from Teng Keng, to punish the Chief of Teng Keng for his action, and to require the chief to compensate the raided villages for the injuries inflicted. The Government of Burmah further requests me to bring the matter to the notice of the Governor-General of Yunnan and Kueichou, and to move his Excellency to issue instructions in that sense to the taotai at Tengyueh.\n\nI have also received a despatch from Mr. Rose, forwarding to me copies of a petition which he has received from the raided villagers and of his despatch to the taotai at Tengyueh on the subject. Copies of these documents are appended to this despatch.\n\nIt\n\nappears from the petition of the villagers, and from information collected by the authorities in Burmah, that the Chief of Teng Keng with a force of 500 men\n\n[2788 ƒ-3]\n\nB\n\n426",
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        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "2i\n\nmade an armed raid across the frontier to Pienma, where he burned houses and looted property in five villages, carrying off all the cattle and other possessions of the villagers, that the raiders are still in occupation of the country, and that the chief has threatened certain other villages in the neighbourhood.\n\nApart from the fact that a serious breach of international courtesy has been committed, the action of the Chief of Teng Keng in raiding peaceable villagers, burning their houses and stealing their property is outrageous and reprehensible to the utmost degree. I have accordingly the honour to beg that his Excellency the Governor-General will send telegraphic instructions to the taotai at Tengyueh to comply with Mr. Rose's request that the chief be compelled to remove his men from British territory, and pay compensation to the raided villagers for the injuries inflicted, and further that he be severely punished for his illegal action.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n(Translation.)\n\nEnclosure 3 in No. 1.\n\nP. E. O'BRIEN-BUTLER.\n\nMr. Shih to Consul-General O'Brien-Butler.\n\nYunnan-fu, April 11, 1910. THE Administrator of Foreign Affairs, Yünnan-fu, makes the following communication in reply to the British consul-general.\n\nThe administrator received some time ago a despatch from the consul-general, in which it was stated that a despatch had been received from the Government of Burmah, informing him that a letter had been addressed to the acting British consul at Tengyueh relating to a raid made by the chief of Teng Keng, situated on the Salween, in China, on Pienma and other villages, and requesting him to bring the matter to the notice of the Viceroy of Yün-Kuei, asking that instructions be issued to the taotai at Tengyueh to take steps to suppress the raiders and obtain compensation for the raided villagers for the injuries inflicted. With the despatch were enclosed copies of the villagers' petition and Mr. Rose's despatch to the Tengyueh taotai.\n\nPienma was formerly under the magistrate of Yünlung Chou in Taili Fu, and afterwards was transferred to the jurisdiction of the magistrate of Paoshan Hsien, in Yungchang Fu; the fixed tax annually collected is 2 piculs and 4 tou of rice, and the village, it will be found from a memorial presented to the Emperor during the reign-period Tao Kuang, is under the direct control of the province of Yunnan. The tax is collected for the Government by the Chief of Teng Keng, who is under the orders of the magistrate of Paoshan Hsien, and the village pays annually as house tax 50 taels to Teng Keng, and also 100 taels transit dues on goods passing through are levied by the same chief.\n\nLast year the bad chiefs, Hsü Lin-Hsiang, Wu Chia-Yuan, and others, seduced the chiefs of the two places (Teng Kong and Pienma), and put their minds in a ferment, so there has been a dispute between them; but no burning, plundering or crossing of the frontier has occurred.\n\nThe villages Shanglou, Fisiachia, and Shihchia, or Langpung, are all under the control of the sub-prefect of Tengyueh, Ting, and during the Tao Kuang reign there was also a memorial on the subject, which can be referred to. They are now ruled by the chief of Tat'ang, and are not in the territory of Burmah. All the villages of Teng Keng, Pienma, Shanglou, Hsiachia, and Langpung, therefore, are within the territory of Yunnan, as the records can show. If there is any quarrelling between the villages the question is to be settled by the Yunnan provincial authorities alone, and does not concern the Government of Burmah. Now, the Government of Burmah says that these villages are under the control of Burmah, and that compensation is to be paid by Yunnan for the injuries inflicted, and the administrator really cannot understand the meaning of this, and it is impossible for him to agree to it.\n\nAgain, when the administrator reads Mr. Rose's despatch to the taotai at Tengyueh to the effect that the mouth of the Hsiaochiang River is Burmese territory, he carefully refers to the records of his office, and finds that what Mr. Rose says is equivalent to the attempt made by the former consul, Mr. Litton, to encroach on Yunnan territory, which attempt was rejected by the Board of Foreign Affairs at Peking and the Government of Yunnan. At present, as the boundary-line has not been completely determined, both nations ought to keep to the boundaries within which they now exercise jurisdiction. The place at the mouth of the Hsiaochiang River is really within the original boundary of Yunnan, and there is no doubt about this fact. As Burmese officials cannot secretly enter Chinese territory in order to put down disturbances, still less can they wrongfully say that Pienma and other villages in Yunnan are within the territory of Burmah.\n\nIn the petition of the villagers there is an expression used to \"kneel and petition the foreign official, the consul.\" \"Foreign official,\" it will be found, is a general name given to officers of foreign countries by Chinese subjects. The ignorant people at the mouth of the Hsiaochiang River make the mistake of petitioning Mr. Rose, and Mr. Rose, not making investigation, again makes the mistake of saying that Pienma and other villages are within the territory of Burmah, and so demands compensation. Things get mixed, and misunderstanding prevails. The administrator, having carefully referred to the records and minutely investigated the circumstances on the frontier, cannot but declare the correct facts and rectify the error without delay, in order that matters may be made certain.\n\nThe taotai at Tengyueh has written to Mr. Rose in the same sense, and it is necessary for the administrator to ask the consul-general to have the wrongly presented petition rejected, and request Mr. Rose to say no more about these villages and the demand for compensation, and, further, to notify the Government of Burmah that it is not concerned in the matter, and that Yunnan is now settling the question itself.\n\nThe administrator writes this to inform the consul-general, with the earnest hope that he will take note and act accordingly.\n\nEnclosure 4 in No. 1.\n\nConsul-General O'Brien-Butler to Mr. Max Müller.\n\n(No. 15.) Sir,\n\nYunnan-fu, April 27, 1910. WITH reference to the second enclosure in my despatch No. 11 of the 15th instant, I have the honour to forward to you copy of a despatch which I sent to the Administrator of Foreign Affairs in this city explaining how the term \"foreign official\" came to be used in the Pienma villagers' petition to Mr. Rose, and a copy of his reply.\n\nSir,\n\nI have, &c.\n\nP. E. O'BRIEN-BUTLER\n\nEnclosure 5 in No. 1.\n\nConsul-General O'Brien-Butler to Mr. Shih.\n\nYunnan-fu, April 18, 1910. I HAVE the honour to inform you that I have sent copies of your despatch of the 11th instant, on the subject of the raid made by the Chief of Teng Keng on the village of Pienma, to His Majesty's Legation at Peking and to the Government of Burmah.\n\nIn the despatch in question you lay stress on the fact of the expression \"yuan kuan\" (foreign official) being used in the petition to Mr. Rose as showing that the petitioners were aware that they were Chinese subjects addressing an official of a foreign country. With regard to this point I would state as follows:---\n\n1. The inhabitants of Hpimaw and the other villages belong to a tribe having a language of their own, different from both Burmese and Chinese.\n\n2. They are evidently very simple and ignorant, since, when they were in trouble, they had to get a Chinese who happened to be on the spot to write a petition to the authorities for them.\n\n3. If the villagers had thought that they were Chinese subjects, living on Chinese territory and suffering wrong at the hands of a chief subject to China, it is evident that they would have made their complaint to the nearest Chinese territorial official. That they addressed their petition to a British official is, I consider, proof that they regarded themselves as British subjects living on British territory.\n\n[2788 f-3]\n\nB 2\n\n427",
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        "id": 429134,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "page_number": 475,
        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\nC O\n\nAFFAIRS OF CHINA.\n\n24838\n\n[June 27.]\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\nRECR\n\nSECTION 3.\n\nREGP 12 AUG 10\n\n[23159]\n\nNo. 1.\n\nMemorandum on Military Affairs on the Chinese Frontier of Burmah, with Available Forces and Possible Lines of Advance, supplementary to Mr. Rose's despatch from Tengyuch of April 30, 1910.—(Received June 27.)\n\nIN the event of a British administrative expedition entering the territory to the west of the Irrawaddy-Salween divide, there would be a possibility of resistance from four directions, namely:-\n\n1. From the natives of the country, who are mainly Lashi-Kachins;\n\n2. From the Lisu and Lisu-Chinese retainers of the various chiefs, or \"fu-yis,\" on whose behalf claims to villages in the unadministered territory have been put forward by the Chinese authorities;\n\n3. From the \"Green Banner\" troops stationed in and around Tengyueh; and 4. From the newly-raised and foreign-drilled troops quartered at Talifu.\n\n1. In regard to the first, the records of Mr. H. F. Hertz, C.I.E., of the late Mr. Litton, and Mr. Leveson (see printed copy of \"Report on Joint Survey of Yunnan Boundary, 1905\"), and the information gathered during my recent journey to Pienma, bear strong evidence that any such obstruction would be unlikely. The people in the unadministered territory do not conceal their conviction that they are in no sense subject to China; they have expressed an earnest desire for British administration, and there is undoubtedly a widespread resentment against the Chinese in consequence of the recent raid.\n\n2. From the second group there is a possibility of resistance, and it is against this that the greatest precautions appear necessary. When passing through Mingkuang in April last the people spoke openly of the attack on Mr. Hertz's expedition in 1899–1900, stating that they had been ordered by the Tengyueh authorities to \"harry and oppose\" the British, but that they had received no assistance from the Chinese, either in the way of funds or arms, and evidently considered that they had been badly treated. It is probable that, under the leadership of the energetic chief Tso Ehr-kuan, they had then anticipated a campaign of plunder and material benefits, but it is unlikely that they will be anxious to repeat the experiences of 1900. The present chiefs are all weak and opium-sodden, and there is no one in the Lisu ranks with the personality of Tso Ehr-kuan.\n\nThe Tengkeng chief, on the other hand, has at his call a wilder and more formidable force, which could be raised from among the Black Lisu cross-bowmen of the Upper Salween. He was able to collect about 500 men for his recent raid on Hpimaw (Pienma), and his followers have returned home full of victory and plunder, so that they would probably join willingly in another expedition. The Têngkeng \"fu-yi\" is supported by his relatives and neighbours of Lu-ku, Lao-wo, and Mao-chao, who might together raise a considerable force if ordered to do so by the Chinese. They would be armed with cross-bows and poisoned arrows, dhas and spears, with a few cheek-guns, if powder was forthcoming from the Chinese. They have a great reputation as warriors, and many of them show fine marksmanship with their cross-bows, but they take cover at the least sign of trouble, and, from my experience of them, they have neither the courage nor the spirit of the Kachin.\n\nThe \"Fu-yis\" Tsai of Tien-tang, Yang of Lower Mingkuang, Tso of Upper Mingkuang, and the headmen of Tatang, might combine to form an expedition if severe pressure were applied by the Chinese, but they are weak and poverty-stricken, with but a shadow of power in their own districts, and they would be incapable of acting except under direct Chinese organisation. The Lisu population in their valleys has, moreover, been absorbed to a great extent during the past ten years, and the border inhabitants are now mainly pure or half-bred Chinese farmers, who would be very unwilling to adventure their bodies in a vain search for honourable advancement.\n\nIt is impossible to estimate the numbers which could be put into the field by\n\n[2788 dd--3]\n\n472",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "page_number": 476,
        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "2\n\nthese various chiefs, but, in view of the difficulty of obtaining supplies for any length of time, I am of opinion that Tengkeng could scarcely bring more than 500 men, whilst 500 might be raised by the combined forces of Mingkuang, Tien-tang, and Tatang. Such forces would be poorly armed and badly organised, and they would have little eagerness for action.\n\n3. Under the third head the nearest troops to the frontier would be 200 men of the 11th Ying, who are stationed at Kuyung Kai. These men all carry Mauser magazine rifles (nine cartridges), which are in good order, and they are the best of the Tengyuch brigade. Their commandant, Major Ma, is an intelligent Mahommedan, and his men show better discipline and better spirit than is usual with the Chinese forces. The ying includes a number of Kachins (Chashans) from Sansi, who speak a dialect almost identical with that of the Pienma Lashis. The 4th and 5th Ying are stationed at Tengyuch, and comprise together about 500 men, chiefly armed with single-loading Mausers, which are antiquated and in poor condition. They are led by Chinese officers of the old school, and have had no Japanese training, though they show a marked improvement on the troops of a few years ago both in physique and discipline. I had an opportunity a few days ago of witnessing their target practice, and they showed an invariable tendency to shoot low, though I have seen men of the 11th Ying showing excellent marksmanship. Colonel Chiang, one of the officers stationed at Tengyuch, is a man of undoubted energy and courage, reputed a tribesman by birth, and showing a forceful personality which is entirely un-Chinese.\n\n4. There are 1,500 troops at Talifu, and I have information that many of their officers are in reality Japanese, though they speak Chinese fluently, and the greatest secrecy is observed in regard to their nationality. They would be able to reach Hpimaw through Yun-lung Chou, crossing the Mekong by the Feilung Bridge and the Salween by the ferry below Tengkeng. It is probable that they could reach Hpimaw in about the same time as troops from Myitkyina, but I have been unable to gather any reliable information as to their transport and commissariat. Large numbers of mules are, however, constantly available at Talifu, the roads are fair, and local supplies would be obtainable until they crossed the watershed. A detailed account of these troops is given in my despatch of the 3rd March last (printed report, p. 18).\n\nI am of opinion that the Chinese would be unlikely to move up regular troops either under heads (3) or (4) to the unadministered territory, and think that the only probable resistance would come from the Lisu irregulars reported under head (2).\n\nLines of Advance.\n\nThere are eight possible lines of advance for the Chinese into the unadministered territory. From west to east they are as follows:--\n\n1. From Ku-yung Kai by San Cha-ho, across the watershed near Manung Pum, and into the Shingaw Valley,\n\n2. From Tan-tsa, across the Lang Ya Pass, into the Tummaw Valley.\n\n3. From the Tien-tang Valley by Malipa, across the Pan-wa Pass, to Chang Yin-kou on the Chipway River. Malipa is 8 miles to the south and Chang Yin-kou 6 miles to the north of the pass. This is probably the easiest route from China, Tien-tang being cultivated up to the head of the valley.\n\n4. Along the Mingkuang Valley, striking off at Ta-chai, then up the Cha Shan Ho to Ta Ya-kou Pass-12 miles from Ta-chai. This leads to Hparé, which is 9 miles beyond the pass. This is also a comparatively easy track, and, with No. 3, would probably be open for lightly-laden mules throughout the dry season. Supplies would be abundant right up to the watershed. Lisu porters are generally available throughout this district, and can carry from 60 to 70 lbs. in the baskets on their backs. They are most satisfactory in this capacity, uncomplaining in spite of hard marches and heavy weather, requiring no bedding, as fast as mules, and unfailingly cheerful.\n\n5. Also from Mingkuang. About 5 miles north of Ta-chai, the Hsiao-tang Ho Valley leads off from the main valley to the north-west; the track follows the river and crosses the pass at 10 miles from the Mingkuang Valley, then leads down to Lagwé (Tzu-chu), which is 12 miles to the north of the pass.\n\n6. From Mingkuang, at Ta-chu-pa, across Fen Shui Ling Pass, to Hpimaw, 28 miles. This is the track I followed, but it is regarded as the most difficult, and mules should not be taken unless weather conditions are most favourable; they would then need to be very lightly laden, and an advance guard would be necessary to clear the track. Three days' journey, the second very hard, as animals cannot stop all day, owing to the poisonous herbs in the jungle.\n\n7. From the Salween Valley, at Tengkeng, westwards up the Ku-tan Ho Valley, across the pass to Hpimaw; one and a-half days' journey. Difficult track, but open for lightly-laden mules in favourable weather conditions; path very steep and narrow, and difficult streams to cross. The Tengkeng levies would come from this direction, also any troops from Talifu or Yungchang.\n\n8. From the Salween, at Chengka (latitude 26° 15'), by Pai-pa, into the north of territory. This route is little known, and is not likely to be used.\n\nOf the above eight routes, 3, 4, and 7 are those which would in all probability be chosen in the event of any expeditions from the Chinese side. They could all be watched without difficulty, and the main party in the unadministered territory could be kept constantly in touch with news from the passes. This could be arranged from the Burmah side of the watershed more easily than from Tengyueh, as it would be difficult to obtain reliable men among the Chinese, whereas the Kachins proved themselves during my recent visit to be both eager and quick at gathering and carrying news. I could arrange for trustworthy information from Talifu and Tengyueh in regard to movements of troops, and possibly also from Ku-yung Kai, but it would be preferable, whenever possible, to use men for intelligence work whose homes are in Burmah, and who would be able to get through to Sima or Sadon in the event of any difficulty with the Tengyueh-Bhamo telegraph line.\n\nARCHIBALD ROSE,\n\nHis Majesty's Acting Consul.\n\nTengyueh, May 24, 1910.\n\n473",
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        "id": 429162,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "page_number": 503,
        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "any\n\n2\n\nterritory to set unwelcome laws at defiance. Previous to the year 1909 opium formed the predominating influence in the agricultural and economic life of the border population, and although the native chiefs were induced to effect a considerable reduction of crops during the 1908-9 season, they have refused during the past winter substantial decrease in the number of fields which formed the limit of last year's cultivation. In the course of my frontier work during the recent open season I have had opportunities of visiting a considerable portion of the tribal belt, and my own observations, amplified by reliable reports from other sources, lead me to believe that a considerable quantity of the drug is now available for sale from these districts in addition to the amount which will be required for home consumption, but at the same time that the effect of the prohibition has been very definite, and that the Chinese have made the poppy crops a pretext for interference in outlying districts to which they had not previously penetrated. The fact that many fields remain under cultivation cannot be attributed to laxity or bad faith on the part of the local authorities, who have been active in their measures of prevention, but it is a factor in the political life of the province, which can only be affected by the steady advance of Chinese administrative control to the limit of the political frontier. The only effective control which they are now able to exercise over the produce of this zone is in closing the open markets to the sale of the drug, and in refusing to recognise as recoverable debts such advances to cultivators as have regularly been made in the past by Chinese traders who have speculated on the prospects of the crops. These two factors will undoubtedly have weight in gauging the utility of the crop to the farmers, and such control may serve to effect a natural reduction in supply, provided that the demand shows an actual decline. At present the demand is so free and the price so high that the cultivators and smugglers amongst the tribesmen are induced to take considerable risks in the hopes of great reward.\n\nQuality of Local Drug.\n\nIn spite of the proximity of the Burmah frontier, Indian opium never appears to have entered Yunnan, though there is evidence that the poppy has been cultivated in the province for several centuries. The main crop has been Papaver somniferum, with flowers of every colour from pale mauve to the deepest crimson, though fields of entirely white poppies are occasionally seen. It is possible that the latter may be the Papaver officinale, but the farmers state that the white flowers and the brilliantly shaded blossoms are produced from identical seed, and that the colour is affected only by the early or late gathering of the seed, the fresh seed grains producing the white and pale tints, whilst the deeper blooms spring from that which is more mature. Years ago the fertile, well-watered plains round the great cities were covered with poppy during the winter season, but the crop has now entirely vanished from these fields, and cultivation is confined to the more inaccessible mountain tracts even in the tribal zone. The seed is sown in November, and the sap is collected from March until May, the harvest varying considerably with the altitude of the fields.\n\nA few\n\nThe Shans, Kachins, Palaungs, Lohei, and Wa all use the drug, often saturating dried plantain leaves with the juice and smoking them in pipes in the same way as tobacco, and in this form the effects of the drug are much less potent than when smoked in Chinese fashion. The attempts to reduce cultivation in the territories of these outlying races has caused severe trouble, and the sub-prefect of Tengyueh, who is responsible for their good behaviour, narrowly escaped with his life last year after the destruction of some mountain crops. The Kachins frankly admit that they smoke the drug for pleasure, and, remembering the hard and desolate lives to which they are condemned, there is little wonder that there is a craving for such dreams as we have heard of from De Quincey, when there will be revealed \"a far-off hope for human nature, now suffering from some mysterious eclipse and labouring in some dread extremity,\" and, with the Turk, these tribesmen label their one luxury Mash Allah (the gift of God). Beyond this, however, the opium has two real spheres in the life of these people—a medicinal and an economic need—and it is gradually realised even by the local officials that these are factors which cannot be ignored if they intend to carry through a progressive and peaceful policy on the frontier, and to steer a steady course towards the final absorption of the \"barbarians\" in the great family of the sons of Han.\n\nMedicinal Needs.\n\nOn the high plateaux comprising the greater portion of Yunnan, which lies at an altitude of 6,000 feet, and which are inhabited by a hardy race of Chinese average\n\n3\n\nhighlanders, fever is practically unknown, but the country is scored by deep and narrow river-courses such as the Salween, the Mekong, the Red River, and the Shweli, sometimes no higher than 2,000 feet above the sea, and by the damp, fertile valleys which break away towards the Burmah frontier and form the line of the Chinese Shan States. Below an altitude of 4,000 feet the Chinese will not venture, except in the season of dry sunny weather, for the gorges of the rivers and the pent-up valleys are full of a virulent malaria, which at once attacks the men from the higher altitudes, and constantly proves fatal even to the natives. Although the prophylactic properties of quinine are now recognised to some extent, it is impossible to obtain supplies in any quantity, and it is generally and widely realised in the malarial districts of Yünnan, as it was in our own fen country early in the nineteenth century, that opium is invaluable both for prevention and cure. This is the first and greatest need, and, as long as malaria and dysentery claim so many victims in the Shan valleys and Kachin hills, so long will they resist the destruction of their crops with all their force. During six months of the past open season the Tengyueh Road Committee has employed an average number of 300 Chinese soldiers a-day in the construction of a road through the Shan States. There has been such a terrible mortality in other low-lying portions of Yunnan that the men showed great reluctance to go down to the work, but they were regularly treated with quinine, and with the simple and primitive resources at our disposal we endeavoured to shelter them from the dangers of malaria. Our efforts were so far successful that we did not lose a man, and the gangs maintained a high standard of health during the six months that they remained in the Shan States. A few weeks ago, however, the season being finished, the men dispersed to their farms, and when we endeavoured to select six men to remain on the road for purposes of inspection and maintenance it was found that every man among the 300 smoked opium, and they resolutely refused to do without the drug if they were to visit the low-lying tracts. Yet a finer body of men physically could not well be found, and there is no doubt that in spite of the brand of \"opium-sodden,\" which has been applied so constantly to the Yunnanese—they present a splendid physical type, tall, sturdy, enduring, and well-coloured, though few of them were free from the habit until the increasing prices of the past year commenced to place it beyond their reach. There seems little doubt that in places where food is plentiful, as is generally the case throughout Western Yunnan and Szechuan, the opium victim is practically unknown, and it is only in the famine areas that the drug is inclined to eat into a system exhausted by hunger and disease.\n\nEconomic Needs.\n\nA\n\nThe economic need for the opium crop is more wide in its extent and more evident in its application than the medicinal factor, but it would lend itself as readily to available remedies if they could be applied in time. It is estimated that before the prohibition measures were inaugurated from two-thirds to four-fifths of the arable land in the western circuit was under opium crops. The Viceroy, in an impetuous effort to clear the country, disregarded the proposal of a ten years' scheme, and commanded that every poppy should be plucked out within the year—a policy which must have been dictated by a desire for anti-opium notoriety, rather than by any conviction of the needs and welfare of his people. As a result of these vigorous measures a large acreage has been fallow for the past two years and there has been widespread loss among the farmers. The Yunnanese are, however, a quiet and law-abiding race, and it can only be wondered that the troubles were limited by the few and scattered riots which marked the course of 1909. The last rice harvest was abundant throughout the district, and the minds of the people were thus distracted from their grievance, whilst the steady progress of the cities shows that no financial set-back has yet been felt. The situation, however, is not without its anxieties for the more far-seeing of the officials, and they anticipate with dread the next barren year, or even the realisation of losses which will be borne in upon the people in the natural evolution of the next three or four years.\n\nYunnan is a country of difficult communications, land-bound, mountainous, and difficult of access, depending on mule transport for its communication with the outside world. Opium was its ideal product, suited to the soil, the climate, the mountain slopes where no other crop will thrive, of little bulk, too, and unlikely to depreciate under the rough handling of the present transport. Every year a regular flow of silver found its way from Hunan and Canton to Yunnan in exchange for the opium supplies, and every year this silver met the local demand for cotton yarn and comes from foreign cotton cloth, which cannot be produced locally, and now\n\n499",
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        "page_number": 504,
        "title": "CO129-372 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "I am sources. It is clear that the fields cannot lie fallow for ever, as there is a steady increase of population by immigration from the crowded districts on the borders, and it is clear also that the people must be clothed, though all attempts to produce cotton have in the past resulted in failure. The officials and people have as yet advanced little beyond the stage of bandying the question, \"What is to be done?\" A few of the more vigorous leaders have been busily engaged in planting mulberry trees and breeding silk-worms, and I have been able to send to the Indian markets samples of the first year's produce, which give hope of some success. I am also obtaining from India some seed of the shrub cotton Bombax malabaricum L which may thrive at this altitude and would help to stimulate local industry and provide employment for the empty fields. In the Kachin hills and the tribal country generally, however, the abolition of the crop will cause a more serious loss than even in the Chinese zone, for the tribesmen are generally unable to produce on their steep mountain-sides sufficient crops of cereals or of hemp to provide them with the barest necessaries of life, and at present no remedy has been foreseen for this part of the district.\n\nDuring my frontier tour I crossed at one point a route which had been followed by the taotai on his annual tour of border inspection. After the misfortunes of the sub-prefect last year he had taken the precaution to travel with a large armed escort, and he had boldly attacked the opium farmers along his route. For a day's march we had followed an unusually good track, and it was therefore with some surprise that we found the way suddenly barred, the road cut away in front, and the sheer precipice barring further progress. We were obliged therefore to turn off on to another road, and by the camp fire at night the reason of the obstacle was explained by one of the angry tribesmen. It appeared that the villagers along the road had worked for ten days and had made the excellent track which we had crossed. Unmoved by this service the taotai had turned out his escort, and at the bayonet's point the farmers had been made to uproot their poppy crop, which was then a span high. The old man who told the tale burst into tears as he recounted the loss.\n\n\"It is all that we have, this opium, we eat it and drink it, it makes our clothes and builds our houses; no other crop will grow, no rice, no millet, no hemp; for our opium crop we should have had silver for our food and our clothes, and now we are left to a barren and hungry year.\" But the Kachin is a man of spirit: the men of the next village had continued the road through their country, but the news spreads fast, and, when the taotai arrived at the point where the two districts met, the narrow path vanished over the precipice, and there was neither explanation nor expedient, save to take another road as we had done. He retired into the valleys below, leaving one tract of poppy at least unmolested, nor was he able to punish those who had defied him, and it is unlikely that his action has increased the prestige of Chinese officialdom in that outpost of empire.\n\nThere is one other point at which the loss of the poppy crop cuts deeply at the institutions of the tribesmen. Many of the sawbwas and minor chiefs are in the habit of collecting the greater part, or even the whole, of their revenues from their people by means of opium; each house contributing a given quantity of the drug, which can be readily transported and converted by the over-lord. It can be imagined, therefore, with what consternation the chiefs have watched the vigorous measures of their intending Chinese officers, and there is no doubt that they will stand by their people in any effort to conceal the cultivation or to encourage the smuggling traffic to those centres which still contrive a flourishing though illicit trade.\n\nIn the meanwhile, a small proportion of the more level lands have been put under winter crops of wheat, beans, peas, or maize, and a considerable number of the farmers have sought employment, during the dry season when their rice-fields need no attention, by taking service on the road works in the Shan States and in Burma, or in the silver and lead mines of Baudwin, and in the ruby mines or other centres of industry beyond the border. There seems, indeed a probability that the most pressing needs of the farmers will be met during the opium crisis, not by the introduction of some new crop, the development of which will need time and capital, but by an influx of money from British territory, brought into the province by the migration of labour during the winter season from the overcrowded plains of Yunnan to the mining and industrial centres of Burma—a consummation which is certainly to be desired for the mutual advantage of the two countries.\n\nProducing Centres.\n\nSpeaking generally, the purely Chinese zone of Western Yunnan has produced little opium during the past season, and the poppy has been entirely absent from the level and accessible areas; the only instances of cultivation which have been reported by reliable witnesses are in the remote regions of the Irrawaddy-Salween divide and in the hills between the Chinese and tribal zones, districts which are inhabited by lawless Chinese, many of them fugitives from justice. The fact that a harvest has been reaped from a few fields actually adjoining one of the main roads between Tengyueh and Yungchang, however, is evidence that the Chinese contention that the poppy has entirely disappeared is not strictly correct. A small amount of the drug has also been gathered in the Chinese district of Lungling, though the district official has since been removed, nominally as a punishment for his laxity in this respect. In the districts of Shunning-fu, Menghua Ting, Talifu, and Likiang-fu the prohibition measures were strictly enforced. Pu-ehr-fu and Ssumao Ting, in the south-west, were also well controlled.\n\nIn the tribal zone it is not possible to give such an encouraging account. In the hills surrounding the Shan States of Nantien, Changta, Kangai, Lungchuan, Mengmao, Ta Meng-tung, and Hsiao Meng-tung and in the territories of the Kachins, Lahu, and Wa there has been extensive cultivation, though there is no doubt of the marked decrease in the acreage since the inauguration of the measures of prohibition.\n\nEstimates of Acreage and Amount of Opium Produced.\n\nIt is difficult to estimate the exact acreage under poppy cultivation in Western Yunnan, as the mou or other generally recognised land measure is unknown in the district, and both rice and poppy lands are calculated on the basis of the \"measure of seed\" required to secure a full crop. After careful enquiry, however, I think that 50 ounces (Chinese) of opium may be expected as an average return from a mou of land in the hilly districts. From my own observation, from information gathered from various reliable sources, and from a strict watch on the markets and prices, I estimate the yield of the past season for the entire district (including the tribal territory) at 5,000 piculs, and on the above average this would account for 27,000 acres (English) under the poppy crop, figures which appear to me to give a very fair idea of the extent of the present cultivation.\n\nSupplies.\n\nLarge supplies of opium are still available at all the big centres, notably Tengyueh, Talifu, Lungling, and Shunning-fu, and it is estimated that the stocks would hold out for from four to five years, even if they were not supplemented by illicit means. In some of the cities these stocks are held by men who cannot easily be reached by the district officials, and at Lungling the holders resort to the expedient of stocking part of their supplies at inaccessible villages on the frontier line, thus ensuring greater freedom and security for distribution. The smuggling operations in this direction appear to have been so successful that there has been a steady movement of stocks to the Lungling base during the past few months.\n\nConsumption.\n\nA few years ago it was estimated that 80 per cent of the population of the district was addicted to opium, though, as stated above, the people are well-fed and show no physical defects as the result of the consumption. The vigorous action of the past two years has had the effect of stimulating prices, and holders of stocks now find a very favourable market, the price of the drug having risen within the last three years to three or four times its former standard. In 1908 crude opium could be brought in Tengyueh for 12 tael cents an ounce, whereas it cannot be obtained for less than 35 cents now; the prepared drug has risen from 18 cents to 50 or 60 cents; and old opium, which has matured and mellowed, commands as much as 2 taels an ounce (1 tael equals approximately 2 rupees). Whilst the wages of the coolie class stand at 12 cents a-day, and of artisans at about 20 cents a-day, it will be seen that it must be difficult for them to obtain the drug, provided that they are dependent on the ordinary channels, and there can be no doubt that larger numbers of the poorer classes are gradually reducing their daily allowance, and that many have abandoned the habit entirely. The fact that many of the Yamén runners and the \"Old\" or \"Green Banner\" troops continue to smoke regularly would appear to give evidence of some source of supply which is at present free from official vigilance. The soldiers of the \"New\" army at Talifu do not smoke, but a considerable percentage of them swallow opium pills, a practice which is becoming very general; whilst it is noticeable amongst the local Chinese who have given up the drug, that they have acquired a quite extraordinary ...",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-373 - Public Offices - 1910",
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        "title": "CO129-373 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "(Translation.) Sir,\n\nEnclosure in No. 1.\n\nWai-wu Pu to Mr. Mar Müller.\n\nJune 10, 1910.\n\nI HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the 3rd June, in which you state that you had been instructed to notify that His Majesty's Government must await Mr. Consul Rose's full report before replying to the Board's note of the 10th May with reference to Pienma. At the same time, you added that you were instructed to invite attention to Sir E. Satow's note of the 30th January, 1904, in which reference was made to a conflict which arose in 1900 between British and Chinese troops in the neighbourhood in question. Further, that the intentions of His Majesty's Government had already been communicated to the Chinese Government in Sir E. Satow's note of the 1st May, 1906.\n\nI have the honour to observe that as regards the boundary of the Tengyueh northern section, Sir E. Satow stated in his note above referred to that His Majesty's Government would regard as the frontier the watershed between the Irrawaddy and Shuili Rivers until the head-waters of the Shuili are passed, and from thence to the confines of Tibet the watershed between the Irrawaddy and Salween basins. Now it is inevitable that, if the frontier is taken to be wherever these rivers flow to, the area included will be very extensive. The Board were therefore unable to agree to this.\n\nWith regard to this matter, the Board has received a reply from the Viceroy of Yunnan which contains a statement that the upper water of the Irrawaddy is the N'Maikha River, which is on the Tengyueh boundary. This happens to agree with the statement made by Sir E. Satow in his note when he pointed out that the watershed to the east of the N'Maikha was the most satisfactory and easily recognisable natural boundary.\n\nThe Board had already requested Mr. Carnegie, His Majesty's chargé d'affaires, that a careful examination should be made and the matter negotiated, but at present nothing has been settled. I have now received your despatch ignoring the request to appoint officers for a joint delimitation, and merely stating that it was the intention of His Majesty's Government to instruct the Government of Burma to occupy and administer the territory in question. How can such a procedure be compatible with the principles of right? The former case of the raid by the Government of Burma's troops when they crossed the frontier still remains unsettled, and has caused great resentment among the native tribes. If another unexpected collision takes place, the Yunnan provincial authorities will be unable to accept any responsibility in the matter. This is a matter affecting the frontier affairs of our two countries, and we ought carefully to examine the conditions and negotiate in a friendly manner. A joint delimitation should be made in accordance with the dictates of justice.\n\nAs regards Pienma, that place is under Chinese jurisdiction, and any cases that occur must be dealt with by the officials in charge, and the British consul should not interfere.\n\nI have the honour to communicate this reply for transmission to His Majesty's Government, and suggest that the Board's frequent despatches may be noted, and that the two countries should appoint officers to hold a joint delimitation, in order that the question may be settled at an early date.\n\nI have further the honour to request that His Majesty's consul may be instructed not to interfere.\n\nAwaiting the favour of a reply, I avail, &c.\n\nPrince CHING.\n\n(This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.)\n\nCO 2/913\n\nAFFAIRS OF CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n(25781)\n\n(No. 37.)\n\nNo. 1.\n\nSir E. Goschen to Sir Edward Grey.—(Received July 17.)\n\n(Telegraphic.) P.\n\nGERMAN military mission to China.\n\nBerlin, July 17, 1910.\n\nI learn from a fairly reliable source that arrangements were made with the German Government for the dispatch of a military mission to give instruction to the Chinese army by Yin Chang, formerly Chinese Minister here and at present Minister for War, before he left his post in Berlin.\n\nPage",
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        "id": 429313,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-373 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "page_number": 50,
        "title": "CO129-373 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\nC O\n\n# AFFAIRS OF CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[27649]\n\nNo. 1.\n\n20847\n\n[July 30 Ec\n\nRe 16 SEP 10\n\nSECTION\n\nSir,\n\nIndia Office to Foreign Office~(Received July 30.)\n\nIndia Office, July 30, 1910.\n\nI AM directed by the Secretary of State for India to forward, for the consideration of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, copy of a telegram from the Government of India regarding the visit of a Chinese official to the Hkamti-Löng country, which formed the subject of Mr. Consul Rose's despatch of the 11th May last, enclosed in your letter of the 25th June.\n\nAlthough this subject is not immediately connected with the frontier dispute in the neighbourhood of the 26th parallel, it cannot be altogether separated from it. As Sir E. Grey is aware, the Burmah-China frontier has been demarcated up to (approximately) 25° 35', and it has never been thought necessary to investigate its exact course further north than 26° 15', though in the draft article placed before the Wai-wu P'u on the 9th March, 1906, it is described as following \"along the watershed between the Irrawaddy and Salween basins up to the confines of Thibet.' The Chinese appear now to have crossed the watershed at about 28°, and a serious position would be created if they were to assert and maintain claims which would bring them into the neighbourhood of the border of Assam and admit them to the upper valleys of the Chindwin and the Irrawaddy, from which it is the object of our policy to keep them out.\n\nThe Hkamti-Löng were subject to the former Kingdom of Burmah, and their most powerful sawbwa has at least once sent down a representative to do homage to the British Government.\n\nIn these circumstances Viscount Morley would propose to agree in principle to the Government of India's proposal, but to ask for further details regarding the scale of the expedition and the exact procedure contemplated. He trusts that Sir E. Grey will agree that no reference to the Chinese Government is necessary.\n\nI am to enclose draft of a telegram which, with Sir E. Grey's concurrence, Lord Morley accordingly proposes to send.\n\nI am, &c.\n\nR. RITCHIE.\n\nEnclosure in No. 1.\n\nGovernment of India to Viscount Morley.\n\nJuly 25, 1910.\n\n(Telegraphic.) P.\n\nSEE my telegram of the 29th May, as to Burmah-China frontier. Detailed report has now been sent in by Government of Burmah, by which previous information as to visit to Hkamti of Chinese official with military escort is confirmed. Some discrepancy exists as to actual date on which visit took place, and as to whether the Chinese officer professed that he had come to assert a claim to a portion at least of the State of Hkamti, in the N'Maikha Valley, or merely to arrange matters of trade. Main facts, however, tally with information furnished to His Majesty's consul at Tengyueh by M. Peronne (see correspondence forwarded with letter dated the 14th instant, from Secretary to Government of India, Foreign Department).\n\nThis is in direct defiance of British Government's formal claim to regard Irrawaddy-Salween watershed as frontier between Burmah and China up to confines of Thibet, and, taken in conjunction with similar activity by Chinese in Yunnan, places in jeopardy the entire frontier north of administered portion of Myitkyina district. So far as we know, no formal claims to Hkamti, which ever since annexation of Upper Burmah has been regarded as subordinate to British Government, have been asserted by Chinese. Allegiance to British Government has been acknowledged by the principal sawbwa, who has sent tributary offerings to Burmah on several occasions.\n\nIn order to forestall designs of Chinese, lieutenant-governor recommends that a\n\n[2827 gg-1]",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-373 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "page_number": 65,
        "title": "CO129-373 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "64\n\nF\n\n2\n\nA notification of the Russian consulate-general, which appeared in the local Russian press on the 1st instant, extends the period for the payment of customs duties into the Russo-Chinese Bank for one month, dating from the 30th ultimo. A few days previously, the Russian newspapers published a telegram from the St. Petersburgh telegraph agency, to the effect that, China having consented to make concessions to Russian demands on important points, the Russian Government had agreed to continue the discussion of the detailed regulations. This report was confirmed by my Russian colleague, and it seems clear that the extension of the provisional arrangement regarding the duty payments has been made in the hope that a modus vivendi, which will at least tide over matters until the time comes next year for the revision of the 1858 and 1881 treaties, may be reached.\n\nM. Poppé, so he told me, had no information as to the matters upon which the Chinese Government was prepared to accommodate itself to the Russian views, and from a well-informed source I learn that up to within the last few days no specific concessions had, in fact, been made. The Chinese Government had merely intimated to the Russian authorities that it would do its best to meet Russian requirements in all respects. The chief points of contention are as stated in previous despatches on the subject:--\n\nTonnage dues,\n\nDuty free list,\n\nFree frontier zones,\n\nExclusive navigation rights, and\n\nThe two-thirds duty scale.\n\nThe authorities in St. Petersburgh favour, I understand, the transfer of the negotiations regarding the detailed regulations to the Russian capital; but the chargé d'affaires in Peking is opposed to this course, and has the support of the Chinese. The idea exists that the only reason for a change of venue is to enable the central authorities in St. Petersburgh, who see that there is at last a prospect of a settlement, to obtain for themselves any recognition which may follow a successful termination of the somewhat protracted negotiations which have taken place on the spot.\n\nI am now disposed to think that there can be little doubt that the possibility of Japanese claims under article 11 of the Sino-Japanese Treaty of the 22nd December, 1905, to which I had the honour to allude in my despatch No. 12, has indeed had its influence on the attitude hitherto assumed by China towards Russia's demands for preferential frontier treatment—more especially since, apart from Chientao, there is the question of the Yalu River and the Antung-Mukden Railway. It is also, perhaps, not unlikely that the reported new agreement, the text of which has not yet reached here, between Russia and Japan may have decided the Chinese Government that a conciliatory policy is now the wiser course.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nH. E. SLY.\n\n[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\nAFFAIRS OF CHINA.\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[29667]\n\nNo. 1.\n\n[August 15, 1907]\n\nSECTION EC\n\nREG 16 SEP 10)\n\nActing Consul Rose to Sir Edward Grey.--(Received August 15.)\n\n(No. 11. Confidential.) Sir,\n\nTengyueh, July 9, 1910. WITH reference to my despatch No. 8 of the 11th May last on the subject of the activity of the Chinese in the Province of Zayul, on the north-eastern frontier of India, I have the honour to enclose copy of a despatch to the Government of Burmah and of a semi-official letter to His Majesty's chargé d'affaires at Peking, both of which are being dispatched to-day in confirmation of the rumours which reached this consulate a month ago.\n\nEnclosure 1 in No. 1.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nARCHIBALD ROSE.\n\nActing Consul Rose to the Government of Burmah.\n\n(No. 84. Confidential.) Sir,\n\nTengyueh, July 9, 1910. WITH reference to my despatch No. 154 of the 11th May last, on the subject of an expedition conducted by an officer of the Yunnan Government into the Khamti country, lying between the basin of the Upper Salween and the borders of Assam, I have the honour to report that confirmatory evidence of Chinese activity in this region has now been received from Père Mombeig, the French Father in charge of the \"Missions étrangères\" post at Wei-hsi on the Upper Mekong. He writes on the 18th June as follows:--\n\n(Translation.)\n\nThe Chinese are indeed showing great activity at present in the west of their Empire and in Thibet, and have evidently decided that the country of the Lamas must prove their most secure frontier towards the west. Up to the present they have nurtured a spirit of fanaticism in order to ward off any encroachment of foreign influence, but signs are not wanting that modern progress is gradually asserting itself, and that the Thibetans are becoming accustomed to the idea of European civilisation Hence the nervousness of and are losing to some extent their primitive barbarism. the mandarins, who are bent upon creating a Chinese province in this territory. During the past two years they have been occupied in constant military operations in the interior, and their action has exercised a depressing effect on the commerce of these vast regions. The rumours which have reached you in regard to Chinese activity are well founded, and I have ascertained that the Government of Yunnan sent a mandarin and an armed escort during the autumn of 1908 to explore the country lying to the west of the Salween. This deputy penetrated as far as the borders of Assam, into the country known by the Chinese as \"Mou-ouang\"; he was well received and distributed presents, though the journey into the interior and back to his post was attended with the greatest hardships—he travelled by the road, followed by Prince Henry of Orleans in 1898. A number of his men died of fatigue and sickness during the trying march.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nARCHIBALD ROSE.\n\n[2862 p.4]",
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        "document_key": "CO129-373 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "page_number": 350,
        "title": "CO129-373 - Public Offices - 1910",
        "content_text": "[This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\n349\n\nC O\n\nAFFAIRS OF CHINA,\n\n34588\n\nCONFIDENTIAL.\n\nREC\n\n[38764]\n\nREG 11 NOV 10\n\nNo. 1.\n\n[October 24.]\n\nSECTION 1.\n\nIndia Office to Foreign Office~(Received October 24.)\n\nTHE Under-Secretary of State for India presents his compliments to the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and, by direction of Viscount Morley, forwards herewith, for the information of the Secretary of State, copy of a telegram from the Viceroy, dated the 23rd October, 1910, relative to the north-east frontier.\n\nIndia Office, October 24, 1910.\n\nEnclosure in No. 1,\n\nGovernment of India to Viscount Morley.\n\nOctober 23, 1910.\n\n(Telegraphic.) P.\n\nREFERENCE is invited to letter, dated the 26th May, from Government of Eastern Bengal and Assam, enclosed in letter of 14th July from Secretary to Government of India, Foreign Department. Anxiety is being caused locally in consequence of Chinese proceedings at Rima, and in vicinity of tribal tracts on north-east frontier by question of our future relations with those tribes. Military authorities are of opinion, with reference to Chinese advance, that position at present is unsound strategically, and they consider that the approximate extent of our influence should be as follows:-\n\nStarting from the east of that portion of Thibetan territory of Tawang district, which runs down like a wedge to the frontier of British territory north of Odalguri, it should run north-east to longitude 94, latitude 29, and thence eastwards to longitude 96, along latitude 29. From longitude 96 it should run south-east to a point, as far east and as near Rima as possible, on the Zayul Chu, after which it should cross the valley of that river to the watershed between the Irawaddy and Zayul, which it should follow until that watershed joins the divide between the Salween and Irawaddy.\n\nIt is believed that the tribes in this area, some of whom are already under our influence, are for the most part independent.\n\nThe best policy to pursue would, we are inclined to think, be to extend the \"outer line\" as far as may be necessary, by arranging that there shall be no relations or intercourse between tribes within or beyond line with any foreign Power other than ourselves, by which means we should secure a buffer. But more complete information than is available is required on the following points:-\n\n1. Nature and extent of each tribe's territory.\n\n2. The extent, if any, to which China or Thibet recognises [...] the tribes.\n\n3. Whether it is possible, and if so at what probable cost, to execute agreements on the lines indicated.\n\nInformation as to how far we can collect required data or get into relation with the tribes concerned is being awaited from Government of Eastern Bengal and Assam before we address you on the whole question.\n\nIn the meantime, on the authority of certain Mishmis who have come into Sadiya, Lieutenant-Governor has reported that all trade between Miju Mishmis and Thibet has been prohibited by the Chinese. It is essential, in his Honour's opinion, that we should be in a position to inform the tribe, who, he states, will probably come into British territory before the close of the present month, to what extent we are prepared to give them recognition. These Mishmis are accustomed to regard us as the dominant Power on that frontier, and the political officer, Sadiya, considers that tribe will be estranged, and that Chinese may succeed in imposing their authority\n\n[2958 na-]\n\n-1]",
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        "document_key": "CO129-382 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "page_number": 135,
        "title": "CO129-382 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "## Military\n\nHsun Fang Tui (Old Troops).—No changes have taken place since my last report. The Tengyueh garrison, however, has been practically depleted. Numbers of men have been scattered about the district, as the taotai is in constant anticipation of trouble, especially in the Shan States. Two hundred men have also gone north in consequence of the Chungtien affair, which has disorganised all the troops of the district.\n\nTali-fu (New Troops).—Captain B. E. A. Pritchard, of the Indian army, has visited Tengyueh, Tali-fu, and Yunnan-fu with a view to reporting on the new troops of Yunnan. I understand that he estimates their efficiency quite as highly as I have done. I note with surprise, in one of Dr. Morrison's letters to the \"Times\" on his recent journey through China and Turkestan, that so keen an observer should throw ridicule on these new troops of Yünnan. From a comparative standpoint their arms and equipment are incomparably superior to the old provincial troops, and I understand that they are better armed than the Burmah military police. At the same time, I do not think that their presence presents any immediate menace to us on the frontier. No steps have been taken to garrison any of the new troops at Tengyueh, and, if my information is correct, there will be insufficient funds for the raising of a second division, or even the completion of the first division in the near future. Heavy expenditure has been incurred in erecting good barracks at Tali-fu, and it appears probable that their head-quarters will remain there for the present. I much regret that I am unable to give more detailed information at present in regard to the work which is being done at Tali-fu. I have no satisfactory source of intelligence there just now, and it would require a man on the spot to obtain reliable information. I shall look forward, however, with much interest to the report of Captain Pritchard, who was untiring in his work of enquiry during the short time at his disposal.\n\n## Frontier Forts\n\nIn my last frontier report (3rd March), I mentioned that five new forts were in course of erection along the Chinese section of the frontier between the British posts of Bhamo and Myitkyina. Rumours now reach me that the construction of these forts has been very unsatisfactory, and that the officer responsible for them has been summoned to Tengyueh, but dare not come. Old-fashioned opinion, which is led by the retired commander-in-chief and others who have done sterling work on the frontiers and is generally sound, ridicules the positions which have been chosen for their erection. The older and more experienced men advised that the military posts should be near populous frontier markets as a protection from brigands and border thieves. The more advanced modern men, however, have insisted that they shall be on hill tops, wind-swept and waterless. \"Bad sites, bad plans, bad materials, and shoddy work,\" says the old general; \"they stand on a hill and look for attacks from across the frontier whilst the real enemy is running about just below them and eating up the country—they have bought a new hat and think it is a new head.\" I hope to pass near these forts during my next frontier tour, and I will make a point of seeing them and reporting.\n\n## Roads and Telegraphs\n\nThe only recently built road of which I have any information is that from A-tun-tze to Chamutong (on the Salween, latitude 28°). The remainder of the roads in the frontier districts are mere tracks, where men and mules must march in Indian file, generally with very steep gradients. This applies to the main road from Bhamo to Tengyueh and on to Tali-fu; even on this road animals constantly fall over the narrow tracks, and within the last few days the mail courier from Tali-fu fell over a precipice and was killed.\n\nA telegraph line has been constructed from Tali-fu to Likiang, and the Chinese have just arranged to continue the telegraph line from Tengyueh towards Bhamo along the new road, instead of by the old road through Manwyne.\n\n## Chinese Officials\n\n### The Tengyueh Taotai\n\nThe old taotai, Liu Yuan-pi, expired on the 4th July, as a result of malaria contracted at last year's frontier meeting. He was a genial and amiable colleague, and our social relations were very cordial; he was, however, too weak and vacillating to be a satisfactory frontier officer. He was greatly mourned by his people, who were much attached to him, chiefly, I think, because he left them to their own devices, and he was known to be entirely honest. He was succeeded by a young man, Keng Pao-kuei, who has had a meteoric career, and is believed to be Yungchang prefect for seventeen days, and acting taotai at Tengyueh all within a year. His recommendation to his superiors appears to be the fact that he forwards large sums regularly to the provincial treasury, and the Yunnan-fu authorities recognise that he is \"fierce\" (\"li-hai\"), and therefore presumably a suitable man for the frontier. He has descended upon Tengyueh like a whirlwind, and this very old-world, slow-moving place is still breathless with his impetuous presence. He not only determined to reform his own subordinates, but endeavoured to extend the process to the British officers within his sphere of activity. I have constantly been obliged to advise a little more care and a little less impetuosity before committing himself, and our relations in consequence have occasionally been somewhat strained. The experience of the past has unfortunately fostered the belief that frontier taotais must be violently anti-British in order to get on, and the taotai Keng, by the very force of his character, has managed to overstep every bound. He shows signs, however, of desiring that the past should be forgotten, and I am not unwilling to meet him, as he is sufficiently courageous and independent to be a good frontier official if once he realises the responsibility of his position. At the same time I am reluctant to discuss with him any question of importance until he has given some assurance of more reasonable behaviour in any future dealings.\n\nonly 30 years of age. He was pa hsien at Chungking, acting Chungking prefect,\n\n### The Yungchang Prefect\n\nChiang Wen-ch'en, ex-Ting of Tengyueh, has recently been promoted to this post. His principal recommendation appears to have been his obstructive attitude at the last frontier meeting. He is not a clever man, but is obstinate and uncompromising, and the old taotai was entirely in his hands. I consider him the worst official in the district from our point of view, but he will not affect us in any way if the taotai can be brought to reason. I trust that Mr. Chiang will not attend the frontier meeting.\n\n### Salt Commissioner\n\nPeng Chi-chih, the old Yungchang prefect, lost his post for destroying the Lungchuan pillar. He is an amiable old gentleman with a good knowledge of frontier affairs, and he acted foolishly in the matter of the pillar owing to the weight of advice behind him. He now warns young officers to move very slowly in international affairs, and points to his own fate as the awful consequence of unappreciated zeal. He has now been appointed special salt commissioner, with instructions to keep foreign salt out of Western Yunnan at any cost. He is deeply \n\nPage 7\nPage 133",
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    {
        "id": 434339,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-382 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "page_number": 340,
        "title": "CO129-382 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "# May 2\n\n2 \n\nbelieves that in the present unsettled condition of western Yünnan, the Chinese will be unable to send troops from Tengyueh across the frontier, and this view finds some support from the recent report (in my telegram dated the 10th October, 1910) that it had been found necessary to send troops from Tengyueh and Talifu to oppose Szechuan army deserters, who were invading Yünnan from the north. Although the Lieutenant-Governor is disposed to think it probable that Mr. Rose's anticipation of a peaceful issue to Mr. Hertz's expedition will be realised, his honour cannot disregard the possibility of the other alternative. Mr. Rose has recently reported the preparation by the Chinese at Tengyueh of a large-scale map including the unadministered territory in question. The object of this map may be merely in connection with the ordinary administration of the tract by Chinese officials, which is known to be imminent, and which Mr. Hertz's expedition is intended to forestall. But on the other hand, the preparation of a map is consistent with an intention to move troops, and it is not more difficult for troops to enter the unadministered territory from Tengyueh than from Myitkyina. It must be noted that Mr. Rose's memorandum indicated several possible routes from Tengyueh into that territory, any one of which might bring a Chinese force directly on to the flank of Mr. Hertz's march. Having regard to this possibility, the Lieutenant-Governor thinks that it is no longer wise to adhere to the original arrangement by which Mr. Hertz's escort, exclusive of the rationing base, was to be split up into two small parties; and his honour is not satisfied that the total strength originally proposed would be sufficient to ensure a peaceful or even a successful issue. Small isolated parties might invite opposition or attack, whereas by a substantial show of force we should be more likely to avoid all risk of hostilities. The sanctioned arrangements, moreover, include no provision for the dispatch of a relieving force, in case Mr. Hertz's escort found itself in a difficult position. No effective relief could be afforded by the military police even if sufficient men could be furnished, because magazine rifles and ammunition have not been provided except for the escort itself. If Mr. Hertz were forced to retire or if a portion of his escort were cut off, there would be the most serious loss of prestige; and on the other hand, if the expedition does not proceed this year, the almost certain loss of the entire territory and the establishment of the Chinese on the upper reaches of the Irrawaddy must be accepted. In these circumstances, the Lieutenant-Governor is strongly of opinion that the expedition ought to proceed; but his honour recommends that the original arrangements should be modified so as to make a greater show of force, (1) by rendering Mr. Hertz's escort stronger and more compact, and (2) by stationing a force of regular troops in readiness in the neighbourhood of Myitkyina, in case it should become necessary to extricate or support Mr. Hertz's party.\n\n4. As already reported by telegram, the Lieutenant-Governor now recommends that the proposed expedition of a civil officer to the Shan State of Hkamti should be postponed for one year, his escort of 125 rifles being added to the escort originally proposed for Mr. Hertz. Mr. Hertz's escort will then consist of eleven British officers (including a medical officer) and 607 native ranks (including thirty-two signallers). A rationing base of 100 rifles will be established at Makawng, leaving a force of 475 rifles to accompany Mr. Hertz as his escort. A compact force of this strength is less likely to be attacked or to meet with resistance, but as an additional precaution the Lieutenant-Governor recommends that one native infantry battalion shall be stationed temporarily in the Myitkyina district, one-half of the battalion being kept at Myitkyina as a garrison, and the other half provided with transport and moved out to Seniku in readiness to follow Mr. Hertz into the unadministered territory and relieve him if required. The Lieutenant-Governor has already requested the Major-General commanding the Burmah division to be so good as to obtain sanction to the dispatch of a wing of a native regiment to garrison Myitkyina during the absence of the military police; his honour's present proposal is that a whole battalion should be sent, one-half being mobilized and pushed forward to Seniku. This movement of regular troops into the Myitkyina district will doubtless impress the Chinese and render them less disposed to interfere. The Lieutenant-Governor has discussed the matter with the Inspector-General of Police and the Major-General commanding the division. His honour's present proposals have been framed not only with a view to ensure the safety of Mr. Hertz's party, but also to avoid hostilities by removing from the Chinese all temptation to attack. As the proposals are more likely to lead to a peaceful solution, his honour hopes that they may be approved. They will entail some alteration of the instructions which formed Enclosure 2 of my letter of the 10th May, 1910, and I am accordingly to submit a revised set of instructions for the approval of the Government of India. There is one other suggestion which has not yet been mentioned, and which was made to the Lieutenant-Governor by the Major-General commanding the division, namely that the military authorities should furnish a Maxim gun section of ten men, under a junior British officer, to accompany Mr. Hertz's escort. This arrangement seems to the Lieutenant-Governor to be highly desirable as an additional measure of precaution, and I am to recommend that the Government of India may be pleased to issue the necessary orders for its adoption.\n\n5. I am now to describe the arrangements proposed for the establishment of a military police post in the unadministered tract, so as to ensure the permanency of our occupation. The country is at present almost unknown, and the location of the post cannot therefore be definitely settled until after actual inspection. But it is probable that the post will be established at or near Atawgaw, and it will also be necessary to establish a small connecting post at Makawng. The Lieutenant-Governor proposes that Mr. Hertz should leave a civil officer, two British officers of military police, and 175 rifles to garrison the post at Atawgaw, and 50 rifles under a native officer to occupy the post at Makawng. If the Chinese do not interfere with Mr. Hertz's operations, these posts can be withdrawn at the commencement of the rains and sent out again in the following open season. Otherwise, it will probably be necessary to leave them out throughout the rains. In order to ensure a sufficient supply of ammunition, the Lieutenant-Governor has already asked for 500 rounds for each of the magazine rifles lent to the military police, in addition to the 400 rounds of ball ammunition already supplied, and his honour hopes that this request will be granted. The estimated cost of establishing posts at Htawgaw and Makawng, and the total estimated cost of Mr. Hertz's expedition are now being calculated, and will form the subject of a separate report.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n## Enclosure 2 in No. 1\n\n**W. F. RICE, Chief Secretary**\n\n### Instructions concerning the Tour to be made for the purpose of bringing under Administration the Unadministered Country East of the 'Nmaikha\n\nMR. HERTZ, Deputy Commissioner, Myitkyina, with Mr. Scott, Assistant Superintendent, as his assistant, will proceed with an escort of military police to visit the unadministered country east of the 'Nmaikha, including Pienma and villages within easy march of that village. Mr. Hertz will be in exclusive civil and political charge, and will decide all administrative questions on his own responsibility, subject to such references to the Commissioner as he may consider necessary.\n\n2. The object of the tour is to bring under direct administration the country between the 'Nmaikha and the watershed between that river and the Shweli and Salween as far as latitude 26° 15' or thereabouts, including the villages on both sides of and in the valley of the Ngaw Kha and its junction with the 'Nmaikha, to nullify the recent attempts by the chief of Teng Keng to establish his authority over villages in British territory, and to effect the removal from the tract in question of all traces of occupation on behalf of China.\n\nTo effect this, Mr. Hertz will visit as many villages as possible, issue appointment orders to headmen, settle any disputes which may be brought before him between villages in the aforementioned tract, levy a nominal tribute, the amount of which will be left to his discretion, but should not exceed 1 rupee per household, destroy any boundary pillars which may have been erected by the Chinese within that area, and generally collect all available information, and explain to the villagers that they will henceforth be under British rule, and that they are entitled to British protection and will pay tribute.\n\n3. The force will be furnished by the military police and will consist of—\n\n| Category | Strength |\n| --- | --- |\n| Escort | 475 rifles and 20 signallers |\n| Ration base | 100 rifles and 12 signallers |\n\nIt will start from Myitkyina as early as possible in November or December 1910.\n\n4. Major ffrench-Mullen will be in command of the escort; Captain Moule will be second in command; Captain Gilchrist will be in command of the rationing base, with Lieutenant Pickthall attached to it as assistant commandant. They also will be ...\n\nPage 338",
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    {
        "id": 434362,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-382 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "page_number": 363,
        "title": "CO129-382 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "# AFFAIRS OF CHINA\n## CONFIDENTIAL.\n\n[January 30.]\n\n### SECTION 1.\n\n#### No. 1.\n**Memorandum communicated to Mr. Lew Yuk Lin, January 30, 1911.**\n\n## Burmah-Yunnan Frontier\n\n**CONVENTIONS** were concluded in 1894 and 1897 between the British and Chinese Governments for the settlement of this question, and the frontier has been delimited in accordance with the provisions of these conventions with the exception of two sections: (a) the Namting-Nalawt section; and (b) the section north of Manang Pum, or the N'Maikha section.\n\nAs regards the latter, which forms the subject of the note of the 24th instant from the Chinese Minister, owing to the difficulties and delays on their part, the Chinese Government were informed in May 1906 that His Majesty's Government, in the absence of any evidence of effective Chinese administration west of the watershed between the Irrawaddy and the Shweli Rivers, intended to regard that watershed as the boundary of the two empires in the territory north of latitude 25° 35′ north, until the head waters of the Shweli were passed, and that from thence the frontier should follow the watershed between the Irrawaddy and Salween basins up to the confines of Thibet. His Majesty's Government further offered, on behalf of the Government of India, to compensate the native chiefs of Teng-Keng and Ming-Kwang for the customary presents and dues which they had been in the habit of receiving from certain villages on the western side of the proposed boundary. Failing the acceptance of these terms, the Government of Burmah were to be instructed to occupy and administer the country without further negotiations.\n\nNotwithstanding this intimation, the frontier claimed by His Majesty's Government has been violated by Chinese authorities on more than one occasion since 1906, and the recent action of the Teng-Keng chief in raiding a village to the west of the watershed has forced His Majesty's Government to the conclusion that the time has come to carry out the warning conveyed to the Chinese Government in 1906.\n\nThe present tour of a British civil officer with an escort for his personal protection has for its sole object to give effect to the decision intimated to the Chinese Government in 1906.\n\nIn these circumstances His Majesty's Minister at Peking has been instructed to reply to the representations of the Chinese Government to the following effect:\n\nThe country in question was jointly examined by Mr. Litton and Mr. Shih in 1905, and examination revealed nothing to modify the views which had previously been communicated by His Majesty's Government to the Chinese Government, and which were accordingly reaffirmed in Sir E. Satow's note of the 1st May, 1906. The Chinese Government having in four years found nothing more effective to propose than further examination of country already examined, His Majesty's Government have now acted on the intimation made in Sir E. Satow's note. An expedition has gone to Pienma, and the country up to the watershed is now being peaceably administered. It appears to His Majesty's Government to be for the Chinese Government to show cause why this should not be done, and His Majesty's Government are prepared to examine with them at Peking any evidence they may wish to produce in substantiation of claims to dues from particular villages west of the watershed.\n\nForeign Office, January 30, 1911.\n\nPage 361\n12 \n`[1850 gg-1]`",
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    {
        "id": 434436,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-382 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "page_number": 437,
        "title": "CO129-382 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "**CONFIDENTIAL**\n\n[4276]\n\nNo. 1.\n\n813435\n\n[February 6 14 MAR]\n\n## SECTION 2\n\n### Sir J. Jordan to Sir Edward Grey.-(Received February 6.)\n\n**(No. 27.)**\n\nPeking, January 17, 1911. WITH reference to my despatch No. 473 of the 29th December relative to the northern section of the Burmah-Yünnan frontier, I have the honour to transmit herewith the translation of a note which I have received from the Chinese Government, explaining that they have never accepted the line notified to them in Sir Ernest Satow's note of the 1st May, 1906, and that they cannot assent to a one-sided decision of the matter by His Majesty's Government. They state that if the Burmah troops proceed to the Nmai Kha watershed they will be crossing the frontier, and the Chinese Government can under no circumstances accept any responsibility for a collision. The Chinese text of the following sentence is somewhat ambiguous, but there can be little doubt that the line which they request may be provisionally observed is the course of the Hsiao Chiang where it flows northwards, in other words, the Nmai Kha-Hsiao Chiang watershed, which a glance at the map will show lies a long way to the west of Pien-ma and the Irrawaddy-Salween divide.\n\nThe note adds that, if it be desired to come to a general agreement as to the basis to be taken for the frontier line before proceeding to the appointment of officers for the purpose of delimitation, there can be no objection to that course, and that the Chinese Minister in London has been instructed to assist in negotiating an equitable settlement.\n\nI had the honour of telegraphing the above to you in substance on the 15th instant in my telegram No. 11.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nJ. N. JORDAN\n\n### Enclosure in No. 1.\n\n#### Prince Ching to Sir J. Jordan.\n\n**(Translation.)**\n\nPeking, January 14, 1911. I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's note of the 17th December last on the subject of the Burmah-Yunnan frontier, in which it was stated that so long as the Chinese Government refuse to discuss any settlement of the frontier on the basis of the boundary as notified in Sir E. Satow's note of the 1st May, 1906, His Majesty's Government would not be able to consider any question of joint delimitation.\n\nThe Chinese Government have never expressed their agreement with the basis referred to, as the correspondence shows, and if it is proposed to come to a one-sided decision in the matter China cannot but refuse to consent to such a course, which seemed an improper one for His Majesty's Government to take.\n\nYour Excellency's note above referred to further states that there is no intention to dispatch troops to cross the declared frontier on the watershed.\n\nThe watershed frontier declared in Sir Ernest Satow's note of 1906 includes too wide an area, and the country it embraces is all under the rule of Chinese native chieftains. If the Burmah troops proceed to the Ngmaika River watershed they will be crossing the frontier, and should a collision occur in consequence the Chinese Government can under no circumstances accept responsibility.\n\nUntil the frontier question has been definitely decided, we must request His Majesty's Government to give strict orders to the frontier officials to still adhere to the northern course of the Hsiao Chiang as the frontier at present observed, and on no account to cross it in order to avoid any untoward occurrence and preserve the good relations between our two countries.\n\n[1909 ƒ-2]",
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    },
    {
        "id": 434551,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-382 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "page_number": 552,
        "title": "CO129-382 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "# AFFAIRS OF CHINA\n## CONFIDENTIAL\n\nCO [March 6.]\n\n### (No. 69.) Sir,\n\n#### No. 1.\n**Sir J. Jordan to Sir Edward Grey.**~(Received March 6.)\n\nPeking, February 15, 1911.\n\nI HAVE the honour to transmit herewith the translation of a note in which the Wai-wu Pu reply to the contents of the communication addressed to them on the 30th January, copy of which was enclosed in my despatch No. 44 of the 31st January. The Chinese Government maintain their attitude of protest against the Burmah expedition, and adduce arguments in support of their claim to territory which the adoption of the Irrawaddy-Salween watershed as the frontier would place under British dominion.\n\nI telegraphed the full contents of this note to you yesterday in my telegram No. 39.\n\n### Enclosure in No. 1.\n\nI have, &c.\n**J. N. JORDAN.**\n\n#### Sir,\n**Prince Ching to Sir J. Jordan,**\n\nPeking, February 13, 1911.\n\nI HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's note of the 30th ultimo on the subject of the Burmah-Yunnan frontier.\n\n[Quotes note of the 30th January from \"The Chinese Government having\" to \"the Ngawchaung line.\"]\n\nI would observe that the question of this frontier has been in a state of confusion for many years; both sides have maintained a different line as the boundary, and the map of the frontier made by Shih Taotai and Consul Litton certainly cannot be taken as proof of an agreement on this point. Moreover, the watershed indicated by Sir Ernest Satow was merely an ex parte pronouncement by one side, and never received the assent of the Chinese Government. Seeing then that the boundary line had not been clearly marked out, there was no other means of arriving at a definite conclusion except by appointing officers to make a fresh delimitation, and my Board repeatedly asked that this should be done. The action of His Majesty's Government, on the other hand, in dispatching troops to Pien-ma without waiting for a joint delimitation and administering the country through British officers is certainly not in keeping with amicable relations between our two countries.\n\nAs regards the Pien-ma native villages being subject to the Teng Keng chieftain, Consul Litton's original proposal for a lease in perpetuity on the precedent of the Meng Mao triangle was in itself a clear recognition of Chinese overlordship; moreover, there are records from the Tao Kuang period of the payment of taxes and duties, and to this day those tribes when they go to law bring their plaints to the district magistrate of Pao Shan.\n\nAgain, Sir Ernest Satow and your Excellency have repeatedly stated in your notes that His Majesty's Government were willing to pay compensation in lieu of the presents and dues hitherto received from the native headmen by Teng Keng, which is a further undoubted admission that these native villages are subject to China.\n\nMoreover, the villages of Tzu Chu and Hpare have from of old been ruled by the two Fuyi, Yang and Tso, of Ming Kwang, and the certificates of hereditary rank issued to them by the Board of War in the Tao Kuang period still exist.\n\nThe above constitute the most conclusive arguments and the clearest proof, as His Majesty's Government must themselves fully appreciate.\n\nPage 550",
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    {
        "id": 434675,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "page_number": 89,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "# AFFAIRS OF CHINA\n## CONFIDENTIAL\n\n[6654]\n\n## SECTION 4\n\n### No. 1\nIndia Office to Foreign Office.~(Received February 22.)\n\nTHE Under-Secretary of State for India presents his compliments to the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and, by direction of the Earl of Crewe, forwards herewith, for the information of the Secretary of State, copy of a telegram from Viceroy, dated the 21st February, 1911, relative to Pien-ma.\n\nIndia Office, February 22, 1911.\n\n### Enclosure in No. 1\n**Government of India to the Earl of Crewe.**\n\n(Telegraphic.) P.\n\nPIEN-MAW expedition (see your telegram of yesterday). We repeated to you on the 14th instant the telegram dated the 11th February from consul at Tengyueh. The following is the telegram from the consul, dated the 14th and not the 11th February, to which we intended to refer. It was repeated to Peking :-\n\n\"Please refer to my telegram dated the 11th instant. Taotai informs me that his agreement has been unreservedly accepted by the Viceroy, and that an earnest desire for a speedy and amicable settlement of whole question of frontier has been expressed by the latter. Immediate steps have been taken by Taotai for the loyal execution of his obligations here. This attitude appears significant after persistent hostility of past year. We are in an unusually strong position, and the opinion is respectfully submitted that a favourable opportunity for pressing for a final settlement of entire frontier line has occurred. Following points, which appear most important from local point of view, are presented for your consideration: That Chinese request for joint inspection and addition of the Chinese inscriptions to boundary pillars should be agreed to, subject to the following conditions: \n| Condition | Description |\n| --- | --- |\n| (1) | Chinese Government first to accept the entire Burmah-Yunnan frontier line, including section north of Manang Pum following watershed between Irrawaddy and Salween as far as latitude 28° approximately, and section east of Wa country, generally known as Scott's line; |\n| (2) | draft agreement attached to Litton's report of the 20th May, 1905, to be signed by Chinese; |\n| (3) | China to appoint competent survey officers, or to agree to accept British officers' evidence as conclusive; |\n| (4) | party, as it proceeds along unmarked sections, to erect pillars; |\n| (5) | immediate recall to office of Shih Hung Chao; |\n| (6) | release of Li San Pao; |\n| (7) | His Majesty's Government to agree to the cession to China of such territory, if any, west of Scott's line as Chinese may, since the Boundary Commission, have brought under effective administration.\" \n\n[1909 y-4]",
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    },
    {
        "id": 434688,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "page_number": 102,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "# AFFAIRS OF CHINA\n## CONFIDENTIAL\n\n13346 [March 20]\n\n### SECTION 220 RT: 100 [10110]\n\n**(No. 81.) Sir,**\n\n**No. 1.**\n\nSir J. Jordan to Sir Edward Grey.-(Received March 20.)\n\nPeking, February 23, 1911.\n\nI HAVE the honour to transmit herewith copies of a report which has been drawn up by the military attaché to His Majesty's Legation, discussing, from a military point of view, the situation which has arisen on the Burmah-Yünnan frontier in consequence of the British expedition to Pien-ma.\n\nIt seems likely that the frontier question will eventually end in a settlement without a conflict taking place between the armed forces on the two sides, but should this hope be disappointed, it may be useful to the Burmah Government to be in possession of Lieutenant-Colonel Willoughby's views as to the military strength which the Chinese Government might be able to put in the field.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nJ. N. JORDAN.\n\n### Enclosure in No. 1.\n\n**(Confidential.) Report by Lieutenant-Colonel Willoughby.**\n\nPeking, February 13, 1911.\n\nTHE news received yesterday from India of the reoccupation of Pien-ma by a Chinese force, though unwelcome, cannot be considered as a surprise, in view of recent intelligence from Tengyueh concerning the movement of Chinese troops and in view also of the unyielding attitude of the Chinese Government, from the beginning, with regard to the question of the ownership of the territory in dispute. According to their view, the boundary lies to the west of Pien-ma.\n\nThe decision of His Majesty's Government (after the joint investigation of the frontier by the late Mr. Litton, His Majesty's consul at Tengyueh, and Taotai Shih Hung-chao in 1905), to consider the Nmai-kha-Shweli and Nmai-kha-Salween watersheds as the boundary line, was communicated to the Chinese Government by Sir E. Satow in May 1906. No steps, however, to carry that decision into effect appear to have been necessitated until the Tengkeng \"fu-yi\" (chief) raided Pien-ma in October 1909, to enforce his tribute claims which the Lashi tribesmen of the Pien-ma district had latterly been neglecting. This action brought the matter to a head and made it imperative for the Government of Burmah to take steps to give effect to the British claim to the region (failure to do which would have implied acquiescence in the validity of the Chinese ownership). It was hoped that the administrative expedition under Mr. Hertz would meet with no opposition, and that the Chinese would accept the accomplished fact.\n\nIn October 1910, when my opinion as to the likelihood of modern Chinese troops being moved to the frontier was asked, I could only reply that I was unaware of any intention on the part of China, at that time, to make such movements; and that, in fact, troops were on the other hand being moved away northwards from West Yünnan in connection with the mutiny of Szechuanese troops at Hsiang Cheng, and the occupation by them of Chung Tien. At the same time, I pointed out the strength and distribution of the regular troops in the province of Yunnan, and the distances from Yunnan-fu and Tali-fu to the frontier.\n\nThe careful and detailed report by Captain B. E. Pritchard, commandant of the Lashio battalion of Burmah Military Police, on the troops in Yunnan (since received), gives a favourable estimate of the value of these troops, but it should be added that Major Pereira (my predecessor, who is now travelling in China), who also saw them recently, rates them as 'decidedly inferior' to the regulars of the divisions of North China-Hupei or Szechuan. It may not be out of place to mention here that in a letter I received two days ago from Major Pereira, dated Taiping Pu (near Tali), the 23rd December, 1910, he says: \"General Tsʻui impresses me as one of the best officers...",
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        "page_number": 105,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "**CONFIDENTIAL**\n\n## No. 85. Sir J. Jordan to Sir Edward Grey\n\nPeking, February 24, 1911.\n\nON the 14th instant you were good enough to instruct me by telegram to open negotiations with the Chinese Government with a view to arriving at a general agreement for determining the line of frontier where it has not yet been delimited on the borders of Burmah and Yünnan, from 25° 35′ to its northern extremity.\n\nI accordingly called by appointment on the grand councillor, Na Tung, on the 18th instant, and after mentioning the case of Li San-kuei, which forms the subject of my immediately preceding despatch, I went on to say that this incident was typical of the continual friction occurring owing to the absence of a definite boundary line. There was only one possible line, and that was the natural boundary formed by the Irrawaddy-Salween divide. The Chinese proposal for the Hsiao-Chiang line was unacceptable, not only because it included territory never administered by China, but because it was only a small stream, and the villages in many cases owned property on both banks. The whole question had been carefully gone into by Mr. Litton and Taotai Shih in 1905, but the only action taken by the Chinese Government on this had been to degrade Shih. His Majesty's Government had therefore been driven to send an expedition to Pien-ma and administer the country up to the watershed. They were however now, as at all times, prepared to examine any Chinese claims to dues from particular villages west of the divide, with a view to compensation by exchange of territories or otherwise.\n\nHis Excellency replied that the dispatch of British troops to Pien-ma and the neighbourhood had aroused great excitement and feeling among the populace in Yunnan, and the Viceroy had continually urged the board to secure their withdrawal. The Chinese Government were quite willing to negotiate for a joint delimitation of the frontier, but the troops ought to be first withdrawn.\n\nI pointed out that to attempt delimitation without first agreeing on a basis for the frontier was merely waste of time. If the Chinese Government would agree to a basis for the frontier on the understanding that Chinese claims to dues from land included would be subject to examination and, if necessary, to compensation, I should be willing to move His Majesty's Government to withdraw the expeditionary force before the actual delimitation began.\n\nOn Na Tung objecting that China would have the appearance of being forced into accepting a frontier, I reminded his Excellency of the Wai-wu Pu's note of the 14th January, in which they had expressed their willingness to agree to a basis before delimitation. If China would accept the principle of the watershed up to its northern extremity all possibility of future friction would be removed. Demarcation could follow under the conditions I had mentioned, and there could then be no suggestion that China was acting under compulsion.\n\nThe grand councillor again urged that the troops should retire, but I said that such a step could not possibly be considered until a basis for the frontier had been accepted, and I added that it was unfortunate that the board's knowledge of the geography of those parts was imperfect, and that they disregarded the reports of the men on the spot in favour of ancient documents, which had no more meaning at the present day than had formerly the title of \"King of France\" so long retained by the Kings of England. The arguments in support of the watershed frontier were convincingly set forth in Mr. Litton's despatch to Taotai Shih of the 20th May, 1905, which I commended to his Excellency's attention.\n\nNa Tung finally said that he would consider the proposal and return an answer in due course.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nJ. N. JORDAN.\n\nPage 103\n## AFFAIRS OF CHINA\n\n### SECTION 4\n\nNo. 1.\n\nMarch 20.\n\nReceived March 20.",
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        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "# AFFAIRS OF CHINA\n## CONFIDENTIAL\n\nNo. 1.\n\nMarch 28, 1911\n\n### SECTION 1\n\nIndia Office to Foreign Office,~(Received March 28.)\n\nTHE Under-Secretary of State for India presents his compliments to the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and, by direction of Viscount Morley, forwards herewith, for the information of the Secretary of State, copy of a telegram from the Viceroy, dated the 23rd March, 1911, relative to an attack on Pawngseng, in the Northern Shan States, by Kachins, from Chinese territory.\n\nIndia Office, March 27, 1911.\n\n#### Enclosure in No. 1\n\n(Telegraphic.) P.\n\nGovernment of India to Viscount Morley,\n\nPLEASE refer to our telegram dated the 19th instant. The Burmah Government telegraphed on the 22nd instant as follows:---\n\nMarch 23, 1911. \"Survey sheet No. 23, S.E., north-eastern frontier series, shows positions of Pawnseng, or Hpawnghseng, and Powang, or Pawan. Hpawnghseng is the principal village in the Fowang circle, which is a circle on the river Salween. The places are situated in about latitude 24° 5'.\"\n\n(Repeated to Peking.)\n\nPage 158 \nThis Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.\n14353 \n[11332]",
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    {
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "page_number": 163,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "# AFFAIRS OF CHINA\n## CONFIDENTIAL\n\nNo. 1.\n\nSir J. Jordan to Sir Edward Grey,--(Received April 3.)\n\n**(No. 117.)**\nSir,\n\nPeking, March 14, 1911.\n\nI HAVE the honour to transmit herewith the translation of the note from the Chinese Government, the substance of which I communicated to you in my telegram No. 73 of the 12th instant, in which they reject the proposal to recognise the Irrawaddy-Salween watershed as the general line of the undelimited frontier between Burmah and Yünnan.\n\nIn my above-mentioned telegram, I have already offered my observations on the alternative proposals now put forward by the Chinese Government.\n\nI have, &c.\n\nJ. N. JORDAN.\n\n### Enclosure in No. 1.\n\nWai-wu Pu to Sir J. Jordan.\n\nSir,\n\nMarch 11, 1911.\n\nAT an interview on the 18th ultimo on the subject of the Burmah-Yunnan frontier, your Excellency stated that the watershed was really the natural frontier line, and that if China would accept this as a basis for a frontier, then the withdrawal of the troops could be considered, after which officials could be sent to delimitate. You further stated that England was quite prepared to consider the payment of compensation for the properties within the jurisdiction of native chieftains to the west of the watershed, or to grant an equivalent in other portions of the frontier.\n\nIn previous communications, my Board has already explained our reasons for insisting that His Majesty's Government should withdraw its troops and the proofs on which we base our claim that the native villages in that district are under Chinese jurisdiction, and we need not repeat them.\n\nYour Excellency's present proposal is no doubt prompted by the idea of mutual concession, but the Chinese Government, as a result of their investigations in the district in question, consider that the Kao Liang Kung range is really the natural frontier; all the native chieftainates which it comprises have always been under Chinese jurisdiction, and so in accordance with law and justice, they should remain in the area subject to China, and this will avoid the necessity for giving territorial compensation elsewhere, which could not but give rise to most serious difficulties.\n\nIn the view of the Chinese Government, therefore, any reference to a watershed must, without the slightest doubt, mean the Kao Liang Kung range. But if His Majesty's Government insist on their view, the only way of finding a way to reconcile our conflicting views or an alternative means of avoiding injury to both countries is for both Governments to appoint special officers to investigate and decide on a basis for a frontier. In view of the present action of His Majesty's Government in stationing troops of their own accord in territory which China has not yet agreed to cede, even if the Chinese Government were willing to make an exceptional compromise, in accordance with strict justice, it would be extremely difficult to do so.\n\nI must therefore continue to insist that His Majesty's Government should consent to the withdrawal of the troops and to the appointment by each country of high officials to proceed to examine carefully on the spot the contentions of both sides, and draw up a report on which the two Governments can decide on a basis for the frontier, which it is hoped will satisfy both countries.\n\nThe unexplored country to the north could also be examined at the same time in order to provide material for a future delimitation.\n\nThe above would provide a satisfactory way of settling this boundary question.",
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        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "## Enclosure 5 in No. 1.\n\n**Note by the Military Attaché, Peking, dated March 7, 1911, on Despatch No. 7, dated January 31, 1911, from His Britannic Majesty's Consul-General, Yünnan-fu, forwarding a Despatch (regarding the line of the frontier) from the Administrator of the Bureau of Foreign Affairs, Yünnan-fu.**\n\nThe little map showing the line claimed by China (which accompanies Mr. O'Brien-Butler's despatch), the outcome of his investigation of maps with Mr. Hsia, shows the line, in the main, as claimed by the Wai-wu Pu, except that it concedes as British territory the whole of the basin of the Chipway Kha, whereas the line claimed in Prince Ch'ing's despatch of the 30th August, 1906, as well as the line proposed by Taotai Shih crossed that river instead of skirting its basin. The several lines proposed are shown on the sketch map which I attach to this note.\n\nIt must be noted that the map now sent by the consul-general was made by him, and is not signed or in any way vouched for by Mr. Hsia.\n\n## Enclosure 6 in No. 1.\n\n**Memorandum by Lieutenant-Colonel Willoughby.**\n\nA point worthy of note is that the maps produced by Mr. Hsia were the War Office map of Yunnan of 1906 (compiled by Major Davies) as well as a Chinese map; from which it is evident that the Yunnan authorities were well aware of Pienma being within the boundary claimed by Great Britain.\n\nAnother point, however (and perhaps a somewhat unfortunate one), is that the War Office map in question shows (and I think fairly and with reason) a very considerable stretch of the Irrawaddy basin, further north, viz., some 55 miles of the head waters of the N'mai Kha itself (latitude from about 27° 38′ to 28° 23′ north) in the neighbourhood of Chamutong, as well as the sources of the Meh Kha, its eastern large affluent, in the Chiutzu country (Khanung), as being within Yunnan, i.e., on the Yunnan side of the as yet undelimited frontier (marked only by a dotted line). I think it will be found that the Chinese claims to this Chiutzu region will, later on, when the question comes up for discussion, be found to be at least as strong as those put forward with regard to Pienma. In this connection, I would draw attention to the report of M. Gaston Péronne, mentioned in consul Rose's despatch No. 15, dated Tengyueh the 11th May, 1910. M. Péronne's head-quarters had been for the past year at Atuntzu, \"which is now the centre of activity for the Chinese along the north section of the Yunnan border.\" One of His Excellency Chao Erh Feng's agents was then at Atuntzu on special duty; said to be a man of considerable intelligence and activity and believed to be pioneering the proposed \"Third Province\" (comprising parts of Szechuan, Yunnan and Thibet) in an endeavour to include territory as far south as the Atuntzu district, which would strengthen the hold of the Chinese on the tribal lands dividing China from the sphere of British administrative control.\n\nHe went with a considerable escort into the \"inner country\" in the autumn of 1909 and remained three months. \"There seems little doubt that he penetrated at least as far as the Hkamti Shans.\" Since his return, he had been busy making the Atuntzu-Chamutong road, and there were many evidences of the intention of the Chinese to push forward their influence in these regions, which until the last few years were entirely beyond their control. They were sparing no pains to restrict lama influence: establishing schools at the larger centres, and insisting on a regular return of presents from the tribespeople, who include \"black Lisu,\" Lutzu and Chiutzu, in addition to the Thibetan groups. From other sources Mr. Rose learnt that deputies sent out by the sub-prefect of Wei Hsi crossed to the Chiutzu country on the west bank of the Salween and collected tribute during the autumn of 1909; also that two companies of Likiang troops were under orders for the Wei Hsi district (one to be stationed on the Salween and one at Atuntzu).\n\nIt is satisfactory to know that Mr. Barnard's expedition to Hkamti (at the head-waters of the Mali Kha) started from Kamaing on the 10th December, to confer a \"sanad\" (patent of rulership) on the present Sawbwa of that State. Here, at any rate, we are on quite firm ground, as there is ample documentary evidence in support of British suzerainty over Hkamti. As far back as 1892, the then chief was in possession of a document from the deputy commissioner of Bhamo acknowledging his right to the protection of the British Government, and proclaiming his territory to be part of the district controlled by the deputy commissioner of Bhamo.\n\nA point of considerable importance in connection with the question of the upper waters of the Irrawaddy is brought out by a journey made by Mr. E. C. Young from Yünnan through Pienma and Hkamti to Assam in the winter of 1905-6 (vide \"Geographical Journal\" for August 1907). According to his diagrams, the volume of the N'mai Kha considerably exceeds that of the Salween, in about the same latitude, and both are much bigger than the Mali Kha. The measurements are so remarkable that they leave room for doubt as to the sources of the N'mai Kha being within such reasonable distance as to admit of our claiming the whole of the head-waters of the Irrawaddy basin as being in Burmah, and so in British territory. Unfortunately, our knowledge of the geography of the upper waters of the N'mai Kha is very limited, but, at any rate, it would seem to be impossible that its source can be north of a point somewhere in the latitude of Mekong, as the Indian explorer Krishna (A. K.), in crossing to Rima from the Salween, not far north of Mekong, seems to have found no other large stream in his path, but \"proceeded up a small affluent of the Salween, over a 'divide by the Ti La pass (16,100'), and finally down an affluent of the Zayul or Lohit till he reached Rima without much difficulty. We thus possess certain information that between the head of the Assam valley and the Salween, there is but one pass.\"-(Sir Thomas Holdich's \"Thibet the Mysterious,\" p. 213.) No such doubt exists with regard to the head-waters of the Mali Kha, the high snowy barrier of the Nam Kiu mountains, which separates them from the Lohit basin, precluding any possibility of any of them taking their rise farther north. This snowy range seems obviously indicated as the boundary line between Upper Burmah and Thibet along the north of the Hkamti State.\n\nTo revert to the question of the delimitation of the boundary from the southern end of the undelimited portion: I anticipate the most strenuous resistance on the part of the Wai-wu Pu to admitting the Irrawaddy-Salween divide as the boundary northward--at any rate, of the southern confines of the Chiutzu country, about latitude 27° 35' north (for the reasons I have given above, and other reasons set forth below); and it is possible that they may even be able to put forward reasonable claims (that we as yet know nothing of) to some measure of control over portions of the intervening Mara country between the Khanung and Pienma.\n\nThe eastern branch of the head-waters of the N'mai Kha (the Chiu-chiang) appears, as I have mentioned above, to rise in the Tsarong district of Thibet, somewhere near Mekong (on the Salween, in latitude 28° 35′ north), and for three marches up-river from Tulong, the inhabitants of the valley (Chiutzu) pay tribute to the Yei-chih \"mokua\" (in the Wei Hsi sub-prefecture of Yunnan), and northward of that point, they are tributary to Tsarong (Thibet). (See \"From Tonkin to India,\" by Prince Henri d'Orleans, pp. 413, 414.)\n\nI think, therefore, it must be recognised that we may be unable to claim the whole of the waters of the Irrawaddy basin--in fact, that it may be necessary to recognise the \"southern confines of Thibet (mentioned in Sir F. Satow's despatch of the 1st May, 1906, to the Wai-wu Pu) as being somewhere about the latitude of Chamutong, i.e., approximately latitude 28 north (so far as the head-waters of the N'mai Kha are concerned). Furthermore, as below that point proceeding down-river to at least the Chiu Chiang Telo confluence, the inhabitants are tributary to Yei-chih and Wei-Hsi; at Tulong, in 1895, Prince Henri d'Orleans found a deputy from the Wei-Hsi sub-prefect), it would seem, perhaps, the simplest plan to consider that point, viz., the confluence, as a suitable point of departure of the frontier line west-wards from the river N'mai Kha.\n\nDuma on the Reun-nam (which is apparently the most easterly affluent of the Mali Kha) also appears from Prince Henri's narrative to be tributary to a Lisu chieftain subject to Yunnan, but this claim, at this rate, ought, I think, to be contested or compounded for by a payment or some compensation elsewhere. The Reun-nam (affluent of the Mali Kha (?)) is separated from the Telo (affluent of the N'mai Kha) by a very few miles only, and by a single mountain ridge, and it is along this ridge that a suitable frontier line might perhaps be found. From the top of this ridge, Prince Henri remarks \"in the west, a high white range running north-east and south-west was identified by us as the alps of Zayul, on the other side of which lies the basin of the upper Brahmaputra in Thibet. This high white range,\" the Nan Kiu mountains is not more than about 50 miles distant, in a straight line, from the Chiu chiang (N'mai Kha)-Telo confluence.\n\nPage 5\nPage 164",
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        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "## The Unadministered Tribal Country Between Burmah, Assam, Thibet, and Yunnan\n\nThe unadministered tribal country lying between Burmah, Assam, Thibet, and Yunnan covers an area of some 15,000 or more square miles of jungle-clad and mountainous territory, imperfectly known and peopled sparsely by some of the most primitive savages to be found, at the present day, anywhere on the face of the globe. Up till recently, lack of enterprise on the part of our eastern neighbour has left this region to its primitive seclusion and barbarism, and it has formed, as it were, an impenetrable buffer state for Burmah.\n\nThe new era of energy and activity on her frontiers that has started of late in China, however, makes the question of a defined frontier line between the British dominions and those of the Chinese Empire a matter of ever-increasing urgency, and delay in setting about it will not tend to make the solution easier.\n\nThe matter seems to resolve itself into a question of whether the expediency of a well-defined geographical and ethnographical boundary and consideration of the eventual welfare of the populations of the region are sufficient to justify Great Britain in resorting to force to obtain the best line possible, and the easiest to define, namely, the watersheds bounding the whole of the waters of the Irrawaddy basin, in face of certain definite evidences of Chinese control or suzerainty over portions of the territories enclosed therein (notably the part at present in dispute, near Pienma, and that which certainly will be claimed later, viz., the Chiutzu country, astride the upper waters of the N'mai Kha). A point to be recognised is that if we do insist on this best possible line, we must be prepared to make good our claim to it, either by actual administration or well-defined suzerainty, involving recognition of responsibility for the good behaviour of the wild Kachins, Maru, and Lutzu, etc., situated within it. If the game is not considered worth the candle, then it is for consideration what definite points should form a basis for negotiation before actually embarking on delimitation of some other frontier-line. I think our geographical knowledge is sufficient to warrant, at any rate, the following demands:\n\n1. That the whole of the head-waters of the Mali Kha right up to the Nam Kiu mountains must be considered as British territory. (Consequent on this, an agreement would have to be arrived at as to the point in the Lohit valley, on the other side of those Nam Kiu Mountains, where British territory ends and Chinese begins, and I think it might be taken that Sati - latitude 28° 1′ 3′′ north, and longitude 96° 54′ 2′′ east - is British and Walung, a few miles further up-stream is Thibetan, and that the frontier-line should cross the river at some convenient point, to be mutually agreed on, by boundary commissioners on the spot, between those two places. As regards this part of the border, vide *Geographical Journal* of October 1909, p. 373).\n\n2. That, unless China can adduce proof to the contrary, the Maru country, between the Lashi territory of Pienma and the Chiutzu country on the Upper N'mai Kha at its great westerly bend, west of Yei-chih (on the Mekong in latitude 27° 41′ north) must be reckoned as in British territory.\n\n3. That in default of any satisfactory proof of Chinese control on the north bank of the Hsiao Chiang (it will be remembered that Taotai Shih admitted to Mr. Litton, in 1905, that the tribesmen beyond, i.e., on the right bank of, this stream were \"beyond the pale of civilised government\"), the Chinese claim to territory on that bank cannot be admitted. Should it, however, be considered desirable to admit the Chinese claim to the actual Pienma group of villages, under the Teng-keng \"fu-yu,\" the joint examination by Messrs. Litton and Shih in 1905, justify us, at any rate, I think, in refusing to acknowledge the hold of the Minkuang \"fu-yu\" over the valley of the Kansheng Kha. A compromise might, therefore, be made by drawing the line of demarcation between the Pienma group and the Kausheng Kha valley and the geographical features appear to lend themselves fairly well to such a division.\n\nThe modified frontier line might then run roughly as follows:\n\nFrom Manung Pum (present northern-most point of the demarcated line) along the Irrawaddy-Shweli divide to the peak marked 12,800′ (6 miles east of Lagwi, on the War Office map of 1906); thence down the spur shown as running nearly due north to the westerly bend of the Hsiao Chiang; across latter and north-west up spur to the peak marked 13,600′; and thence along the crest of the watershed enclosing the head-waters of the Hsiao Chiang till the main Irrawaddy-Salween divide is reached; then northward along that divide to the point where the Chinese-controlled Chintzu country begins, and perhaps the most convenient line of demarcation from this point would be the crest of the spur which forms the great westerly loop of the N'mai Kha (in latitude 27° 40′); the frontier line crossing the...",
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        "content_text": "# SKETCH MAP \nto show \n## SUGGESTED LINES OF DEMARCATION \nof the \n### BURMA-CHINA BORDER.\n\nT IBET \n28°N \n\nBrahmakund \nLobit R \n15220' \nSati \nWalung \nRima \nShirong \n“Nam Kiu“ Mts \n2 \nDaphapan \nR.. \nDapha Bum \n-227° \n26 \nDihing R. \nHukong Valley \nManse \nH \na \nx \nPatau \nTalo R \n. Intaw \n.Kachala \n98 \n\nam Kiu or Malihka \n+ \nChiama Ngu Chu \nSor Salween R, \n-Chin Chiang \nU t.z \nkhanung \nNmai Hka \nButang \nNakalo \nDa Chu or Mekong R. \n\nDOKERLA \nChamutong \nMeh Hka \n1360 \nTowgaw \n12800 \nMakuan \n-25 \n\n| Description | Line |\n| --- | --- |\n| Frontier line already demarcated. | va vam van man van. |\n| Ideal line onwards (taking in all the upper basin of the Irrawady). |  |\n| This is the line laid down by Sir E. Satow. \"As far as the confines of Tibet\" |  |\n| Suggested modified line. | Ditto. |\n| Line claimed by Wai Wu Pa | RL 'LT FROM |\n| Line suggested by Tavtai Shih. in 1905. |  |\n| Line said to be now claimed by Mr. Hsia. | (Foreign Affairs Bureau, Yünnanfu.) |\n| Limit of British “administered territory,\" |  |\n\nIRRAWA \nTAPINGA \nKa \n*Laika \nMYITKYINA \nSima \nManyun. \nTaping \nSadon \nn \nNai \nKha \nWanghte \nManung Pum \nChan-baity \nΚαι \nMe Sih Ho \nMien Chin Meng Peng \nTENG YUEK Ting \nMONG HUM \nMONG YANG \n(100.4111.1380)F0.1974 63 China \n\nOBHAMO \nAtuntzu \nnma) \nTêng \nKAO LI \nLu Chiang or Salweed R. \nh \nu \na \nYangtse \nYei Chih \nWEI-HSI-TING \n\n# \nn \n100° \n165 \nN \nYangtse R \nN \nCHIEN CHUAN CHOU \n\nப \n29 \n\n28 \n27 \nLI-CHIANG \nล \nHO CHING CHOU \n虫 \n269 \nTeng Chuan u \nYUN LUNG CHOU \nTALIFU l \nKai t'ou \nK \n20 \nScale of miles. \nHKWAN \nLung Chuan \nChế tạng \nMONG \nMeng-ka \nNASANJA & Dand, 1,19 as MAPPING LAYEW,C \n\nen R \nLung-Ling-Ting, \nYUNG-CHANG FU \nm \n• Yao Kuan \nYu-tien \nHAI \nHsia kuan \nChao Chou \nTameng-tung SHUN NING FU \nEYUN CHOU \n\n(Signed) **M. E. Willoughby, Lt.-Colonel, Military Attaché, Peking- 8th March, 1911.** \n25",
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        "page_number": 169,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "## \n\n7 \n\nN'mai Kha at its confluence with the Telo, and thence westerly to the crest of the \"divide\" between the Nimai Kha and Mali Kha basins, and up along that water parting till the main ridge of the Nam Kiu mountains are reached; then south-west along the summit of that range and down any convenient northerly spur of it to the Lohit-Brahmaputra in the neighbourhood of Sati.\n\nOwing to the wildness of the country and the people it cannot be denied that the demarcation of the line between the N'mai Kha-Telo confluence, and the crest of the Nam Kiu mountains would present considerable difficulty, but the distance, in an air line, is only some 50 miles and heliographic communication should be a fairly simple matter. The whole length of frontier line to be demarcated would, on the above basis, be about 300 miles, and it would, perhaps, be convenient to divide it into two sections, the southern from Manung Pum to the N'mai Kha-Telo confluence, and the northern from the Lohit Valley to the same point. On the southern section, all along the great Irrawaddy-Salween divide, very few boundary marks would be necessary owing to the naturally impassable character of the range. (see *\"Geographical Journal,\"* September 1908, pp. 257, 258). A pillar at each of the rare passes would suffice.\n\nSeeing that the Pienma region is the point where China is, for the moment particularly concerned, in the matter of \"saving face,\" it is possible that by conceding to her the whole of the basin of the Hsiao Chiang as far down as its junction with the Khetmaw-kha and making the boundary run up the spur opposite the mouth of that stream to the peak before-mentioned marked 13,600 (west of Kangfang) and thence, as above described, to the main Irrawaddy-Salween divide, &c., and possibly also some territorial compensation in the \"wild Wa\" country south of the Nam-ting she might be induced to do \"a deal\" as regards the Chiutzu country and agree to the whole of the head-waters of the Irrawaddy being included in British territory. This would, perhaps, be the fairest and most satisfactory solution if it could be arranged, and would greatly facilitate the work of demarcation. The slight concession of territory on the right bank of the Hsiao Chiang would, in point of fact, provide us with a better frontier than the valley line up the course of the stream, suggested by Taotai Shih.\n\nI attach a cutting from the *\"Peking and Tien-tsin Times,\"* of the 6th March, 1911, containing an article by Mr. E. C. Young (above mentioned) which makes out a fairly good case for Great Britain, even as regards the actual Pienma valley.\n\nI attach also a tracing of a part of the War Office map of Yunnan, of 1906, wherein I have added the Lohit valley, so as to show the whole border-land between Manung Pum and the point where British administered territory in Assam begins (viz., at Brahmakund on the Lohit). On this map I have shown the frontier-line as far as at present demarcated, the various proposed Chinese lines a short distance beyond that point, and the lines I have suggested in the foregoing note to mark the boundary right up to the borders of Assam.\n\nI would also draw attention to the following works which throw light on the subject under consideration, viz.:\n\n*\"Tonquin to India,\"* by Prince Henri d'Orléans, pp. 245, 269, 271, 273, 294, 319, 337, 396, 397, 398.\n*\"Thibet, the Mysterious,\"* by Sir Thomas Holdich, pp. 30, 211, 213, &c.\nThe *\"Geographical Journals,\"* of August 1907, p. 152; September 1908, p. 239; October 1909, p. 363; December 1909, p. 608.\n\nIn conclusion, to revert to the particular point on which this note was based, the reference by Mr. Hsia (the administrator of the Foreign Affairs Bureau at Yunnan-fu) to Sir E. Satow's despatch of the 30th January, 1904, is not, in point of fact, worthy of much consideration seeing that the conditions laid down in that despatch related to a state of things prior to a further joint examination of the frontier. That examination was carried out in 1905 and, consequent thereon, Sir E. Satow wrote a subsequent despatch (1st May, 1906), defining more clearly the line that Great Britain had decided to consider as the frontier, viz., the Irrawaddy-Shweli watershed to its junction with the main Irrawaddy-Salween watershed, and the latter thence northwards up to the confines of Thibet.\n\n*Not printed.\n\nM. E. WILLOUGHBY, \nMilitary Attaché, Peking.\n\n166",
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        "id": 434782,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "page_number": 196,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "# [This Document is the Property of His Britannic Majesty's Government.]\n\n**OPIUM, 14357**\n\n[April 10.] 193\n\n**CONFIDENTIAL.**\n\n[13304] REC DROP & SECTION 3. No. 1.\n\n(No. 2.\n\nSir,\n\n**Acting Consul Rose to Sir Edward Grey.-(Received April 10.) Confidential.)**\n\nTengyuch via Bhama, Upper Burmah, March 9, 1911.\n\nI HAVE the honour to enclose a report on the opium crops of Western Yunnan for the season 1910 to 1911.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n**ARCHIBALD ROSE.**\n\n## Enclosure in No. 1.\n\n**Report by Acting Consul Rose on the Opium Crops in Western Yünnan for the Season 1910 to 1911.**\n\n**(Confidential.)**\n\nGeneral Condition of Crops.-In my reports of the 9th June, 1909, and the 9th June, 1910, I have endeavoured to outline the general opium situation in Western Yüuman, and the information which has been available during the present season shows little change in the main conditions, though I am unable to report such satisfactory results from the measures of opium prohibition as have marked the course of the two former years. There appears to have been a decline in the vigour and sincerity of official action resulting in an increase of production, and, whilst last year's figures probably indicate the low-water mark in the supply available on the markets, the extent of cultivation shown during the present season appears to mark a more normal situation, and may thus serve as a clue to the probable future of the poppy crops in the frontier districts. In submitting the present notes I propose to adhere to the general lines of my report of the 9th June, 1910, indicating the changes which have come under my observation in the course of the present season.\n\nLimit of Prohibitive Measure.-I have recently returned from an annual frontier tour, which took me through many of the tribal districts, and the frequency of the poppy crops along the route evidenced a falling off in the severity of the preventive measures. The district officials have made tours throughout their districts, but have confined their observations to the main roads; bodies of troops have patrolled the country and established temporary camps in the hills bordering the Shan States, whilst the deputies from the provincial capital have followed the lines of local action as in the two former years. All, however, are reported to have benefited financially from their efforts, and the flourishing crops awaiting harvest in many of the districts through which they have passed are abundant proof that their vigilance has been devoted to personal rather than to public ends. In the plains surrounding the cities there is no trace of the poppy, nor is there any extensive cultivation in the hills of the purely Chinese zone, but the tribal area shows a considerable increase of crops, and the plains of Mengting and Kengma are largely devoted to the poppy, whilst the hill districts of Kangai, Nantien, Changta, Lungchuan, Mengmao, Ta-Meng-Tung, Hsiao-Meng-Tung, and Lu-Chiang Pa (the Salween valley plains) will produce considerably increased supplies.\n\nTribal Belt.--A feature of the cultivation in the tribal belt during the present season is the number of Chinese cultivators who have migrated to the Kachin hills surrounding the Shan States, thus introducing more thorough and more organised methods than were known to the tribesmen, whilst presenting a stronger opposition to official action. These emigrant Chinese band themselves into groups, many of whom are well armed and who understand the financial weaknesses of the preventive agents. I travelled through one district, where a colonel and about 150 men were engaged in enforcing the prohibition measures, and was surprised to find an extensive belt of cultivation still awaiting the harvest in their immediate neighbourhood. The commandant is a good soldier, much respected in the district, and neither he nor any considerable number of his men use the drug. He told me that he estimated his...",
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        "document_key": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "page_number": 230,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "# AFFAIRS OF CHINA\n## CONFIDENTIAL\n\n227 \n14858 \n\n### SECTION 1.\n\n(No. 66.) \n(Telegraphic.) R. \nNo. 1. \n\n**Sir Edward Grey to Sir J. Jordan** \nForeign Office, April 4, 1911. \n\nYOUR telegram No. 73 of 13th March: Pienma. We are satisfied that the Chinese claims to all villages to the west of the Irawaddy-Salween watershed other than Pienma, Kangfang, and Gawlam groups are wholly inadmissible, and you should inform the Chinese Government, in reply to their note of the 11th ultimo, that there can be no question of His Majesty's Government accepting the Kaoliang-Kung range, viz., the range forming the watershed between the Chipwi and Hpare Rivers, which amounts to a renewal of the line proposed by Taotai Shih in 1905.\n\nAs regards the proposal to appoint a joint delimitation commission, the experience of 1905 shows that unless at least the basis is settled between the two Governments beforehand no practical result is likely to be obtained by subordinate officers on the spot, and we could only agree if a clear understanding as to what this basis should be is first reached.\n\nAs regards the line to be adopted as the basis, you should state that the officer deputed by His Majesty's Government to visit and administer the country up to the watershed has confirmed the view consistently urged in the communications which have passed with the Wai-wu Pu that this line not only affords the most suitable frontier on geographical and administrative grounds, but is in fact, the only line offering any hope of a final settlement, and that, in the circumstances, His Majesty's Government must continue to press for its acceptance as the general basis of the frontier, subject to the understanding that any claims which China may be able to substantiate west of the said line will be dealt with in an equitable spirit.\n\nYou should at the same time renew formally the offer made in `1906` to compensate China by a money payment for the extinction of the personal claims of the Tengkeug chief west of the watershed. You may, however, in the event of China again declining to accept an arrangement on these lines, admit her claims to the groups of villages mentioned in the first paragraph of this telegram, on the understanding that China is prepared to lease the territory in question to His Majesty's Government.\n\nIt is to be hoped that if the above terms are put to the Chinese Government with sufficient firmness we shall not have to consider the question of offering an alternative line, but in any case you should not offer the one indicated in the Viceroy's telegram of 26th March without first referring home for instructions.\n\nAs regards the proposed withdrawal of our troops on climatic grounds from Htawgaw, you should make it quite clear that the retirement is not necessarily permanent, and that His Majesty's Government reserve to themselves entire freedom to move their officers into or out of the country at their discretion.\n\nAs this instruction offers basis for negotiation it seems unnecessary to refer to suggestion of arbitration, especially in view of Chinese refusal to entertain previous requests of this character from us.",
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    {
        "id": 434858,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "page_number": 272,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "# AFFAIRS OF CHINA\n## CONFIDENTIAL\n### [11831]\n#### CO 10371\n##### No. 1.\n###### SECTION 3.\n\nSir,\n\nIndia Office to Foreign Office.--(Received March 31.)\n\nIndia Office, March 30, 1911. WITH reference to correspondence ending with your letter dated the 25th March, 1911, as to the undemarcated section of the Burmah-Yunnan frontier north of latitude 25° 35', I am directed to enclose copy of telegraphic correspondence with the Government of India on the subject. Copy of papers relating to Mr. Hertz's expedition to the frontier, which have been received by mail from the Government of India, is also enclosed for your information.\n\nViscount Morley is satisfied, on a consideration of the Burmah Government's reports, that the Chinese claim to all villages on the west of the Irrawaddy-Salween watershed, other than the Hpimaw, Kangfang, and Gawlam groups, are wholly inadmissible.\n\nHe would accordingly suggest, for Sir E. Grey's consideration, that the Chinese Government should be informed, in reply to their note of the 11th March, reported in Sir J. Jordan's telegram No. 73, dated the 13th March, 1911, that there can be no question of our accepting the line of the Kaoliang Kung range proposed by them. There is some room for doubt as to what range the Chinese Government intend to indicate by the above name; but it seems certain that the interpretation given in the Viceroy's telegram of the 27th March, viz., that the range forming the watershed between the Chipwi and Kansheng (or Hpare) Rivers is meant, is correct. In other words, the effect of the Chinese proposal is practically to renew the offer of the line proposed by Taotai Shih in 1905, a line which would assign to China territory over which she has never exercised any shadow of authority; such authority, so far as there is any trace of it, being limited to the three groups of villages mentioned above. As regards the proposal \"to appoint special officers to investigate and decide on a basis for a frontier,\" the experience of 1905, when such a joint commission failed to arrive at any agreement, shows that, unless at least the basis is settled between the two Governments beforehand, no practical result is likely to be attained by subordinate officers on the spot. The appointment, therefore, of a joint delimitation commission could only be agreed to if preceded by a clear understanding as to what this basis should be.\n\nAs regards the line to be adopted as the basis of the frontier, Viscount Morley adheres to the views expressed in my letter of the 23rd February, 1911. The Chinese Government might, he thinks, be informed that the investigations of Mr. Hertz, who has been deputed by His Majesty's Government to visit and administer the country up to the watershed, have confirmed the view consistently urged in our communications with the Wai-wu Pu, that the watershed line not only affords the most suitable frontier on geographical and administrative grounds, but is in fact the only line offering any hope of a final settlement. In these circumstances, His Majesty's Government must press for its acceptance as the general basis of the frontier, subject to the understanding that any claims which China may be able to substantiate west of the line in question will be dealt with in an equitable spirit.\n\nSir J. Jordan might be instructed at the same time to renew formally the offer made in 1906 to compensate China by a money payment for the extinction of the personal claims of the Tengkung Chief west of the watershed; but he might be authorised, in the event of the Chinese Government again declining to accept an arrangement on these lines, to admit the Chinese claims to the Hpimaw, Kangfang, and Gawlam groups of villages, as suggested by the Burmah Government, on the understanding that China is prepared to lease the territory in question to His Majesty's Government.\n\nLord Morley is not prepared at present to consider the question of offering an alternative line, and he is of opinion that, if the above terms are put to the Chinese Government with sufficient firmness, it will not be necessary to do so; but he would...\n\n*Not printed.*\n\nPage 268",
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    {
        "id": 434859,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "page_number": 273,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "## 269 \n\n2 \n\nbe content on this point to defer to the views of Sir J. Jordan, whose communication to the Wai-wu Pu, as reported in his despatch No. 85, dated the 24th February, 1911, has his Lordship's entire approval. In any case, Lord Morley would suggest that, before proceeding to offer to the Chinese Government the alternative frontier indicated in the Viceroy's telegram of the 26th March, Sir J. Jordan should refer the matter to His Majesty's Government for further instructions.\n\nAs regards the Chinese request for the withdrawal of our troops, it will be seen from the Viceroy's telegrams of the 19th and 29th March, 1911, that it is impracticable, for climatic reasons, for Mr. Hertz's party to remain at Htawgaw later than the middle of April. In the circumstances, it seems very undesirable that the news of the retirement of the party should reach the Chinese Government in a form that can lead them to interpret it as a disposition on our part to comply with their demands, since this would inevitably make them more difficult to deal with. I am therefore to suggest that they should be informed that His Majesty's Government reserve to themselves entire freedom to move their officers into and out of the country at their discretion. The draft of a telegram which Lord Morley proposes to address to the Government of India is enclosed herewith, for Sir E. Grey's concurrence.*\n\nAs regards the suggestion of the Chinese Government that the question should, as a last resort, be referred to arbitration, Lord Morley is not in a position to offer any opinion as to the precedents quoted in the final paragraph of Sir J. Jordan's telegram of the 13th March. But he would strongly deprecate the proposal on general grounds, both as undesirable in itself and as impracticable, regard being had to the nature of the evidence on which the respective claims are based.\n\nI am, &c.\n\n(Telegraphic.) P. R. RITCHIE.\n\n## Enclosure 1 in No. 1\n\n**Government of India to Viscount Morley**\n\nMarch 16, 1911. Government regarding\n\nFOLLOWING telegram received from Burmah Hpimaw ---- \n\n\"We are submitting by this mail to Government of India full report by Mr. Hertz as to Chinese claims in unadministered territory and as to terms on which negotiations for frontier line might be conducted. Mr. Hertz proposes that rights of Chinese in Gawlam, Kangfang, and Hpimaw groups of villages should be purchased, or that tract of country in which these villages are situated should be leased from China. He suggests as a third alternative that watershed boundary should be so modified as to leave these villages to China. Modified line proposed by Hertz follows a high range of mountains (through which the River Ngawchang flows in a narrow defile) from the point where it diverges from the main watershed to the point where it again merges in the main watershed, north of Kangfang. If arrangements cannot be made to lease the tract, this modified line would, in Lieutenant-Governor's opinion, be a suitable boundary. Hertz's report makes it clear that, apart from above-mentioned groups of villages, Chinese have no claim to any areas west of watershed.\"\n\nOn receipt of Hertz's report we will furnish our views on Burmah Government's telegram, as well as upon telegram dated the 13th instant from His Majesty's Minister at Peking.\n\n(Telegraphic.)\n\nP.\n\n## Enclosure 2 in No. 1\n\n**Government of India to Viscount Morley**\n\nMarch 19, 1911.\n\nHPIMAW expedition: See my telegram dated the 16th instant. Telegram from Government of Burmah states that it is advisable that Hertz's party should leave Htawgaw not later than the 10th proximo, and that it is impossible for them, owing to weather conditions, to stay there after the 20th idem at the latest. Lieutenant-Governor considers that Hertz and military police should return early in April to Nangu, and that wing of 89th Punjabis, who are road-making between Chiglai and Htawgaw, should withdraw to the same place at end of present month.\n\nI propose in the circumstances to authorise carrying out of movements.\n\n## Enclosure 3 in No. 1\n\n**Viscount Morley to Government of India**\n\n(Telegraphic.) P.\n\nIndia Office, March 21, 1911. PLEASE refer to your telegram dated 19th instant as to Hpimaw expedition. I propose to await views as to boundary question, promised in your telegram dated 16th instant, before considering question of future movements of Hertz. He should remain at Htawgaw in the meantime.\n\n## Enclosure 4 in No. 1\n\n**Government of India to Viscount Morley**\n\n(Telegraphic.) P.\n\nMarch 26, 1911. PLEASE refer to my telegram dated the 16th instant. It appears from report by Mr. Hertz to hand that, apart from Hpimaw, Gawlam, and Kangfang groups, Chinese have no claim to villages west of watershed; and definite and final repudiation of contention of Chinese should, in opinion of Lieutenant-Governor of Burmah, now be made. Hertz states, with regard to Gawlam, Hpimaw, and other villages on upper waters of Ngawchang River, that Chief of Lungpang at one time exercised authority over these villages, but that villagers have for many years paid tribute to Chief of Tengkeng, since the time when they invoked the latter's assistance as result of quarrel with Lungpang. Villagers have also adopted habits and customs of Chinese to some extent. Lieutenant-Governor is disposed to accept view of Mr. Hertz that we should accept claim of Chinese to these villages. Monetary compensation for surrender of their rights in tract is not likely, his Lordship understands from Peking telegram dated the 14th ultimo, to be agreed to by Chinese Government. Advantage of a lease, he points out, would be that measures already taken towards administration of tract would not have to be rescinded, and that the main watershed could be followed as the boundary line throughout. Lieutenant-Governor suggests, however, that modified boundary suggested by Hertz, excluding villages under discussion from our side, should be accepted without hesitation, if the Chinese do not agree to a lease. Following is modified boundary proposed:---\n\n| Detail | Description |\n| --- | --- |\n| Starting point | Manang Bum in latitude 25° 33′ north |\n| Initial direction | Crest of watershed range between the Taping and Shweli (Lu Chiang) Rivers with their tributaries, to the south, and the N'Maikha River, with its tributaries, to the north |\n| First landmark | Peak marked Hsi Chiang Ho Shan 12,000 feet on the Survey of India map, east of the village of Upper Hpare, and near the sources of the Mangshang Kha |\n| Direction change | Northward to another peak, by name Sanhko Bum, 12,800 feet, east of Lagwi (Tzu Chu) village |\n| Further direction | Northward, crossing the river Ngawchang at gorge between junction of Hiangjam (Hpimaw) and Ngawchang (Hsiao Chiang) streams and village of Chikgaw (Chi-ka) |\n| Landmark | Range which separates the drainage of the Hpienlaw Kha on the west from that of river Ngawchang and its tributaries on the east |\n| Further direction | Along watershed dividing streams flowing westwards into country of Mars from those flowing eastwards into the Ngawchang River |\n| Further direction | Along range above the Yawyen village of Wulaw (Lao-wu-lu) forming northern watershed of river Ngawchang, and eastward by Wulaw pass until, at about latitude 26° 18', the great divide between the Salween and Irrawaddy is reached |\n\nIt is suggested by Hertz that His Majesty's Government should move the Chinese Government to agree to the main watershed as boundary beyond this point as ... \n\n* Printed in `[12691]`. \n\n3 \n\n## B 2",
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    {
        "id": 434860,
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        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "# Enclosure 5 in No. 1.\n\n## Government of India to Viscount Morley.\n\n**(Telegraphic.) P.**\n\nMarch 27, 1911.\n\nWE repeat following telegram, dated the 19th instant, from Burmah Government :-\n\n\"Map attached to Litton's report of 1905, and maps attached to report by Consul Rose, submitted with Burmah Government's letter of the 14th May last, show position of Kao-liang-Kung range. Leaving main watershed between Irrawaddy and Shweli Rivers near Hpare pass, the range runs north-westwards, separating the valleys of the Rivers Kansheng and Chipwi. Range towards its western extremity joins that of Wumaw Bum. It would appear from 4th paragraph of recent note by Mr. Hertz, copy of which was submitted with letter of the 13th instant from Burmah Government, that main Irrawaddy-Salween watershed in disputed area is also given the name of Kao-liang-Kung or Kao-li-Kung; and the Chinese map which formed enclosure 3 to Litton's report gives name of Kao-li-Kung to main watershed. Kao-liang-Kung mountain, which was proposed as boundary by Taotai Shih in his note dated the 28th May, 1905, to Mr. Litton, is the southern range forming watershed between Kanshong and Chipwi Rivers; and it is doubtless to this range that Chinese Government now refer. Whole valley of Kansheng or Hpare River, and either whole or part of valley of Ngawchang, would be given to China if this range was accepted as boundary. Chinese Government have no claim whatever to greater part of this area, and final and definite repudiation of the Chinese claim, as proposed in my letter of the 13th March, paragraph 2, is strongly recommended by the lieutenant-governor. Chinese Government should, his Honour recommends, be informed that, if China will accept main watershed as the general boundary, we are prepared to enter into negotiations respecting Hpimay, Kangtang and Gawlam groups of villages on the Upper Ngawchang River; and that we intend to occupy and administer Hpimaw and all the other territory to the west of watershed, unless they at once negotiate on these terms.\"\n\n**(Repeated to His Majesty's Minister, Peking.)**\n\n## Enclosure 6 in No. 1.\n\n## Government of India to Viscount Morley.\n\n**(Telegraphic.) P.**\n\nMarch 29, 1911.\n\nMY telegram dated the 26th, and yours dated the 21st instant. It is desirable, with reference to your decision that Hertz should remain for the present at Htawgaw, that military situation there should be fully placed before you. During rains it will not be possible to supply more than a small force at Htawgaw. It will be very difficult, without loss of stores or baggage, to withdraw expedition after rains break, if it is not withdrawn before. In these circumstances, I would venture to urge that wing of 89th Punjabis should at any rate be withdrawn to Nangu, Hertz and military police being left at Htawgaw, if decision to keep him there is adhered to by your Lordship. Large numbers of Panthay mule drivers will probably desert, taking as many mules as possible with them, if they see no chance of being able to return to China before breaking of rains. Effect of this would probably be that, should we wish to hire any Panthay mules next winter, we should be unable to do so, and difficulties of transport in connection with any boundary commission or demonstration on this frontier would be very greatly increased. Very early orders on my telegram dated the 19th instant as to withdrawal are solicited.\n\n**(Repeated to His Majesty's Minister, Peking.)**\n\n## Enclosure 7 in No. 1.\n\n## Government of India to Chief of the General Staff.\n\nArmy Department, Fort William, March 6, 1911.\n\nI AM directed to forward herewith copy of a telegram from the Chief Secretary to the Government of Burmah, dated the 28th February, recommending that the Burmah Company sappers and miners, with the assistance of the `89th Punjabis`, be instructed at once to undertake the construction of the Wanghte-Htawgaw section of the road required in connection with the Pienma Expedition, and leaving it to the Government of India to decide the terms on which the troops should be employed.\n\n2. I am to request that, under the orders of his Excellency the Commander-in-chief, the necessary steps may now be taken to give effect to the wishes of the Burmah Government.\n\n3. It is understood that his Excellency the Commander-in-chief considers that the troops should be employed on the following terms:-\n\n| Term | Description |\n| --- | --- |\n| (a) | The Burmah Company sappers and miners to be ordered up under field service conditions, and the officer commanding appointed field engineer in charge of the road. |\n| (b) | The field engineer to be authorised to give lump sum contracts to his company, in lieu of working pay, for different sections of the road, from time to time. |\n| (c) | The field engineer to be authorised to employ the `89th Punjabis` on road-making, giving them lump contracts for bits of road and free tools, which should be sent up at once from Rangoon. |\n\nThese terms are approved, and I am to request that a statement of the cost involved, which will be borne by the local Government, may be submitted as soon as possible.\n\nI am, &c.\n\nM. H. S. GROVER, Major-General,  \nSecretary to the Government of India.  \nPage 270",
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        "page_number": 438,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "# AFFAIRS OF CHINA\n## CONFIDENTIAL\n\n[11928]\n6.6\n[April 1.]\n19607\n\n## SECTION 2\n\nREC2 & REG? 16 JUN 11\n\n### No. 1. Acting Consul Rose to Sir Edward Grey.-(Received April 1.)\n\n**(No. 1. Confidential.)**\nSir,\n\nTengyueh vid Bhama, Upper Burmah, February 25, 1911.\n\nI HAVE the honour to enclose duplicate of a report, which I have to-day addressed to His Majesty's Minister at Peking, on the events of the Burmah--China frontier for the open season 1910-11.\n\n### Enclosure in No. 1.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n**ARCHIBALD ROSE.**\n\n## Report by Acting Consul Rose respecting the Burmah-China Frontier for the Open Season 1910 to 1911.\n\n**(Confidential.)**\n\n### General Situation on North-East Frontier.\n\nTHE history of the north-east frontier during the past twelve months has been unusually full of interest, events succeeding one another in rapid succession, a manifestation of Chinese activity being everywhere apparent, and leaving as its result the practical reality of a Chinese neighbour along the whole of the 3,000 miles of India's frontier from Cashmere, past Nepaul, Sikkim, Bhutan, Assam, and Upper Burmah, until we reach the Mekong and Toaquin. In attempting to realise the scope and trend of this forward movement from the Yunnan base there would appear to be evidence of a political sequence, an ordered and organised scheme directing the course of events, and it may be of interest to try and trace the effect of the greater episodes of the year in their bearing on the situation which now exists on the Burmah-China frontier.\n\nIt is but a few years ago that the Szechuan army was a negligible quantity, and that the troops of Yunnan were held up to ridicule by every passing traveller. Szechuan has suddenly sprung to the front in military activity, and Yunnan in the course of the past three years has created an army which is regarded by experts as inferior certainly to that of the metropolitan province or of Szechuan, but of a higher standard than is met in the majority of the richer and more populous provinces of China. Remembering that China has not usually shown a desire for active aggression it is impossible to watch this military progress in the Far West, where a grant from wealthier provinces is annually necessary in order to meet the ordinary expenses of administration, without speculation as to the ultimate purpose of this new and costly movement. Szechuan has certainly shown a constant and a sturdy independence in its relations with Peking; Yunnan has been famous for its internal struggles; its people have suffered perhaps more heavily than any others from the sudden suppression of opium; it is bounded both by Britain and by France, and the latter has just completed a railway independently of China, which penetrates as far as the provincial capital. It is not strange, therefore, that the hurried gathering of a modern army in Szechuan and Yunnan should have been regarded with interest, and attended with much anticipation as to its future developments.\n\nNo sooner, however, was the internal position assured in the two western provinces than a campaign of activity was inaugurated under the energetic guidance of Chao-Ehr-feng, the Imperial commissioner for the western frontier districts, and his brother Chao-Ehr-sen, the Viceroy of Szechuan, and their first aim appears to have been the extension of the administrative frontier of the Chinese Empire to the limits of their political boundaries. The Horba States, Derge, Chamdo, and the whole of the semi-independent country around Litang and Batang, was effectually absorbed from Batang a party pressed south as far as A-tun-tze, the Mekong and Salween were... \n\nPage 433",
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        "page_number": 439,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "# \ncrossed, and news has recently been received that an outpost has been established as far west as Rima, the actual limit of that shadowy border-land which has been dimly outlined as the possible boundary which shall eventually divide Thibet and China from the British outposts of Assam and Upper Burmah. In the course of this advance the sovereignty of China was so definitely asserted in Thibet, that the Dalai Lama abandoned his capital early in the year, and an immediate attempt was made to pursue a similar policy along the whole frontier to the very southern limit of Keng-Hung. Two active and capable young lieutenants of the brothers Chao were then ordered to Yunnan, one Keng Pao-kuei as tuotai of the western marchies at Tengyueli and one to the little town of A-tun-tze, in that corner of the province of Kam, now generally known as Thibetan Yunnan, whilst a third was sent from Yunnan-fu to the Sipsong Panna or Southern Shan States of China, thus completing the chain of officers who could be trusted to pursue a forward and consecutive policy in all matters which affected China's western frontier.\n\nIt will be remembered that, as Szechuan was divided from Thibet by a series of semi-independent States under their own kings, princes, or \"tussu,\" so Yunnan is flanked by a band of tribal States inhabited by Lisus, Kachins, Was and Shans, the last of whom are numerically most important, and, although in a degenerate condition, are the relics of the old and powerful Nanchao Kingdom still holding a chain of fertile and prosperous valleys adjoining the Shan States of Burmah now under British rule. It will be remembered also that, of the 600 miles of actual frontier between Burmah and Yunnan, little more than half has actually been accepted by the Chinese Government, about 150 miles of still undelimited boundary lying to the north of Manung Pum along the clearly-marked though partially unexplored range of mountains known as the Irrawady-Salween divide, whilst the southern unrecognised tract lies to the east of the Wa country from Nalawt-Pangsang to the Namting River. After a joint examination of the northern undelimited stretch by the late Consul Litton and the Taotai Shih Hung-shao, in which it was found that the Chinese had not at any time carried their administration to the west of the great range, Sir Ernest Satow informed the Wai-wu Pu that His Majesty's Government would consider the Irrawady-Salween divide as our actual and natural frontier, though they were willing to compensate two Chinese families which claimed certain small tolls on the coffin-wood brought from the country to the west of the divide. The wisdom of this decision has been proved by the events of subsequent years, for it is now clear that the Chinese idea of peaceful penetration and purely money-making administrative efforts are a real menace to our Burmah subjects on the northern stretch, whilst their endless quibbles in regard to the arbitrary frontier in the Shan States have caused much unnecessary expense and an infinity of trouble to the Government of Burmah.\n\nOn the southern section Sir George Scott, finding his Chinese colleagues on the boundary commission of 1899-1900 unwilling to reach any finality in the delimitation of the border, proceeded to demarcate the frontier alone in accordance with the terms of the convention of 1897, the result of his work being known and generally accepted as \"Scott's Line,\" though to this day the Chinese Government has withheld its acceptance of the line laid down.\n\nFor some years the frontier as thus delimited has proved satisfactory in its practical working, but at the commencement of the present year the new activity of the Chinese precipitated events which threatened the tranquillity of the whole border-land. Under instructions from Tengyueh, the Chief of Tengkeng, on the Upper Salween, raided and burned the village of Hpimaw (\"Pien-ma\") to the west of the divide; information was received shortly afterwards that the officer on special duty at A-tun-tze had penetrated to and received tribute from the Khamti Long, a Shan State well within the Burmah frontier, whilst the Chinese deputy from Yünnan-fu entered the southern Shan States known as the Sip Song Panna, and, after killing the Shan chief or \"Sawbwa\" of Mong Se and a considerable number of people in this and the neighbouring States, firmly established the nucleus of direct Chinese administration in that district, which was, undoubtedly, one of the most lawless and dangerous in Yünnan. Nearer to Tengyueh the taotai has pursued with energy a similar policy in the northern group of Shan States. Chenkaug, the most unruly centre, has been definitely placed under the rule of a Chinese sub-prefect. Frontier deputies have been installed and have made considerable progress in the direction of Lisu and Shan affairs in the districts immediately adjoining the frontier, regular troops (under the old banner and known as Tsun Fang Tui) have recently arrived to garrison the Shan States of Nantien, Changta, and Kangai, further reinforcements have left within the last few days for the border States of Lungchuan and Mengmao, five forts have recently been constructed along that section of the frontier adjoining the Burmah district of Myitkyina, and 1,000 men of the modern-drilled army, which had previously advanced no further west than Talifu, have just arrived to strengthen the garrisons at Tengyueh and Yung-chang Fu.\n\nOn general principles there would appear to be every advantage to us in this westward advance of Chinese administration, for the direct responsibility of Chinese officers and of the Yunnanese provincial Government is certainly preferable to that of a horde of dissipated and degenerate Shan Sawbwas, who have little realisation of their neighbourly duties and no power to enforce their orders, even though their intentions may be of the best, and there can be little doubt that Chinese administrative aspirations would meet with the most sympathetic response from the Government and the frontier officers of Burmah as long as they were conducted on friendly lines. It is to be regretted, however, that there has been an apparent lack of any desire for friendly understandings and an inclination to disregard the most obvious duties of neighbourly intercourse with their British colleagues on the part of some of the officers who have been chosen as instruments in the Chinese scheme of administrative expansion, nor have they confined their efforts to that territory and to those affairs which fall legitimately within their sphere of influence. Reference to the Tengkeng raid and the Khamti incident have already been made, and the Taotai Kong has adopted throughout the year a most unfriendly and unconciliatory attitude at Tengyueh. The year commenced with the destruction of a British supplementary boundary pillar; a regular frontier pillar (No. 38), on the section already definitely accepted by the Chinese, was at a later date defaced by his orders, and would have been destroyed but for the action of his delegates; the position of a number of British pillars on the middle and accepted section has been called in question; the interpreter who accompanied me into the unadministered territory in the spring has been thrown into prison by him; the attempts of the Burmah Government to define the rights of transfrontier cultivators—a task undertaken at the direct request of the Yunnan Government and carried out at considerable expense—were hedged throughout the year by persistent difficulties, and the efforts of the British frontier officers and of this consulate to settle cases of murder and robbery between the frontier subjects of Burmah and Yunnan were constantly met by him in a discourteous and obstructive spirit.\n\nAs the year drew to a close there still remained the hope of effecting settlements of outstanding cases and disputes at the annual frontier meetings, and I shall submit a report of these functions in a subsequent paragraph. In the meanwhile, various expeditions set out from the British side of the frontier to extend the administrative sphere of the Burmah Government, and to gather further information in regard to the little known tracts lying to the extreme north and east of Upper Burmah. A column under Mr. W. A. Hertz, deputy commissioner of Myitkyina, has visited the unadministered territory, and advanced as far east as the Irrawady-Salween divide in the neighbourhood of Hpinaw (\"Pien-ma\"); a small party has also visited the Khamti Long, whilst an expedition from Assam has advanced eastward from the Naga hills and entered some of the unexplored tracts lying to the extreme north of Burmah. These parties have not yet returned, but the results of their journeys will be of the deepest interest, as they will throw fresh light on that mysterious corner of our great north-eastern frontier which has been but dimly outlined by the travels of the late Consul Litton, of Mr. Errol Grey, and Mr. Noel Williamson. Mr. Litton believed that he saw the main range of the Irrawady-Salween divide sweep round to the west in a line of snow-clad peaks at about latitude 28°, near Chamutong on the Salween River, and his observations would appear to substantiate the theory of those Indian geologists and explorers who believe that the central axis of the Himalaya extends towards this point. If these facts could once be definitely established, we should have the satisfaction of knowing that the whole of the north-east frontier is circled by a mountain belt at once clearly defined and difficult of passage, for our experiences along the middle section of the Burmah-Yunnan frontier, where the boundary follows an imaginary line through irrigation channels and changing paddy-fields, and recent events in the unadministered territory indicate that on every ground, political, administrative, and commercial, it is in the highest degree inadvisable that we should be dependent on a zigzag and indefinite line marked only by shifting river beds and artificial boundary pillars. I hope to deal with the question of the existing frontier under a separate heading, but, in view of the recent Chinese objections to our standing pillars and of their general activity along this border line, it ...\n\nPage 434",
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        "id": 435031,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "page_number": 445,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "## The Future of the Frontier\n\nIn the first paragraph of this report, I have endeavoured to outline the present situation on the Burmah-China frontier, and in closing it, I would submit a brief summary of the points which still appear to merit consideration and to call for action in the future. My plea on behalf of the Bhamo-Tongyueh Railway was presented in the Tengyueh Trade Report for 1909 (issued as a **Confidential** paper No. `9700`), and to that, I have nothing to add. There remains only the completion of the frontier line.\n\nFrom 1897 until 1900, boundary commissions were at work, endeavouring to delimit the Burmah-China frontier on the broad lines laid down by the conventions of 1894 and 1897, and, although a long stretch was definitely settled, much remains to be done. In the ten years which have followed, much new information has been gathered, and many new factors have intervened, the most important of which appears to be the activity of the Chinese, who have installed themselves as our neighbours along the whole of the north-east frontier of India, and who are endeavouring to press their administrative machinery and their military forces to the very limit of the political border line. In approaching this question, I am anxious to avoid any suggestion of alarm, for there does not appear to me any probability that even the modern-drilled troops of Szechuan or Yünnan will be anxious to try conclusions with the forces of India. The conditions of local activity, however, do appear to indicate that the Chinese belief in their widespread supremacy, their modern cries of \"Rights' Recovery\" and \"China's Sovereignty,\" and their genius for intrigue and peaceful expansion, may prove factors of grave difficulty unless the border line is completed and a halt is called before they have over-stepped that line which has been realised by His Majesty's Government as our real political frontier, and beyond which the Chinese have been unable in the past to substantiate any claim.\n\nThe difficulty of gathering reliable information as to many of the more remote sections of the border makes me diffident in advancing sweeping assertions of their progress, but there appears little doubt that they have at least reached the limit of their rights in the unaccepted stretch to the east of the Wa country, that they have overstepped that limit in the direction of Hpimaw (Pien-ma) and Khamti, and that they have ventured very near to the Indian borderland in the advance from the Yünnanese post A-tun-tze to Rima (latitude 28° 10', longitude 97° 10'), which lies 160 miles south-west of Batang and 120 miles east of Sudiya. Our present information appears to indicate the construction of a military road from Batang towards Rima, probably in the hope of reaching Lhassa without traversing the turbulent Thibetan province of Kam. The Chinese attitude towards the undelimited frontier is graphically sketched in a letter from Yunnan-fu of the 9th February, 1911, in which Mr. O'Brien-Butler writes:\n\n\"I noticed with great interest on the Chinese map produced by the Administrator of Foreign Affairs that the whole country above this point—the junction of the Ngaw-chang Kha and the 'Nmai Kha—was labelled Hsi-tsang—Thibet! The map was long and narrow and only represented the country to the west about as far as the Mali Kha,\n\nThe events of the past season, and more especially the advance of the administrative expedition into the country north of Myitkyina, have had the anticipated effect of placing us in an unusually good position on the frontier. The Chinese have not departed from their usual attitude of yielding rapidly to fear when all reason has failed, and local conditions appear to me to indicate their readiness to accept the accomplished fact. It is significant that in response to the repeated and excited telegrams to the Viceroy at Yünnan-fu in regard to the menace of British troops on the frontier and the activity which was necessary in order to expel them from Hpimaw, his Excellency vouchsafed only the laconic reply to the taotai: \"What proof have you that Pien-ma belongs to China?\"\n\nI gather that the taotai is anxious that the broad question of the frontier line and all outstanding difficulties should be settled locally, though I am unable to ascertain how far this idea has been inspired by higher authorities. Should the Chinese Government show any desire for a local settlement, the proposal would, I think, be worthy of consideration, for all opposition comes primarily from local sources, discussion on the spot would focus difficulties, our local position is favourable, and such an arrangement would secure for us a strong reserve of moral backing and support at Peking. We have waited for ten years to try and settle this question, and it seems clear that the activity and forward advance of the Chinese now calls for action on our part, whilst we cannot tell when so favourable an opportunity will occur again.\n\nI have had the honour to submit by telegram the points which appear to call most urgently for settlement as seen from the local point of view, and I would now summarise them in clearer and fuller form for your consideration.\n\nThe Chinese Government has approached us with a request for a joint inspection of, and the addition of Chinese inscriptions to, the existing boundary pillars. As far as I can ascertain, they were not notified of the erection of these pillars, and though they have no valid reason for raising objections at this late date, it might be desirable to secure their acceptance by the Yunnan Government, and to close the endless quibbles which now exist, by proving to the Chinese that we have not tried to encroach upon their territory. I would suggest, therefore, that this joint inspection should be conceded provided:\n\n| Condition | Description |\n| --- | --- |\n| 1 | That the Chinese were willing to accept the entire frontier line, including that section to the east of the Wa country generally known as \"Scott's Line,\" and lying between Nalawt-Fangsang (latitude 22° 10' north, longitude 99° 10' east), and the Nauting River (latitude 23° 28' north, longitude 95° 52' east); and also that section to the north of Manang Pum (latitude 25° 33' north) as far as that point approximately at 28° north latitude, where the Salween-Irrawady watershed is believed to sweep round in a westerly direction or to be joined at right angles by a lofty and definitely marked range, which has long proved the actual and natural boundary on geographical and ethnographical grounds between the outlying and hitherto unadministered portions of India, Yunnan, and Thibet. |\n| 2 | That China would sign an agreement similar to that draft which is attached to Mr. Litton's report on the undelimited north-east frontier, dated the 20th May, 1905. |\n| 3 | That competent surveyors were appointed by China to accompany the party, or that they agreed beforehand to accept as conclusive the evidence of the British survey officers. |\n| 4 | That pillars were erected by the party as they proceeded along the unmarked sections. |\n\nPage 440",
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    {
        "id": 435032,
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        "page_number": 446,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "## Military Affairs\n\nThe general military situation on the Yunnan border has been outlined in the body of this report, and, in view of the recent and detailed description which has been given by Captain B. E. A. Pritchard both of the modern troops and of the old army in Yunnan, there remains little for me to add, save a general summary of the present distribution which has been affected by the recent situation on the frontier. The transfer of a body of new troops to Tengyueh has been foreseen for some months, and, although they have been hurried towards the frontier districts at a somewhat earlier date than was expected or was convenient for the Chinese, there seems no reason to believe that any material change has taken place in the general plan of action. The frontier garrisons in the districts to which my sources of information extend are given in a separate note attached to this report as `Enclosure 5`, and I have added also a short description of the new forts on the frontier as `Enclosure 6`.*\n\n### Mobility of New Troops\n\nOne of the strongest criticisms which has been levelled at the modern-drilled troops of China has been their need of an undue amount of transport—a point on which they generally compare unfavourably with the old troops, who move quickly and are practically self-supporting. It may be of interest, therefore, to give a brief account of the march of the 500 men who have recently arrived at Tengyueh from Talifu. The distance is 240 miles, and this was covered in twelve days, giving daily marches of 20 miles, a creditable performance, as the road is mountainous and steep. They were preceded by a small advance guard, all of whom were mounted and who travelled a day ahead, making a survey as they went and selecting sites for camps. The main body proceeded always in marching order, by twos or fours as the width of the road permitted, each man carrying his rifle, bayonet, and a small quantity of ...\n\n* Not printed.\n\nPage 16 \n\n5. That Tantai Shih Hung-shao were immediately recalled to office. This officer lost his post and was cashiered, in spite of the protests of His Majesty's Minister and of the Government of India, as a punishment for his friendly attitude in attempting to arrange a settlement of the northern frontier with Mr. Litton and Mr. Leveson in 1905. His recall to office before any further negotiations commenced would greatly strengthen the hand of those Chinese officers who might be appointed to settle the question now.\n\n6. That Li San-pao, the interpreter who accompanied me to the unadministered territory in the spring, and who was therefore imprisoned by the taotai, were immediately released.\n\nIn the above points I have outlined what would appear to be the extreme limit of the favourable terms which could be granted by us, and, in view of the duplicity of the original Chinese negotiators in certain instances and of the unfailing Chinese obstruction along this frontier, I do not know that the Government of Burma would consider those suggestions under paragraph (1) to be admissible. I do not know, too, if such an arrangement as the above could be carried through in the ordinary way of business by the consul and the taotai, or whether it would be necessary for them to receive special powers. In any case it would, I think, be desirable that an officer of the Burma Government should act with the consul and the Chinese representatives, and that this officer and the consul should have an opportunity of meeting Mr. Stirling, of the Southern Shan States, Mr. Thornton, the Deputy Commissioner of Bhamo, and Mr. Hertz at a conference with the Chief Secretary to the Government, in order that the British position might be thoroughly clear to them before work commenced. Amongst those Chinese officers who would be suitable for the work are the Taotai Keng Pao-kuei of Tengyueh, Peng Chi-chih, at one time assistant boundary commissioner, lately Prefect of Yungchang and now Special Salt Commissioner for the Frontier districts; and Chao-kai-hsuan, the Frontier Deputy for Foreign Affairs. Work could not commence before the 1st October of this year, owing to the incidence of the rains, but much might be accomplished in one open season if the issues were clear and the question were pushed to a conclusion now that the Chinese are convinced that the Government of Burma is in earnest, and that it is to their interest to effect a speedy settlement of the entire north-eastern frontier.\n\n## SKETCH MAP OF BURMA-CHINA FRONTIER\n\n| Location        | \n| --------------- | \n| 94 E of GREENWICH | \n| Rima            | \n| MAPUTRA         | \n| Jo Sadiya       | \n| JH KAMTI        | \n| SAM             | \n| CHIRGWIN        | \n| KATHA           | \n| R.MALI KHA      | \n| AMAI KHA        | \n| MYITKYINA       | \n| TAPING RIVER    | \n| BHAMO           | \n| Apima           | \n| MANANG PUM      | \n| Sadan           | \n| Simao           | \n| Kangai          | \n| TÉNG YUEM       | \n| Sintan/Lungchuge | \n| UNGLING         | \n| R.SHWELI        | \n| SALWEEN         | \n| Mongman         | \n| NAMKHAM         | \n| bkut Koi Kuninga | \n| YMYO            | \n| TAUNGGYI        | \n| RANGOUN         | \n| MOUTHS OF IRRAWADY | \n| BAY OF BENGAL   | \n| SALWEEN         | \n| WILD            | \n| LASHID          | \n| WAS             | \n| Pang Sung       | \n| Nnicat          | \n| Batang          | \n| Wei-hsi         | \n| Litang          | \n| S SÚ CHUAN      | \n| Changtie        | \n| Yungning        | \n| Alsi Ferry      | \n| LIKIANG         | \n| YANGTSE         | \n| Chao-Chou       | \n| GYUNG-CHANG     | \n| NAKTING RIVE    | \n| Cher-pien-Ting  | \n| JaMenglem       | \n| SONG PANNA      | \n| KENG TUNG       | \n| không hại       | \n| Hồng Sẽ         | \n| TONKIN          | \n| YUNNANFU        | \n| RIVER MEKONG    | \n| Sau mau         | \n| RED RIVER       | \n\n2B \n96 \nOB \n301 \n¤Åturize \nA \n$ \n100 \n150 \n200 MILES \n100 \n(36.31.1423) FO (1974 -2)",
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        "page_number": 449,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "## Enclosure 2 in No. 1\n### Note on the Undelimited Portion of the North-Eastern Frontier of Burmah\n**(Confidential.)**\n\n1. The proposed Frontier.-The local Government has been compelled by force of events to take up the question of this frontier. If it had moved in the matter ten years ago a satisfactory settlement would probably have been obtained at trifling cost. Ten years hence it may be impossible to secure a safe frontier without recourse to the arbitrament of war.\n\nThe frontier claimed by us follows the 'Nmaikha-Taping, 'Nmaikha-Shweli, and 'Nmaikha-Salween watersheds. It is an ideal one in every way, and will set a definite physical limit to further intrigue by the Chinese in the valley of the Irrawaddy.\n\nStarting from Manangpum, the most northerly point of the demarcated frontier, in latitude 25° 33′ north, it follows the crest of a high range of mountains trending north-eastward and separating the headwaters of the Taping and Shweli Rivers from those of the Chipwi and Ngawehang. Near the sources of the Changzaw (Pi Ho) stream, a tributary of the last-named river, it links on to the Irrawaddy-Salween divide, the point of contact being a high peak of 11,500 feet marked Shangpei-ho-t'ao in our maps.\n\nNorth of this it follows the above-mentioned divide as far as the confines of Thibet.\n\nThe Tientan, Mingkwang, and Tatang valleys, to which frequent reference is made in reports on this frontier, are in the Shweli drainage and the Tantsa valley in that of the Taping River. All these valleys are in China. The streams on the Burmah side are, beginning from the south, the Shingaw, Tamu, Chipwi, and the Ngawchang, the streams on which the Hpare and Hpimaw groups of villages are situated being tributaries of the last-named river. All these streams belong to the Irrawaddy system. The peaks on the connecting mountain-chain vary in height from 10,300 to 12,300 feet, while those on the Irrawaddy-Salween divide run up to 15,500 feet. From the point where the two mountain-chains meet until the Irrawaddy-Salween divide is merged in the eastern ramparts of the Himalayan range, whence spring the first sources of the parent rivers of the Irrawaddy, the 'Nmaikha, and Malikha, the divide forms an almost direct north and south line.\n\nSouth of latitude 26° 30′ north the passes in this range are the Chimili (13,000 feet) above Kangfang and the Hpimaw pass (11,000 feet) near the village of that name. Both these passes are often snowed up for weeks, and the former is always impassable for mules, and is very little used even by pedestrians. South of this there is the Feng Shui Ling pass, through which lies the high road from Tengyueh to Hpimaw, two passes into the Hpare valley, two into the Chipwi, and one into the Shingaw. Except in the villages of Hpimaw, Tangtung, and Kangfang, where there are Chinese traders who return to their native land in the rainy season, there are no Chinese residents, permanent or temporary, in the villages on this side of the proposed frontier. The inhabitants are all Marus and Lashis, except near the headwaters of the Ngawchang River above Kangfang and in the hills near Hpimaw, where there are scattered hamlets of Yawyins or Lisus, whose real habitat is the Salween valley. The proposed line of division is thus also an ethnological boundary. It possesses great geographical independence, being the watershed between two large river-systems, the villages on each side of it are a day's march apart, and there are only a few narrow ways across it. A better frontier in every respect, therefore, could not be found, and we shall be fortunate if we can secure its acceptance by the Chinese Government.\n\n2. The Chinese Claims.--I have now visited nearly all the villages to which the Chinese can reasonably lay claim, except those in the Tamu and Chipwi valleys, which will be visited later on. The claims to villages in those valleys may be rejected in limine on the authority of the late Mr. Litton's report on the \"Joint Survey of the Burmah-Yunnan Boundary by British and Chinese officials in 1905.\" The Shingaw valley has been under our direct administration for twelve or more years, and so any claim to it cannot be entertained; and no claims were made to the Tamu valley. With reference to the Tientan fuyi's claim to a few Lisu hamlets in the Upper Chipwi valley, Mr. Litton says in the above-mentioned report: \"I told the taotai that these so-called claims were entirely beyond discussion, and that I must refuse to talk about them,\" and the taotai decided \"that the claims might be considered as withdrawn.\"\n\nThe next valley is the one in which the Hpare group of villages is situated. The stream is known to the inhabitants as the Hkansheng Kha, and it is an affluent of the Ngawchang, the largest river in these parts. The Mingkwang fuyi claims this valley, but the villagers deny his claim in toto, or that they are, or ever have been, in any sense tributary to him, or that any Chinese officials have ever exercised any sort of control over them. When I visited the village the headman of Upper Hpare sought permission to raid Mingkwang, because the fuyi had burnt his village after the Chinese were expelled from the valley in 1900 by the exploration column under my brother. On a tributary stream are the two Lashi villages of Lagwi (Chinese, Tzu Chu), the inhabitants of which also maintain that they have never paid tribute to the Chinese, and that they are not tributary to China. But they admit that once in \"six to ten years\" they exchange presents of salt and \"huanglien,\" a medicinal root that grows in these hills, with the Mingkwang fuyi. As is to be expected, the inhabitants of the villages lower down the Hkansheng valley also deny entirely that they are in any way subordinate to China. They are unanimous on this point.\n\nI will now deal with the villages on the Ngawchang River between its junction with the Hkansheng (Hpare) and the Htangjam (Hpimaw) streams. The villages of Bale, Lungpang, Kamkawn, Htawmsbing and Ngazung on the far or north bank, commonly known as the Lungpang group, were admitted by Taotai Shih, who was associated with...",
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        "id": 435036,
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        "document_key": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "page_number": 450,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "## \n\nMessrs. Leveson and Litton in the joint survey of 1905, to be beyond the pale of civilisation (“hua wai\") and to be independent of China, and therefore \"no objections would be raised by him to Burmah taking them over.\" These villages are antagonistic to the Chinese and do not fear to say so. On this section of the river, there are two villages, the large one of Gawyawn (Chinese, Shang Lou) and Chikgaw (Chinese, Chika), which exchange presents with the Tatang fuyi. In a former quarrel between the Chinese and the Lungpang group of villages, to which they then belonged, the inhabitants sought and obtained peace by agreeing to exchange presents, as a sign of friendship. Both villages deny that they are in any way subordinate to Tatang. \"Being friends we exchange presents once in three, four or five years\" is what the Gawyawm headman said when I recorded his statement. The inhabitants of Shijang (Chinese, Hsieh Chiang), a group of Lashi villages situated up a small side valley, also deny the Chinese claims.\n\nWe come now to the Hpimaw (Chinese, Pien-ma) group of villages. The stream that flows near these villages is the Tangjam Hka. The people say that they have paid tribute to the Chief of Tengkeng for several generations, at first at long intervals and then with more regularity. These villages and Tangtung and Gawlam on the left bank of the Upper Ngawchang River were formerly under the Lungpang chief, but after a quarrel many years ago the inhabitants appealed to the Tengkeng fuyi for protection and help, which he gave them, and thereafter made them pay tribute. The inhabitants of all these places are Lashis; they all speak Chinese, and there is a school maintained by the Chinese Government at Hpimaw. The few Lisu hamlets in the mountains south of Hpimaw also claim to be under China as the inhabitants came originally from the Salween side of the divide, and there are other Lisu hamlets in the headwaters of the Ngawchang River which also pay tribute once in three years to the Chief of Tengkeng. In some villages, the people state that disputes are referred to that functionary for settlement, while in others they say that they never do so. Beyond collecting tribute, the fuyi does not appear to exercise any real control over these villages, or to actively administer them. Kangfang (house of toll) is a purely Chinese hamlet, where a few Chinese traders in coffin-wood congregate during the open season. The Tengkeng fuyi has a toll-collector there, who takes one plank in twenty for his master.\n\nThe claims of the Chinese are thus:-\n\n**(a)** The claim of the Tientan headman to the Chipwi valley, which it has been decided cannot be considered.\n\n**(b)** The Tenkeng fuyi's claim to the Hpimaw group of villages to Tantung and Gawlam and to the Lisu hamlets near Hpimaw and about the headwaters of the Ngawchang River.\n\n**(c)** The Tatang fuyi's claim to Gawyawm and Chikgaw in the middle Ngawchang valley, both of which are based on a periodical exchange of valueless presents.\n\n**(d)** The Mingkwang fuyi's claim to the two villages of Lagwi on the Mangshang Kha, a tributary of the Hparè stream, the ground for this claim being also an exchange of presents once in \"six to ten years.\"\n\n**(e)** The same fuyi's claim to the villages of Hparè and to those lower down the Hkansheng valley as far as the Kyetmaw Kha west of Htawgaw village.\n\nClaim **(a)** has already been rejected, and I do not think the Chinese can substantiate claims **(c)**, **(d)**, and **(e)**. The claim to Hparè is as much a fiction as the Chinese claim of suzerainty over Burmah in 1886.\n\nThe Tengkeng chief's claim **(b)** is the only one that deserves consideration. As regards **(d)** and **(e)** the joint report says: \"We are of opinion that nothing can be clearer than that there is no Chinese control either in Hparè or Tzu Chu,\" the latter being the Chinese name for Lagwi. With this, I entirely agree. As regards Hparè, the report is emphatic: \"It is perfectly clear that the Chinese suzerainty, much more control, over Hpare and the Kun Ma (Hkansheng) valley is an entire myth.\" At the enquiry, \"the Chinese deputy refused to cross-examine or even to listen and got up and went away.\"\n\nThe claims of the Chinese are thus reduced to very small proportions, viz., that of the tribal chief of Tengkeng. With respect to this claim, we cannot blink the fact that he has right on his side. Although his claim is not a very strong one, yet it is stronger than ours, for we have none, except perhaps the right of every country to obtain a frontier that will secure it from military and political aggression.\n\n## 3. Terms on which we may negotiate with the Chinese.--I have been directed to give my opinion regarding the terms on which we may suitably negotiate with the Chinese Government for the delimitation of the frontier.\n\nAs it would help to increase our prestige, I recommend that a serious effort should be made to retain the watershed boundary either by-\n\n**(a)** Leasing from the Chinese Government the tract of country claimed by the Tengkeng chief, in perpetuity, as was done in the case of the Mong Wan assigned tract (triangle) in the Bhamo district;\n\n**(b)** By leasing it, also in perpetuity, from the chief himself, with the aid of the good offices of the Chinese Government; or\n\n**(c)** By compensating the fuyi liberally for its loss by paying him a lump sum of money.\n\n**(b)** Would, perhaps, be the best course, as it would be less likely to wound the amour-propre of the Chinese Government and the fuyi, it being an established fact that for sentimental reasons the Chinese have the greatest aversion to surrendering any territory, however small and valueless it may be.\n\nThe Chinese claim to the Hpimaw group of villages may honestly be considered to be more a family than an Imperial one, and a sum of 1,000 rupees a-year might, consequently, be offered for the total extinction or the transfer of the fuyi's rights to us on a lease. The above sum would err on the side of liberality, but in order to secure a speedy settlement, the amount might be increased to 1,500 rupees or even 2,000 rupees. If a lump sum would be acceptable, 15,000 rupees might be offered.\n\nWe should lay stress on the fact that there has been no actual administration on the part of the fuyi; that when Hpimaw village was burnt last year by him the people came to us for help; that the tract is valueless from a revenue point of view to both countries; that the fuyi will get more money from us than he can ever hope to collect; that the villages being on this side of the divide, there will be constant feuds and disputes between the inhabitants and our people, as there always have been in the past, which will lead to friction between the two countries; that the inhabitants are only barbarians (for whom it is known the Chinese have the greatest contempt); that the boundary is both a natural and ethnological one, as it separates the Lashis and Marus, who come from the same stock as the Burmans, from the Chinese and Lisus; and, lastly, that the boundary is, undoubtedly, the best one for both countries. If there are places on our frontier where the Chinese have entered upon debatable ground, as I hear they have done at Tawnyo, east of Lashio, in the Shan States, and may have done elsewhere, it might be used as a lever to induce them to accede to our demand respecting Hpimaw. If, in the course of negotiations, the Chinese should bring forward complaints as to our action in tearing up their appointment orders and confiscating their gifts and tokens to headmen, our reply is that they were guilty of sending emissaries into British territory, viz., the Chipwi and 'Nmaikha valleys, who forged petitions from the illiterate \"barbarians\" therein to the Chinese Government praying to be taken over by it, when they have no such desire, thereby perpetrating an extraordinary breach of international etiquette. No course was, therefore, open to me but to obtain possession of all these tokens, official caps, &c., and to forbid our subjects to accept any further orders and gifts from any Chinaman. Had I taken these things from some of the headmen and let others retain them, it would have been accepted by the latter as a sign that I recognised the Chinese claims to their villages.\n\nIf these arguments should fail and the Chinese still cling to their petty claims on this side of the great natural line, I propose an alternative boundary which is equally as good and will exclude the Hpimaw tract from the territory to be taken over by us. The line I recommend follows the crest of the range of hills (marked A, B, C on the annexed map*) which lies parallel to and west of the Salween divide. It starts from the high peak called Hsi-Chiang ho Shan (12,000 feet) and separates the basins of the Mangshang (Lagwi or Tzu Chu) and the Shangtawa streams on one side from that of the Changzaw Kha (? Pi Ho) on the other. Further north, it forms the watershed between the Hpienlaw Kha on the west and the Ngawchang River and its tributaries on the east. It here attains its maximum elevation, the highest point being a peak of 13,600 feet known to the Marus as Chiyen Bum. From here northward, the frontier follows the top of the water-parting of the Ngawchang Kha, which finally sweeps eastward in the shape of a bow and joins the Irrawaddy-Salween divide north-east of the Lisu village of Hpawtè. The Ngawchang Kha, which is a very swift stream...\n\nPage 450\nPage 451",
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        "page_number": 451,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "## \nis unafordable from Tangtung village downwards, flows in a deep gorge through this mountain-chain. Navigation is unthinkable in connection with this river, and it is only in a few places that a raft or boat could live on it.\n\nThe height of the Wulaw pass through which the proposed line passes is estimated at 9,000 feet, and as this apparently is the lowest point in the whole chain, the range is nearly as high as the main divide. There are no roads of any sort across it except a very difficult one going westward from somewhere below the village of Wulu (Lao Wulu) and the one that leads over the Wulaw pass. The only vulnerable point, therefore, is the above-mentioned gorge, which Major #french-Mullen, who is commanding my escort, thinks it would be more difficult to force if held in strength than any of the passes over the Salween watershed. The range is thus a very formidable barrier. That officer also agrees with me that it would be just as easy to defend this line as the other, perhaps easier, and it will give us a boundary that will preclude the possibility of further dispute with the Chinese. On the other hand, if the divide is the frontier, we should possess two lines of defence at this point instead of one.\n\n## \n\nIt would doubtless add somewhat to our prestige if we could retain Hpimaw, as we have claimed it, and it might detract from our prestige slightly if we gave it up. But I think the latter difficulty could be got over by arranging a friendly meeting between the local officials when the boundary is finally accepted by the two Governments, at which the local people would be informed that each side is making concessions to the other; the Chinese are giving up their claim to Hparè, Lagwi, Gawyawn, and Chikgaw, and we, on the other hand, are surrendering ours to Hpimaw, Tangtung, Gawlam, Kangfang, and the Lisu villages north of Kangfang, together with the forests of shamu trees from which the coffin-wood, which the Chinese value so much, is obtained. If this is done, it will also help to save the \"face\" of the Chinese, and would no doubt be a most acceptable arrangement to them. The frontier could be demarcated at the same time.\n\nUntil it is settled where the frontier is to be, we must prevent the Chinese from stepping across the divide after our departure and interfering with the people. In order to put a stop to this, the country up to the crest of the watershed must be administered, and the cheapest way to do so, as I have already reported, is to appoint a “taungok,” or superior headman, as was done in the Shingaw valley, who will live in the Lungpang group of villages, and stop any attempt on the part of the local fuyi to cross the frontier or send his retainers across it. My best Lashi headman, Labao Nu, of Lajawng village, is available for this purpose.\n\nHe is related to the headmen of the Lungpang group of villages, is influential and trustworthy, has been rewarded by the Viceroy and the Lieutenant-Governor of Burmah for good work, and is willing to accept the post on a salary of 50 rupees a-month. With such an official on the spot, and a civil officer at Wanghte to support him, we should be able to keep officious Chinese underlings out of the country until the question of the frontier is finally decided.\n\nAs regards the Hpimaw tract, I suggest that the Chinese Government should be asked not to permit the Tengkeng fuyi or his agents or servants to visit or administer it until the negotiations in connection with the frontier are concluded. This would not be an unreasonable request to make and might be acceded to.\n\nIf the Chinese agree to accept the proposed boundary up to the confines of Thibet, well and good. If not, we should be content to have it as far as latitude 27° north, beyond which nothing is known of the country except that it is perhaps the most difficult in the world, and is inhabited by Black Marus and other tribes of intractable savages, with whom the Chinese have little or no dealings. The country has never been explored, and is a blank on the map. Prince Henri of Orleans made a perilous journey across it from east to west in latitude 27° 40′ north, but has added little to our geographical knowledge of the region. The settlement of this portion of the frontier may therefore be postponed indefinitely.\n\nAs regards the branch of the 'Nmaikha near latitude 28° north, known as the Chin River to the Chinese, the basin of which is inhabited by the little-known tribe of Chiu-Tzu, who are supposed to be tributary to the Chinese Chief of Yetche (Yei Chil) on the Mekong, I agree with the late Mr. Litton that it would only confuse matters to raise the question of so distant and difficult a country about which both the Chinese and ourselves know so little.\n\nA boundary commission is a thing to be avoided. It is very expensive, and as the Chinese officers are afraid to accept responsibility, and rue it if they do, it usually ends in an impasse, or if a settlement is arrived at the Celestial Government will refuse to ratify it. No Chinese official could venture to give up a yard of Chinese soil, or supposed Chinese soil, without running the risk of losing his position and perhaps also his life. Their attitude is consequently always one of passive resistance. If possible, therefore, the frontier should be laid down in London or Peking, preferably the former, as the Chinese officials there will probably understand a map better than those in Peking. The whole thing, as Mr. Litton says, could be settled amicably in ten minutes if we had a civilised Government to deal with.\n\nI can find nothing in any document in my possession, or in any paper to which I have had access, regarding the frontier proposed by Taotai Shih Huang Chao. If it includes in China the upper portions of the Chipwi, Hparè, and Lagwi valleys, it is quite useless to us as a line of partition between the two countries, for it would be naked to attack and indefensible; each of these valleys would furnish a pied-à-terre to a hostile force or a site for a future fort, and form an enclave where our bad characters and discontented spirits would congregate. In fact, it would be out of the question for us to accept such a boundary.\n\nThere can be no doubt that the people will welcome us with open arms everywhere, even at Hpimaw, for they know that we will bring peace and money into the country, which at present is steeped in poverty and a prey to chronic disorder.\n\n### 4. Text of proposed Convention\n\nIf the boundary as originally proposed is accepted by the Chinese Government in its entirety, the following draft of the text of a convention, taken from Mr. Litton's report, could be accepted by the Government of Burmah :--\n\n\"(a.) From Manang Bam,* in latitude 25° 33′ north, the frontier will follow the crest of the watershed range between the Nmaikha River with its tributaries to the north, and the Taping and Shweli (Lung Chiang) Rivers with their tributaries to the south, until it reaches the watershed between the Salween and the Irrawaddy Rivers.\n\n| Localities/Natural Features | Belong to |\n| --- | --- |\n| Pan Wa Kou pass, the Tsu Mei (Sisters) peak, the Ta Ya Kou pass, the Tzu Chu Ya You (Lagwi) pass, the Feng Shui Ling pass, the Ta Ho Tou ridge |  |\n| the valleys (pa-tzu) of Lunma and Tan Tsa, the Lang Ya Shan peak, the Tientan valley, the Mingkwang valley, the Tatang valley | China |\n| the valleys of the Shingaw, Tamu (Tun Maw) and Chipwi Rivers, the parè or Hkansheng valley, the Lagwi, Tzu Chu or Mangshang valley, and the Shijang (Hsieh Chiang) valley; the Hpimaw valley, comprising the drainage of the Htangjam, Changzaw (Pi Ho) and Muku streams; the whole of the drainage of the Ngawehang (Hsiao Chiang) River | Burmah |\n\n\"Thence the frontier will follow the crest of the lofty and conspicuous range known locally as the Kao Liang Kung or Kao Li Kung, which forms the watershed between the Salween and the Irrawaddy Rivers as far as latitude passing through the crest of the Pien-ma (Hpimaw) Ya Kou pass.\n\n\"The whole of the basin of the Salween (Lu Chiang) thus belongs to China and the whole basin of the Irrawaddy to Burmah.\n\n* (b.) As the frontier now laid down follows conspicuous ranges of hills and is well known no further demarcation on the spot will be necessary, but it is agreed that officers will be dispatched by both Governments to erect boundary pillars at the principal passes over the ranges which form the frontier. Any difficulty in recognising the places mentioned will be settled by reference to the map which is attached to the English and Chinese versions of the convention, and which is recognised by both Governments as authoritative.\n\n\"(c.) It is understood that this convention does not affect the frontier of the various Thibetan districts, which will be reserved for future discussion.\n\n\"(d.) The Yunnan Government having reported that certain headmen (fuyi') on the Chinese side of the frontier claim customary presents or pecuniary dues from villages situated on the Burmah side thereof, the British Government agrees to pay to the Chinese Government an annual sum of ... rupees in full compensation for the extinction of such claims. All jurisdiction and sovereignty over such villages shall thenceforth reside in His Britannic Majesty for ever. It is agreed that this sum ... rupees shall be paid annually, commencing from the ... by His Britannic Majesty's consul at Tengyueh, through the Taotai of West Yunnan, to be distributed to the said headmen (fuyi') in such proportions as the Chinese Government may determine.\n\n* I have omitted the words \"the high conical peak\" because they are not a correct description of the hill on which the northernmost boundary pillar of the convention has been erected.\n\nPage 446",
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        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "## \n\nment may direct (and any customary rights to similar presents or dues which the Chinese headmen in the Salween or Mekong valleys north of Tengkeng may subsequently be bound to possess will be considered by His Majesty's Government, and, if substantiated, dealt with in a liberal spirit).\" \n\nIf the lease is agreed to by the Chinese Government, the convention might read: \"The boundary line between the territory to be administered by the Provincial Governments of Burmah and Yünnan shall be,\" &c., and clause (d) will read \"as rent for such villages and their lands,\" instead of \"in full compensation for the extinction of such claims,\" the rest of the clause remaining unaltered. \n\nIn the event of the tract being leased from the Tengkeng fuyi, a slight alteration would be necessary in clause (d). \n\nIf the alternative boundary proposed by me is chosen, the text of the convention would be as follows:- \n\n\"(a) From Manang Bum, in latitude 25° 33′ north, the frontier will follow the crest of the watershed range between the Nmaikha River with its tributaries to the north and the Taping and Shweli (Lu Chiang) Rivers with their tributaries to the south, until it reaches the peak east of Upper Hparè village and near the sources of the Mangshang Kha, marked Hsi Chiang Ho Shan, 12,000 feet, on the Survey of India maps; thence northward to another peak called Sanliko Bun, 12,800 feet, east of the village of Lagwi (Tzu Chu) and on the range of mountains which separates the drainages of the Mangshang (Lagwi or Tzu Chu) stream and the Shingtawn stream, which falls into the Ngawchang River at Gawyawm (Shang Lou) village, from those of the Changzaw and Muku streams which flow northward from the Feng Shui Ling pass and join the Htangjam (Hpimaw) stream near the villages of Hpimaw; thence northward, crossing the Ngawchang River at the gorge between Chikgaw (Chi Ka) village and the junction of the Ngawchang (Hsiao Chiang) and the Htangjam (Hpimaw) streams, along the range which separates the drainage of the Ngawchang River and its tributaries on the east from that of the Hpienlaw Kha on the west, leaving the village of that name also on the west, to a high peak called Chiyen Bu (13,600 feet) bearing west by north of the village of Kangfang, and so northward along the watershed which divides the streams flowing eastward into the Ngawchang River from those flowing westward to the Maru country, and thence along the crest of the northern watershed of the Ngawchang River above the Yawyin village of Wulaw (Lao-wu-lu) and by the pass of that name eastward until the great Irrawaddy-Salween divide is reached. \n\n\"The following are the names by which certain points on these ranges are known: The Pan wa Ya Kou pass, the Tsu Mei (Sisters) peak, the Taya Kou pass, the Tzu Chu Ya Kou (Lagwi) pass, the Hsi Chiang Ho Shan peak, the Sanhko Bum peak, the Chiyen Pum peak. \n\nThe following localities and natural features belong to China: The valleys (pa-tzu) of Lunma and Tantsa, the Langya Shan peak, the Ticutan valley, the Mingkwang valley, the Tatang valley, the Changzaw and Muku valleys, the Hangjam (Hpimaw or Pien-ma) valley and the Ngawchang valley north of the above-mentioned gorge or defile, including the villages of Tangtung (U Tung), Gawlam and Kangfang. \n\n\"The following localities and natural features belong to Burmah: The valleys of the Shingaw, Tamu (Tun Maw) and Chipwi Rivers; the Hparè valley, the Lagwi (Tzu Chu) valley, the Shijang (Hsieh Chiang) or Mun Lang valley, and the whole of the valley of the Ngawchang (Hsiao Chiang) River below the above-mentioned gorge. \n\n\"The whole of the basin of the Salween (Lu Chiang) thus belongs to China as well as a portion of the basin of the Upper Ngawchang stream, which is a tributary of the Irrawaddy River. With this exception, the whole of the basin of the Irrawaddy River belongs to Burmah.\" \n\nThere will be no changes in clauses (b) and (c), and clause (d) will be omitted. I quote the following from the \"Joint Report\" in order to draw attention to it :---- \n\n\"It is important that in the Chinese text such terms as the Mingkwang valley (*pa-tzu)* or 'the Tientan River' should be used, not merely 'Mingkwang or Tientan, otherwise the Chinese will raise difficulties on the ground that the villages on the Nmaikha side are an integral part of Mingkwang or Tientan. It seems also very desirable that His Majesty's Minister should insist that a copy of the map, with \n\n## \n6 \n## \n9 \n\nnames of places marked in Chinese, be attached to the Chinese as well as the English version of the convention.\" \n\nA map is attached showing (a) the watershed frontier and (b) the proposed alternative frontier. \n\nThe following maps should be consulted:- \n\n1. Survey of India, North-Eastern Frontier Sheets, Nos. `22 S.E.` and `23 N.E.` (second edition). \n2. The map in Major Davies' book, “Yünnan.” \n3. The map attached to the \"Report on a Joint Survey of the Burmah-Yünnan Boundary by British and Chinese officials in 1905.” \n\nW. A. HERTZ, Deputy Commissioner, in charge \nof the Hpimaw Expedition. \n\nCamp Bamyaw, February 24, 1911. \n\nPage 447",
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        "page_number": 468,
        "title": "CO129-383 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "## Sir J. Jordan to Prince Ch'ing\n\nI have, &c.\n\nJ. N. JORDAN.\n\nYour Highness,\n\nPeking, April 10, 1911.\n\nThe contents of your Highness's note of the 11th March last regarding the Burmah-Yünnan frontier question were duly telegraphed to His Majesty's Government, whose reply I have now the honour to communicate to your Highness.\n\nHis Majesty's Government are fully satisfied that Chinese claims to all villages west of the Salween-Irrawaddy watershed, with exception of Pien-ma, K'ang Fang, and Gawlam groups, are quite inadmissible, and I am instructed to inform your Highness's board that there can be no question of accepting the Kao Liang Kung range as the basis of the frontier. That range forms the watershed between the rivers Chipwtwi and Hpare, and the claim to regard it as the frontier is tantamount to a renewal of the proposal made by Taotai Shih in the year 1905.\n\nAs regards the proposal in your Highness's note for the appointment of a joint commission to examine the country and decide upon a basis for a frontier, I am to point out that the experience of 1905 shows clearly that, unless such a basis is settled upon by the two Governments beforehand, no practical solution is at all likely to be attained. Unless there is a clear understanding as to what this basis should be, there is no possibility of officials on the spot arriving at any agreement, and the 1905 experience should serve as a warning against such a step.\n\nWith regard to the line which should be adopted as the basis, His Majesty's Government instruct me to state that the investigations of the officer whom they recently deputed to visit and administer the country up to the watershed have confirmed the view consistently urged in previous communications with the Wai-wu Pu that the line of the watershed forms not only the natural frontier and the most suitable one on geographical and administrative grounds, but is in reality the only line which affords any hope of a final settlement of this question.\n\nIn these circumstances, His Majesty's Government must continue to press for its acceptance as the general basis of the frontier, subject to an understanding that due consideration will be given to the equitable adjustment of any claims which China may be able to substantiate to the west of the watershed.\n\nHis Majesty's Government still consider, as they have always done since 1906, that those claims would be fairly and justly met by payment of monetary compensation to the native chiefs of Teng Keng for the customary presents and dues which they have been in the habit of receiving from certain villages on the western side of the proposed boundary, and I am instructed to renew to your Highness the formal offer which has already been made to the Chinese Government for a settlement on these terms.\n\nI avail, &c.\n\nJ. N. JORDAN.\n\n463",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "page_number": 224,
        "title": "CO129-384 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "# AFFAIRS OF CHINA\n\n**CONFIDENTIAL**\n\n[25903]\n\n## No. 1\n\n221\n\n[July 3]\n\n### SECTION 5\n\n24603  \n27.11\n\n**Acting Consul Rose to Foreign Office.-(Received July 3.) (Separate. Confidential.)**\n\nDear Sir,\n\nRangoon, June 8, 1911.\n\nI am sending you a copy of a semi-official letter, which I am addressing to Sir John Jordan, giving him all possible information which I have been able to gather in regard to recent developments on the Burmah-China frontier, after consultation with the Burmah officials. I attach also a copy of a letter from Mr. Perronne* which may be of interest to you in relation to events in Yünnanese Thibet. I am leaving this morning for India on my way home, travelling through Kashmir and Kashgaria.\n\nYours very truly,\n**ARCHIBALD ROSE**\n\n## Enclosure in No. 1\n\n**Acting Consul Rose to Sir J. Jordan**\n\nDear Sir John,\n\nRangoon, June 5, 1911.\n\nI have spent a fortnight in Burmah settling up a few outstanding questions at Myitkyina and taking the opportunity to discuss our frontier problems with the lieutenant-governor and Thompson, the chief secretary, as well as with Hertz, who has just returned from his visit to the unadministered territory. Before starting on my journey home, I should like to give you a brief résumé of affairs, and to place you in as good a position as possible in regard to local information. I believe that the lieutenant-governor concurs in my views on the general frontier situation, but I must submit them to you on my own responsibility, as some of the events are too recent to have received full consideration, and the Government of Burmah will probably await further information before committing themselves to any definite policy.\n\n### Undelimited Frontier North of Myitkyina\n\n2. The first and most important question is naturally that of the unadministered territory and the section of the undelimited frontier lying to the north of Myitkyina. Hertz's column appears to have done excellent work, and you will doubtless receive a copy of the report which has just been submitted. I enclose a map which will give a rough idea of the work accomplished and the general conclusions in regard to the future of the frontier. The whole of the red area has now been taken under a provisional administration, and a post has been established at Lau-Khaung with a civil officer and 125 military police under two military officers, whilst a good road has been pushed up as far as the post. It is under consideration to continue this road from Lau-Khaung to the neighbourhood of Htawgaw during the next open season.\n\n3. You will notice that Pienma (Hpimaw) and Kangfang are excluded from the administered area. Hertz has found a well-defined and lofty range dividing this tract from the newly administered area, and linking up on the north with the Irrawaddy-Salween watershed. He considers that this would form a satisfactory and defensible frontier if necessary, and seems inclined to think that, in view of well-substantiated Chinese claims, no further effort should be made to absorb the Pienma tract. I gather that the Government of Burmah might be willing to consider this recommendation if all attempts to arrange a lease should fail, though the tract has recently gained a new significance from the fact that it commands the best route into the country lying to the north of it.\n\n4. North of this Pienma tract there lies the territory of the Black Marus, and, as no claim has yet been advanced to their country by the Chinese, and as the Lisus of... \n\n*Not printed*\n\n[2103 C-5]",
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    {
        "id": 435445,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-384 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "page_number": 225,
        "title": "CO129-384 - Public Offices - 1911",
        "content_text": "## Undelimited Frontier to the East of Wa Country and Mule Transport Issues\n\n2 \n\nThe Salween valley immediately to the east are still admittedly unadministered, it appears improbable that the Chinese can substantiate any claim to this country.\n\n5. North of the Black Marus lies the Shan country of Khamti Long, which has been visited during the past open season by a small column under Barnard; this country has always been subject to Burmah, and no Chinese claims can be admitted; this year's expedition has strengthened our position and given definite form to our claims of suzerainty. It has also added information which appears of value. Barnard obtained news of a well-defined mountain range which divides the Khamti valleys from the Kiu valley, and he is inclined to think that the Chinese have some sort of position among the Kiu tribesmen. A party of eighty Chinese soldiers were touring last winter among the Chenungs, who are apparently distinct from the Kunnongs and occupy country to the east of them, and both Prince Henry of Orleans and Litton heard of Chinese tribute collection to the west of the Salween, though there is at present no reliable information as to how far west they have penetrated. The officer in charge of these eighty men was one San-tze-chiang, the same man whose visit to Khamti I reported to you last year. I gathered when in Tengyueh that San-tze-chiang alleged that he had collected tribute in Khamti, but the evidence does not support this contention. Barnard heard from the Khamtis that they themselves habitually collect tribute in the Kiu valley, and Chinese claims could hardly be admitted in this tract without further investigation.\n\n6. It seems unlikely that the Kiu country has any economic value, and if the existence of a mountain range which would prove a satisfactory and defensible frontier could once be definitely established, it might be satisfactory to leave the Chinese to their own devices there, and to advance no claims to the Kiu valley. It appears to me important, however, that we should have reliable information as to the extent of Chinese penetration beyond the watershed in this area before making any proposals or statements to the Chinese Government, and to this Sir Harvey agrees. He sees, however, the difficulty of obtaining any such particulars, and it remains to be decided whether the geographical limits of the valley, the existence and trend of this suggested boundary range, and the status of the people could best be established (1) by a joint survey party of British and Chinese working from Khamti; (2) by a small British survey expedition; or (3) by the private enterprise of officers.\n\n7. After the recent murder of Noel Williamson by the Abors, it seems questionable whether His Majesty's Government would sanction any work by a small party which might come into conflict with such of the Kachin tribes in the neighbourhood as have hitherto maintained an entire independence. They are generally inclined to be friendly, however, and supplies are plentiful in Khamti, so that a solution of the difficulty is not impossible. Sir Harvey seems disinclined to admit any Chinese claims here until further information has been obtained and until we are in a position to define the frontier to which we lay claim.\n\n8. If, after the collection of such information as would enable us to define an exact and satisfactory boundary line, we should eventually agree to admit Chinese claims to the Kiu valley and the Pienma tract, it would still be necessary to decide on the most effective way of dealing with the intermediate Black Maru tract. Young described it as a fertile country with fairly good communications and not especially difficult of access. Li San Pao also told me, when at Pienma, that his trading operations extended for eighteen marches into this country, and he actually had his home there. This appears to indicate that the Chinese have penetrated into the country, and that they will probably continue to do so by the road through Pienma and Kangfang unless we block their passage. It is important to do so, as it would be dangerous to allow them into the easy country running down the Malikha valley to Myitkyina. That they are ready to make such an advance is proved by the recent telegram from the new post at Lau-Khaung to the effect that eighty Chinese soldiers and a body of Lisus have actually entered the country and attempted to distribute presents to the headmen.\n\n9. If we cannot obtain a lease of the Pienma tract, therefore it appears essential that we should take some action which would guard the country north of Kang-fang from tribal inroads, and there appear only two alternatives: (1) to establish a post next year at the confluence of the Ngawchang Kha and 'Nmaikha, and to push through a belt of administration due east as far as the watershed; or (2) to obtain an admission from China that, in consideration of our withdrawal from Pienma, they will agree to the watershed frontier as far north as latitude 27°. There seems little hope, however, that they would agree to the latter proposal.\n\n10. In regard to the Black Maru tract, as to the Kiu valley, there appears a very \n\n3 \n\npressing need for further information which would enable us to take a definite stand. It is important too that the information should be obtained, and effective steps taken, before the Chinese have advanced any further, for it would create a very awkward situation if they were once in possession. I understand that a road is being run out from Sadiya in Assam eastwards to Sati, a point on the Lohit-Brahmaputra only 25 miles south of Rima, so that, in case of an eventual decision that the Kiu valley belongs to China, our position as far as Sati would be assured and might help in defining the boundary line.\n\n11. I think that this summarises the position on the northern section of the Burmah-China frontier, as far as our information carries us now, and after consideration of the facts which have been established by the recent Pienma and Khamti columns.\n\n## Undelimited Frontier to East of Wa Country\n\n12. There now remains the question of the undelimited section to the east of the Wa country. It seems to me that this is on a different basis from the northern tract, for Scott's line was blocked in by latitudes and longitudes defined in the Burmah-China convention, and our claims are, therefore, of a substantial nature. I gather that the Chinese have disregarded the limits of Scott's line and have pushed their posts well to the west of it; and also that the Government of Burmah is not greatly interested in the country, and might be willing to effect a compromise here if it would be useful in assisting the settlement of the northern line. At the same time they do not appear at all desirous of making any concessions at the present juncture in view of the persistently obstructive attitude of the Chinese.\n\n13. The position of this section of the frontier is very confusing and difficult to understand, and the information available with regard to it is necessarily of a very vague character. It appears uncertain how far the Chinese have advanced, and it may be necessary to reconsider the advisability of withdrawing to the line suggested by Shih Taotai, which was formerly considered satisfactory. Sir Harvey is asking for the views of Thornton and Stirling, the superintendents of the northern and southern Shan States, and I have suggested that the whole question should be reviewed again for your information when the issues are clear.\n\n14. In dealing with these undelimited sections of the frontier, the difficulties have always been accentuated by lack of information, and I think that it might prejudice our position if we put forward claims which were found on inspection to be lacking in substance. I feel very strongly, therefore, that we should make every possible use of the fuller information gathered by the recent expeditions, and that we should collect and focus the issues locally before you are asked to present them to the Chinese Government. Recent events appear to have reversed positions slightly vis-à-vis the Chinese. We are now in a position to say that we are by no means anxious to discuss the frontier until we have further information, and that if, in the meanwhile, the Chinese trespass into country over which we have asserted our claims, we cannot be responsible for the consequences. The lieutenant-governor and Thompson are going up to Myitkyina shortly, and after discussing the question with Hertz, his honour will probably decide what measures will best serve our purpose in working towards a fixed and definite line along the whole stretch of the China frontier, for there is a very general desire to settle the question as soon as we are in a position to know what is really needed.\n\n## Mule Transport\n\n15. Whilst considering the question of the frontier, there is a kindred subject which is full of difficulties—the supply of mule transport for Upper Burmah. You will remember that our officers are dependent on Chinese mules for all ordinary administrative purposes, and that, in the event of any unusual frontier work, such as the making of roads and the strengthening of our position in the newly administered tract next year, we must look to Yünnan for our transport supplies. This year the Tengyueh firm of Chun Yen-chi supplied 2,000 mules to Hertz by open tender, and I have had the greatest difficulty in protecting them from serious trouble. A telegram from the taotai to the Viceroy, of which I have left a copy with Smith, and which may prove useful later, suggests that the head of the firm be seriously embarrassed as soon as the British negotiations are at an end. It is difficult to foresee the results which may follow the official agitation against the contractors and mule owners, but I fear that they may hesitate to supply us next year. I was able to effect the rescue of the first muleteer who was imprisoned, and Smith may be able to keep up \n\n`[2103 c-5]`\n\nPage 2 \nPage 3 \nB 2",
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        "id": 469428,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-445 - Public Offices - 1917",
        "page_number": 302,
        "title": "CO129-445 - Public Offices - 1917",
        "content_text": "fail to find a single opium-poppy. On arrival at Lungling, the consulate writer and I were entertained to a Chinese dinner-party in his yamên,\n\nThe discovery of only one solitary field of opium along the route between Nantien and Lungling must, I think, be taken as evidence of the strenuous efforts which have been made during the past few months to eradicate all traces of the prescribed plant; from one or two more talkative residents encountered en route I obtained admissions of a considerable recrudescence of cultivation during last year, but all agreed as to the thorough measures of suppression carried out since November last. In the T'engch'ung district, for instance, no less than three separate expeditions of eradication had been sent out, under territorial, military, and police officials respectively, and it is only just to place on record that their duties were performed in a very thorough manner.\n\nThe normal order of procedure was for my caravan, headed by the writer and myself, to take the lead, and for the Taoyin's more imposing party to bring up the rear. The 1st April was, however, appropriately celebrated by the failure of the Taoyin's party to keep touch with us at a parting of the ways, this added some 2 miles for them to the long and undulating road to Siangta. Thence to P'ingka is normally reckoned as a single though lengthy stage for caravans; at the Taoyin's request we split it into two, halting at the small hamlet of Huchiachal, 7,000 feet high, picturesquely situated in the midst of dense groves of bamboos. At Huchiachal we encountered our first rain, and thereafter we had not a single rainless day until the 19th April. From Pingka to Hankuai, high above the right bank of the Salween, with a magnificent view of the lofty mountains on the other side, was another long day's march.\n\nThe crossing of the Salween was a tedious business for so large a cavalcade; two bamboo rafts were provided, taking only some five mule-loads or ten men on each trip; the method of propulsion across the swift current was by a species of flat umbrella fashioned of stout bamboo; at each end of the craft an \"oarsman\" plied one of these cumbrous weapons by plunging it into the water and pulling it towards himself with powerful strokes.\n\nArrived at the left bank of the Salween, we were in the Chênk'ang district; and at the head of the very long and stiff ascent from the river we were met by the local magistrate, Tang Te-ch'uan, a pleasant elderly official, who travelled with us until we left his jurisdiction. Tê-tang, where his official residence is, was our third halt after crossing the Salween; this place was made memorable for me by a sufficiently unhappy experience. Somewhere about A.M. a gale of wind, accompanied by torrents of rain, brought my tent down over my head, and my slumbers to a beautifully abrupt close.\n\nThe town of Chênk'ang was reached next day. Formerly there was a Chinese Shan Sawbwa of Chenkung, but his downfall was brought about as the result of the Manchu viceroy, Hsi Liang's, policy for the gradual absorption of the Chinese Shan States into direct Chinese administration; and save for a few picturesque ruins of the Sawbwa's palace, the place is now shorn of any pomp and circumstance it may have once possessed.\n\nTwelve days' travel, although for the most part along comparatively unfrequented routes, had now disclosed but one solitary field of opium-poppy, and I therefore decided on a somewhat rash experiment. None of the four maps of Yunnan which I took with me gave any indication of a road from Chênk'ang to Mienning, the next district town on my list, and the recognised routes between these two places are circuitous in the extreme, passing through either Shunning or Yünchow. I ascertained, however, that a road practicable for chairs existed, and elected to attempt it. Fortunately, by this time the Tengyueh Taoyin had resigned himself to accepting my lead, or he would almost certainly have protested. For five days we followed the roughest of mountain paths, which had in many places to be prepared overnight for our transit by the felling of trees and clearing of jungle. At none of the intermediate halts, Pank'a, Maulung, Hup'o, and Manlai, we were assured, had a white traveller ever been seen, and I cannot recommend my example as one to be lightly followed. The only camping-ground to be found at Manlai was on a wind-swept spur projecting out of a deep ravine, and once again a sudden hurricane brought my tent crashing down.\n\nBelow Manlai our route crossed the Namting River by a ford which would obviously be impracticable during the heavier rains of midsummer. At the Namting we quitted the Chênk'ang district and entered the jurisdiction of the Chinese Shan Sawbwa of Kengma. During our six days of travel through Chenkang territory we had found no opium crops whatever, though I learnt that there had been a small harvest of the earliest sown poppy. The magistrate was said, however, to have been indefatigable in the work of eradication, and I was assured—not by himself—that since November of last year he had never been in residence at his post for five consecutive days.\n\nDuring our day and a-half through the jurisdiction of the Kengma Sawbwa we were escorted by his Shan-Chinese clerk, who was full of his recent visit to Rangoon and Lashio in attendance on his master. The road from the left or south-east bank of the Namting River was a terribly steep ascent for some 3,000 feet, which we negotiated in pouring rain; this was succeeded by a hair-raising path—with an average breadth of 14 inches at the most—for some 5 miles along the edge of a precipice. After the heavy rain the surface of red laterite was so treacherously slippery that I felt safer on my sure-footed Yunnan pony than on my own legs.\n\nOur next halt, the Shan village of Chepi, was on a route traversed more than twenty years ago by H. R. Davies, the standard authority on the province of Yunnan, and doubtless by other foreigners since; here for the first time I abandoned my tent, in favour of a comparatively clean temple.\n\nAt this point we were met by a guard of honour sent out to meet us by the P'uêrh Taoyin, who had arrived at Mienning, our pre-arranged meeting-place, on the 11th April. I owe the noisy but efficient commandant a debt of gratitude for his thorough arrangements for my comfort at each of our halting places throughout the Mienning district.\n\nFor several days in succession I had seen nothing whatever of the Tengyueh Taoyin; at Chêpi, however, much to my surprise, he rode over to call on me. The reason for the visit was only apparent when he propounded the astonishing request that as during seventeen days' travel in his circuit we had only found one field of opium-poppy, I would overlook it in my report to His Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires.\n\nOn my replying that, had we found one hundred I should be bound to report one hundred, and that I must equally report the one; he then suggested that I should add a rider that the field found was close to the scene of military operations against the offending Kachins. To this I rejoined that I had been over the country in question and he had not, and that I knew for a fact that the two places were at least two and a-half days' journey apart. Soon afterwards he took his leave, considerably crestfallen.\n\nApril 14th: Shortly after leaving Chêpi the road to Mienning makes a very steep ascent of some 3,000 feet, on to a lofty shoulder, the view from which on a clear day must be magnificent, embracing extensive country in the jurisdiction of Shunning and Kengma, in the Tengyueh circuit, and Mienning in the Puerh circuit. On an open bit of grass land just beyond a pillar marking the boundary, a large booth had been erected, and we were met by the Puerh Taoyin and the Mienning district magistrate, each of whom furnished a guard of honour. The Puerh Taoyin, Lu Pang-shun, a Kiangsu man aged 56, has held office for the past twenty-one years in Yunnan, and possesses a very thorough knowledge of the province. Two periods of service he has spent in Tengyueh, first as sub-prefect in Manchu times, and secondly as taotai under the Republic in 1913. The Mienning magistrate, Hsieh Yunan, has formerly held a billet in the War Office in Peking; he struck me as being unusually intelligent and capable.\n\nAt Pingyehhsün, where we halted for the night, the two Taoyins came over to call. From the first, Mr. Lu showed up very favourably beside his Tengyueh colleague, and displayed a friendly acquiescence in my suggestions with regard to our joint tour.\n\nThe following day we reached the ancient walled city of Mienning, inhabited by a mixed population of Chinese and Shans, while Lolos and natives of several other tribes inhabit the surrounding villages. On arrival at the city, we were escorted for a sort of Jericho-tour round the walls before being conducted to the old lieutenant-general's yamên, especially done up for the occasion, where ample quarters were provided for both Taoyins and their escorts, and a refreshingly clean and well-aired suite of rooms was set apart for me.\n\nMy caravan had now been on the move for nineteen consecutive days; men and animals had, I felt, well earned a rest, and I accepted without compunction the friendly invitation of Lu Taoyin and the magistrate to stop over one day in Mienning. The first night they entertained the Tengyueh Taoyin and myself at dinner; the next day they gave me a bathing-party picnic at a hot sulphur spring some 3 miles outside the town.\n\nFor the journey from Mienning to Szemao my first care was to ascertain the route followed by Lu Taoyin to the rendezvous; he had come, as I expected, by the most direct road through Chingku hsien (the modern name of Weiyuant'ing of Manchu times). I asked Mr. Lu point-blank whether he had seen any opium cultivation on his outward journey; he replied that a few isolated patches had been sown at the beginning of the season.\n\n[2729 -1]\n\n298",
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        "content_text": "we traversed in his district boasted its own small bureau for the furtherance of the task, while the magistrate's extensive tours of inspection included a journey to the summit of Wu-Liang-Shan, between 11,000 and 12,000 feet high.\n\nLeaving Chingtong on the 15th May, three days' journey brought us to the boundary between the Puerh and Tengyueh circuits, at Shukai (locally pronounced Chakai). Here we found that the Tengyueh Taoyin and the Menghua district magistrate a self-satisfied little man named Chrên Pên-yu had been awaiting our arrival for three days. Before bidding farewell to the Puerh Taoyin, I gave him a letter detailing our route through his circuit and congratulating him on the fact that we had discovered not a single opium-poppy in a month's journey. In the course of an interesting conversation, Mr. Lu freely admitted that the task of suppression had been considerably easier in his circuit than elsewhere in the province; he was no less frank regarding the prevalence of opium-smoking, and expressed the opinion that from three to five years must elapse before this would be stopped.\n\nDuring the whole time that I had travelled with the P'uêrh Taoyin I had met with nothing but courtesy and kindness at his hands, and it was with real regret that I parted with him and resumed the company of the Tengyueh Taoyin. Two days' travel, the first of which gave us a magnificent and extensive view of Wu-Liang-Shan, brought us to Narchien, where our halt coincided with that of an unusually ragged and ruffianly party of Chinese regular troops, en route to suppress a local outbreak of brigandage some two days' journey to the south-west. Here I received a visit from the district magistrate of Mitu, a Fukienese named Ko Nain-ming, the limit of whose jurisdiction was only a mile or so away. Two days later, 21st May, the large walled town of Menghua was reached, and here, much against my wish, we stayed a day at the request of the Taoyin, who asserted the receipt of important despatches requiring urgent attention.\n\nThe large district of Menghua is one of those which took the fullest advantage of the iniquitous permission accorded last year by the Governor of Yunnan for the cultivation of poppy; if rumour speaks true, the early harvest of the past season was considerable, and the local magistrate is asserted to have lined his pockets well by allowing a second crop, on learning that the inspecting officers would not be able to reach his district before May. But for several weeks prior to our arrival, military, police, and civil officials, including himself, had been out in all directions to ensure that no poppy should be left. Certainly none was to be seen along our route, and the predominating crops consisted of healthy-looking wheat.\n\nFrom Menghua it is but two days' journey to Siakwan, the largest business town in West Yunnan; on the second day the route crosses a high mountain pass, which from the level of 8,800 feet affords a magnificent view of the Tali lake.\n\nAssembled at Siakwan, which was reached on Empire Day, to meet the Taoyin were a host of Chinese officials, including the magistrates of the three districts of Fengi (Ch'en Pei-yuan); Pinch'uan (Li Fan); and Tali (Yu-Yueh). Such a gathering involved, of course, the inevitable Chinese dinner-party. For many years past Siukwan has been one of the largest distributing centres for opium in all Yunnan, and the Chinese firm in whose premises quarters were found for me bears the reputation of being the wealthiest of all the opium dealers.\n\nThe 7 miles over level country between Siakwan and Tali should be accomplished by a good pony in an hour; so villainous, however, is the condition of the ancient stone-paved highway connecting the two places, that the journey takes three hours, and is accomplished with less exasperation on foot. Many weeks previously the local British representative of the British American Tobacco Company had offered me hospitality in his most comfortable headquarters at Tali, but in view of the questionable legality of such an establishment, I had hesitated to accept; when, however, the Taoyin himself announced that this was the proposed arrangement, I concurred with alacrity. Amongst the many welcome amenities thus afforded was comparative immunity from flies, which for the previous fortnight en route had been a plague of positively Egyptian magnitude. My host also most kindly made arrangements for me to meet the whole of the foreign community of Tali, including M. R. L. P. Baude (French), district inspector of the Salt Revenue for Yunnan, and his wife; M. Caffarena (French), of the same Department; and two French priests.\n\nFrom Tali it had been originally suggested that the inspection tour should continue northwards to Likiang. Previous to our departure from Tengyueh I had invoked the aid of a French merchant at Atutzu and of the representative of a British mission at Likiang to obtain for me, confidentially, reliable information on the subject of poppy crops in the north-west of the province; and letters from each of them were awaiting me at Siakwan. My French correspondent reported planting this season in the north of the Paoshan (Yungch'an) district and north-east of Yungpei, but that none remained, save, perhaps, in inaccessible spots; the Likiang missionary affirmed that already by the middle of April no trace of cultivation remained in the Likiang, Hoching, or Chiench'uan districts, and that in the Yungpei district (north of the Yangtze) it was probably grown only by Liso and other tribal folk, over whom the Chinese have practically no control. These reports were confirmed at Tali by the Rev. W. J. Hanna, of the China Inland Mission, and by the representative of the British-American Tobacco Company, both of whom travel extensively, and who assured me that it was several weeks too late for any likelihood of discovering opium crops on a visit to Likiang.\n\nIn view of this consensus of opinion and also of the clear indications of the opening, already overdue, of the rainy season, I decided to abandon the Likiang tour. As, however, I had received many weeks previously definite information that no poppy crops were to be seen anywhere along the main road (via Siakwan, Yungp'ing, and Yungchang) between Tali and Tengyueh, I elected to take the difficult and circuitous route via Tongch'uan, Yünlung, and Kait'ou; this route, incidentally, cuts across the north of the Paoshan (Yungch'ang) district.\n\nLeaving Tali on the 27th May, our first stage was the 16 miles of terrible ancient paved stone road to Shangkuan, at the north-west end of the Tali Lake. We bade farewell to the Tali magistrate and made the acquaintance of Mr. Li Kung-ch'ôn, the official in charge of the district of Tengch'uan. This town was passed the following morning after two hours of easy going, succeeded by a stiff climb to 8,900 feet, and a steep descent to the surprisingly large town of Fengyü (in the Erhyüan (Langk'un) district), lying in a huge basin of terraced rice fields. For the last portion of this day's journey and for the next two days we were accompanied by the Erhyüan magistrate, a Hupei man of an intelligently enquiring turn of mind, named Chien. From Fengyü the road climbs up to 10,700 feet, and then drops down to 6,100 feet, the level of the Yangpi River, which flows through the town of that name and Siakwan into the southern end of the Tali Lake. Two days of travel through beautiful pine-forest country and one day of wilder scenery past several large salt-wells brought us to the town of Yünlung, the district magistrate of which, Ko Yên-ch'un, was absent on sick-leave.\n\nFrom Fengyü to the district of Yünlung the population consists largely of Minchia, a tribal folk closely allied to the Chinese in appearance, as also now in dress and habits, but speaking Chinese with an atrocious foreign accent, which natives of any other province than Yünnan find considerable difficulty in understanding.\n\nThe town of Yunlung lies at the eastern foot of the lofty range flanking the left bank of the Mekong River, and the day's journey to the 60-year-old chain suspension bridge (the Fei-Lung, or Flying Dragon, bridge) over that turgid torrent consisted of a climb from 5,500 feet to 9,700 feet, succeeded by a long and stony descent to 4,600 feet, the elevation of the Mekong at this point. The fierce swiftness of its 80 yards broad current is sufficiently accounted for by the fact that it descends over 1,800 feet between here and the Tapêng ferry by which we crossed it on the outward journey.\n\nBut a still more formidable day's march lay before us, over the yet higher range on the right bank of the Mekong. The altitudes on this section varied between 5,000 feet at the start (Chinchou), 11,800 feet at the summit, and 7,000 feet at the halting-place, Ts'aochien. Almost the whole of the climb was over the roughest of stone-boulder paving, and much of it in deep trough-like gullies, while, save at the very summit, the path was overgrown by dense jungle. Climatic variations added not a little to the trials of the march; they ranged from blazing sunshine, through fine Scotch mist, to driving sleet, and then back again to moist heat. Starting at 6.30 a.m., I walked this stage in nine and a half hours; the Taoyin's official chair, from which, willy-nilly, he was frequently forced to descend, completed it in thirteen and a half. Our respective memories of the day's journey will last for some time to come.\n\nAfter two more days of very hilly travel, we came to the crossing of the Salween, here effected in a large, unwieldy-looking boat, the helmsman of which plied a huge stern sweep, some 20 feet long, to negotiate obliquely the passage of the intervening rapids. From the level of the Salween at this point (Mêngku ferry) to the summit of the range, on the right bank, is an ascent of all but 8,000 feet, and the climb over the summit, 10,500 feet, through dense jungle, followed by a steep and terribly rugged drop of close on 4,000 feet, made a day's journey scarcely less arduous than that over the Mekong range.\n\nThe trials of this day's travel were not over on arrival at our halting-place...",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-445 - Public Offices - 1917.txt",
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    {
        "id": 488963,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 111,
        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "## \nJo. 34.\n\n`R 3266/17/10`\n\n**CAF DETA**\n\n**FOREIGN OFFICE, S.W.1.**\n\nJanuary 12th, 1921.\n\n109\n\nSir:-\n\nWith reference to my despatch No. 321 of June 25th and to my despatch No. 722 of December 23rd, 1920, I transmit to you herewith six printed copies of a letter, with enclosures, from the India Office on the subject of measures proposed by the Government of Burma, and approved by the Government of India, for the gradual reduction of the cultivation of opium poppy in the frontier tracts of Burma bordering on Yunnan and the prevention of the smuggling of opium across the Burma-Yunnan frontier.\n\n2. As you will see, the measures now approved contemplate (i) the entire prohibition of poppy cultivation in the Kachin Hill Tracts after the present season, and (ii) the issue of an immediate notification of the intention of the Government to control, after the lapse of two years, the output of opium in the Northern and Southern Shan States, east of the River Salween.\n\n3. The letter from the India Office was not received until after the letter to that office, forwarding a copy of the letter from the Peking International Anti-Opium Association to the League of Nations (See Mr. Clive's despatch No. 655 of September 23rd and my reply to you No. 722 of December 23rd) had been drafted, and you should not...\n\nSir B.F. Alston, K.C.M.G., C.B., etc., etc.,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921.txt",
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    {
        "id": 488966,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 114,
        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "## 2 \n\nThe Lieutenant-Governor, subject to the approval of the Government of India, proposes to accept the recommendations contained in paragraphs 6 and 9 of the Financial Commissioner's letter mentioned above. Stringent action for the suppression of poppy cultivation will accordingly be taken in the Kachin Hill areas in the Katha, Bhamo, Myitkyina, and Ruby Mines Districts, and the Government of India will be separately addressed with a view to such amendments of the Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation as may be necessary to give effect to this policy. It is not for the present proposed to take any action in the Putao district, which has only very recently been brought under British administration.\n\n## 4. \nIn the Shan States, on the other hand, it is not possible, or at least expedient, to advance quite so far at the present juncture. In their case, it is not only the ordinary Shan population that has to be considered, but also the attitude of the Chiefs. If the latter and their officials combine sub rosa with the people to resist the suppression of poppy cultivation, any measures that may be taken are likely to prove a failure or to cause trouble and unrest, and in the Lieutenant-Governor's opinion, it is a matter of paramount importance to secure their co-operation. Again, in the trans-Salween States, any immediate control is impossible. In areas such as East Manglun and the Wa States, Government has next to no authority, while in the Kengtung State, which has more geographical and racial affinities with countries across the border than with Burma, difficulties of communication render it necessary for Government to walk very warily in its dealings with the Sawbwa and the people. Even in the Shan States, however, the Lieutenant-Governor does not propose to let matters remain as they are, and he is accordingly prepared to initiate a policy of progressive prohibition to be applied in the first instance to all cis-Salween States. If this policy commends itself to the Government of India, he proposes to issue a notification to the effect that it is the intention of Government to control the output of opium after two years in all cis-Salween States, and the control exercised will be directed to reducing poppy cultivation, at first to the barest minimum required for internal consumption in these States, and eventually to suppressing it completely.\n\n## 5. \nThe prevention of smuggling into China is a more difficult matter to deal with, and the effectiveness of any measures that may be taken depends largely on the co-operation of Chinese officials. In point of fact, it appears unlikely that any such co-operation will be forthcoming at the moment. Recent consular reports from Tengyueh indicate that poppy is being openly cultivated in Yunnan; the price of opium at Namhkim on the border of the Northern Shan States has fallen from 350 rupees to approximately 25 rupees per viss, and the tendency now is for Chinese opium to enter Burma rather than for Shan opium to be smuggled into China. The Lieutenant-Governor, however, recognises that whatever the Chinese attitude of the moment may be, it is the duty of Government to fulfil treaty obligations as far as possible, and, in fact, the more the Chinese authorities neglect their responsibilities, the easier it is for Government to enforce its wishes, as the more opium that is produced over the Chinese frontier, the less is the temptation to Shans and Kachins to grow it inside the borders of Burma. The Lieutenant-Governor accordingly proposes to forbid absolutely the export of opium from the Kachin Hill Tracts and from the cis-Salween Shan States, and, even although the prevention of smuggling from the trans-Salween States is impracticable, such measures as are possible will be taken to check extensive smuggling by large caravans, in the hope that the people may gradually be brought to see that opium smuggling is discountenanced by Government and is regarded as a serious offence.\n\n## 6. \nThe course of action advocated is thus a middle one between two extremes, one of wholesale suppression with complete disregard of consequences, and the other of ultra-caution regarding the possible dislike by the people of the tracts concerned of action taken for the reduction of poppy cultivation and the consumption of opium. This policy would also appear to be in harmony with the views of the Right Honourable the Secretary of State as expressed in a recent answer to a question on this subject in the House of Commons on the 29th April, 1920. It is necessary to proceed cautiously and by degrees, but his Honour intends that at least in the matter of production of opium, there shall be no doubt as to the enforcement of what it is decided to prohibit, while he does not propose to prohibit what he cannot enforce.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n**P. E. JAMIESON**,  \nRevenue Secretary to the Government of Burma,\n\n## 3 \n\n### Enclosure 3 in No. 1.\n\n**Mr. Jones to the Revenue Secretary to the Government of Burma.**  \n**(Confidential.)**  \nSir,  \nRangoon, August 12, 1920.\n\nWith reference to Mr. Keith's letter dated the 9th June, 1919, calling for proposals for restricting the cultivation of poppy in the Shan States and the frontier districts, and for preventing the introduction of opium from Burma into China, I am now directed to submit for the orders of Government a copy of the papers of which a list is given in the annexed schedule, and to communicate the following remarks and recommendations of the Financial Commissioner thereon.\n\n## 2. \nA perusal of the reports received from the Chinese consular officers on the subject of the measures taken by the Chinese authorities in Yunnan for the suppression of poppy cultivation and traffic in opium indicates that between the years 1911 and 1917, spasmodic efforts were made from time to time to suppress the cultivation of the poppy in the plains of Yunnan and in the Chinese Shan valleys. These measures had, however, little effect on the consumption of opium by those habituated to the drug, and during this period, large supplies of opium were obtained from Burma mainly from the Northern Shan States. As a result of these restrictive measures, the price of opium in Yunnan rose to 325 rupees a viss in 1918. From 1918 onwards, the province of Yunnan appears to have followed the lead of the majority of opium-growing provinces of China by throwing off all restraint in the matter of poppy cultivation and adopting instead a policy of open encouragement of planting as a means of replenishing the exhausted provincial exchequer. Concurrently with the recrudescence of unchecked cultivation, all restrictions in regard to traffic in opium appear to have been removed. Opium cultivation is so ingrained among the natives of Yunnan, both Chinese and hill tribesmen, that any relaxation of vigorous measures of suppression is inevitably attended by a fresh outbreak of cultivation. Moreover, the financial prosperity of the province of Yunnan and the stability of the provincial finances are so closely connected with the opium trade that whole-hearted suppression of poppy cultivation and opium traffic can hardly be expected otherwise than under pressure from a strong central Government at Peking or under the influence of a strong prohibition movement in the province itself, of neither of which there seems any likelihood at the present time. The result of the present attitude of the Yunnan Government is that the price of opium has now fallen to about 20 rupees a viss, and that opium is now being once more smuggled from China into Burma.\n\n## 3. \nNevertheless, the fact that the Chinese are failing on their side to suppress poppy cultivation and opium traffic does not absolve us from the obligation to do what is possible on our side to restrict cultivation and prevent the export of the drug to China. Our adherence to the International Opium Convention has rendered it impossible for us to maintain the laissez-faire policy enunciated in Mr. Rice's letter dated the 27th October, 1910. We have definitely informed the Yunnan Government in 1918 that the Burma Government had under consideration a scheme, which would be put into force at the earliest possible moment, for the control of poppy cultivation in the frontier regions of Burma: while the Secretary of State, as intimated in Mr. Lewisohn's letter, dated the 19th November, 1919, has expressed the view that it is essential that all practical measures should be taken as soon as possible to suppress cultivation in Burma and to prevent the introduction of opium from Burma into China, subject, however, to the proviso that care must be taken to see that restrictive measures are not pressed to the point where danger of serious unrest or disturbances may be anticipated.\n\n## 4. \nApart, moreover, from our obligations under the International Opium Convention, there are other reasons which, from an administrative point of view, render it advisable to restrict as far as possible the cultivation of poppy in the frontier hills and in the Shan States. The enormously enhanced prices realised for opium in the last few years have naturally resulted in a very large increase in the area under poppy cultivation in these regions. The Financial Commissioner is informed that in certain parts of the Kachin Hills, this increase has been accompanied by an increase in the opium habit among the Kachins, especially among the younger men. The majority of officers of experience in the Kachin Hills appear to be agreed as to the deleterious effect of opium on the Kachin, and as to the advisability of preventing as far as possible any extension of the opium habit among them. The reports received from...",
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    {
        "id": 488967,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 115,
        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "# \n## \n\n5 \n\n113 \n\nthe Shan States do not indicate any increase in opium consumption among the Shans, probably because the opium habit is already general there, and the Shans have always been able to obtain as much as they require. Apart, however, from the increase in consumption among the Kachin and cognate tribes, which is resulting from the extension of cultivation, there is no doubt that the existence of large supplies of opium in the Kachin Hills and the Shan States renders more difficult the enforcement of our opium policy in Burma. Hitherto most of the opium grown in these regions has found its markets in China, Indo-China and Siam, but if these markets are closed and no concurrent steps are taken for the suppression or restriction of opium cultivation, this opium must necessarily find its market in Burma. There is also an obvious economic danger in the substitution of poppy for food crops in these regions which are entirely dependent for their food supplies on the locally-grown stocks. It may be added that the present time, when the fall in the price of opium has reduced the incentive to cultivation, is a favourable moment for inaugurating a policy of restriction or suppression of poppy cultivation.\n\n5. The subject-matter of the correspondence may conveniently be subdivided into three heads:- \n\n(1) The prohibition of the cultivation of the poppy in the Kachin Hill Tracts. \n(2) The restriction of the cultivation of the poppy in the Shan States. \n(3) The prevention of the smuggling of opium from Burma and the Shan States into China and Siam.\n\nThe general question of the assimilation of the internal opium policy in Burma to that laid down in the International Opium Convention has been dealt with in separate correspondence.\n\n6. The first question has been fully dealt with in the correspondence enclosed with the Mandalay Commissioner's letter, dated the 15th November, 1919. It appears unnecessary to examine that correspondence in detail, for in his letter Mr. Cabell states that he approves of the policy proposed by Colonel Aplin in his letter, dated the 8th April, 1914, a copy of which was forwarded to you with Mr. Mosely's letter, dated the 23rd December, 1915, and as far as Mr. Arbuthnot can judge from the proposals suggested in that correspondence, the only course to adopt is that which these two officers recommend for acceptance. These proposals have been summarised by Mr. Cabell as follows:- \n\n| Proposal | Description |\n| --- | --- |\n| (1) | That the Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation should be amended so as to make cultivation of the poppy in any hill-tract to which the regulation applies illegal; |\n| (2) | That orders should be proclaimed in all villages in the hill-tracts that after the present season the cultivation of the poppy will be entirely prohibited, that any crop found will be destroyed and that the owner of the crop will be liable to prosecution; |\n| (3) | That in the first season after the proclamation of the prohibition all poppy crops found should be destroyed, but prosecution should not be resorted to, but that in subsequent years prosecution should be undertaken, light punishment being inflicted in the case of first offence; |\n| (4) | That Chinese subjects found cultivating the poppy on the Burmese side of the frontier should be similarly treated, and should also be dealt with under the Frontier Crossing and Disturbed Districts Regulation and expelled from British territory. |\n\nThe amendments to section 31 of the Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation, which were suggested by Colonel Aplin in his letter of 8th April, 1914, above referred to, are also regarded as suitable by the Commissioner, Mandalay Division, and by the Deputy Commissioners of Katha, Bhamo and Ruby Mines. The Deputy Commissioner, Myitkyina, deprecates the taking of any action. Putao, it is suggested, may be left out of consideration for the present.\n\nThe Financial Commissioner recommends that action should be taken on the lines proposed by the Commissioner to prohibit the cultivation of the poppy in the Kachin Hill Tracts in the Katha, Bhamo, Myitkyina and Ruby Mines Districts, and also that steps should be taken to amend the Kachin Hills Regulation in the manner proposed by the Commissioner.\n\n7. Mr. Arbuthnot agrees with Colonel Aplin and Mr. Cabell that it is not possible at present to take any measures to prohibit the possession of opium among the Kachins. If, however, the cultivation of the poppy is entirely prohibited in the Kachin Hills, some arrangements will have to be made for the supply of opium to Kachin consumers. This is a matter which is hardly touched on in the correspondence and which will have to be further considered by the Excise Commissioner in consultation with the local officers. Since, however, it will be at least two years before the policy of prohibition, if adopted, can be made effective, there will be ample time for the settlement of this matter. Meanwhile, it is desirable that a decision on the question of the policy in regard to the prohibition of the cultivation of the poppy should be arrived at at an early date.\n\n8. I am, in this connection, to refer to the correspondence ending with Mr. Keith's letter dated the 3rd December, 1914, and to suggest that the orders conveyed in Local Government's letter dated the 23rd April, 1901, directing that until further orders Chinese British subjects permanently residing in a Kachin Hill Tract should, as regards the cultivation of the poppy and the manufacture, possession, transport and sale of opium, be subjected only to the restrictions for the time being in force in the case of hill tribes to which the Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation has been made applicable, should now be abrogated.\n\n9. The second question raised in this correspondence is that of the restriction of the cultivation of opium in the Shan States. The latest opinions of the local officers are to be found in the note, dated the 28th May, 1919, by Messrs. Stirling and Thornton, letters by the same officers dated the 14th and 24th July, 1919, respectively, and a long letter, dated the 12th March, 1920, from Major Butterfield, Superintendent, Northern Shan States, to the Revenue Secretary. Messrs. Stirling, Thornton and Lister discussed this last letter with his Honour on the 5th April at Taunggyi, and their conclusions were summarised in a note, dated the 8th April, 1920, prepared by the Chief Secretary. In this note Messrs. Stirling and Thornton reaffirmed their adherence to the proposals made by them in their note of the 28th May, 1919. The proposals are that Government should issue an immediate notification of its intention to control the output of opium in the cis-Salween States after two years from the date of the notification. These two years should be devoted to preparing estimates of the amount of opium required in the Shan States. The control exercised should be such as to reduce the cultivation in the cis-Salween States to the barest minimum required for the internal consumption of the States. Indeed it might be possible to reduce cultivation below this minimum, as the trans-Salween States would probably always have a surplus for export to the cis-Salween States. The result of their proposals would be that at the end of two years the total prohibition of cultivation would be effective in many localities in the cis-Salween States. Where cultivation was permitted in these States, it should be under licence and at a heavy revenue rate, the terms of which could be considered and determined in a notified period of two years. Licensed cultivators should be permitted to sell only to the recognised vendors of the various States. Presumably the method by which effect would be given to these proposals would be by the extension, to the cis-Salween States, of certain sections of the `Opium Act`, and by framing rules under that Act for the regulation of: \n- (a) the cultivation of poppy under licence; \n- (b) the sale by the licensed cultivators to recognised opium vendors; and \n- (c) the amount to be sold by these vendors.\n\nBut until the enquiries, which Messrs. Stirling and Thornton consider necessary before any form of control is instituted, have been completed, it is impossible to make any useful suggestion in respect of the form which these rules should take. The policy, however, suggested by Messrs. Stirling and Thornton appears to be the only practical one, and if that view is accepted all that is required at present is to issue the notification intimating the intention of Government. The Financial Commissioner recommends that steps should be taken at an early date to give effect to the suggestion.\n\n10. The third question which is raised in the correspondence is that of the prevention of smuggling from Burma and the Shan States into China and Siam. For the moment the traffic in opium from the Shan States into China has considerably diminished and the present tendency is for opium to be imported into Burma from China. There has, however, in the past been a great deal of smuggling of opium from the Shan States, and if the supplies in Yunnan at any time prove insufficient, this smuggling on a large scale is likely to be revived. The prohibition of cultivation of opium in the Kachin Hill Tracts and the restriction of cultivation in the cis-Salween States of the Shan States would obviously make for a great reduction in the amount.\n\nC `[5201 s-1]`",
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    {
        "id": 488968,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 116,
        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "## \nof opium available for export to China, while the general result will be that we shall be pushing further eastward the boundary line between effective and non-effective control of opium manufacture and consumption. The further that line advances to the east the more difficult will it be for smugglers to carry on their operations, and the more possible it will be to make an effective reply to any complaints on the part of the Chinese Government. This seems as far as it is possible to go at present. We can do little for years to come in respect of the trans-Salween States and the check of smuggling from there into China. Moreover, although article 15 of the Convention lays down that the contracting Powers shall take all necessary measures to prevent the smuggling of opium into Chinese territory, compliance with this article appears to be dependent on the co-operation of the Chinese Government; and as far as can be judged from a perusal of the correspondence on the subject, China is prepared to do very little to suppress the smuggling of opium from China into Burma. We are, therefore, certainly not called upon to adopt in the interests of China a rash policy of intervention in the trans-Salween States, or to take costly and almost impracticable measures to control smuggling operations along a frontier many hundreds of miles long.\n\n## \nThe same difficulties which prevent any effectual check of the smuggling of opium from the trans-Salween States into China also operate to prevent any effective check on the smuggling of opium from the trans-Salween States into Siam, and though, in the case of Siam, as appears from the correspondence forwarded with Mr. Lewisohn's letter, dated the 17th December, 1919, the Siamese authorities have expressed themselves willing to co-operate in any measures which may be practical for the suppression of the traffic, the control exercised by them over the Shan States on their side of the frontier is probably even less effective than our control over our own trans-Salween States. The measures proposed above should operate to reduce the amount of opium available for smuggling from the trans-Salween States into Siam, and beyond this nothing more seems possible at present. Letter dated the 12th June, 1920, from the Commissioner, Tenasserim Division, to the Excise Commissioner, which forms an enclosure to Mr. Brander's letter, dated the 24th June, 1920, indicates that little or no smuggling takes place from the districts of the Tenasserim Division into Siam.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n**E. H. JONES**, Secretary to the Financial Commissioner, Burma.\n\n## ANNEX 1\n\n**Lieutenant-Colonel Aplin** (Commissioner, Mandalay Division) to the Assistant Secretary to the Financial Commissioner (Burma).\n\n**(Confidential.)**\n\nFebruary 17, 1919.\n\nI HAVE the honour to forward a copy of letter dated the 7th February, 1919, from the Deputy Commissioner, Bhamo, on the subject of poppy cultivation in the Kachin Hill Tracts.\n\n2. The latest orders of Government are that no action should be taken regarding the prevention or restriction of poppy cultivation in these tracts during the war. As the war is over, Mr. Booth-Gravely is in order in raising the question afresh, though I think it is probable Government may not consider that the time has yet arrived for action to be taken. As this, however, is a matter for Government to decide I am submitting Mr. Booth-Gravely's letter for orders.\n\n3. I do not propose to comment on Mr. Booth-Gravely's letter beyond remarking that I agree with him that repressive action should be taken as soon as is practicable. I think so because of the large increase in poppy cultivation that is taking place. This I consider should be stopped as soon as possible, for every year that the cultivation continues will make its suppression more difficult eventually. But I am not in favour of any sudden measures of a drastic nature, nor does the present time appear to be a convenient one for any measures to be taken which might lead to trouble or unrest. I would prefer to wait until the operations on the Assam frontier are over and the Bhamo Military Police Battalion is at full strength.\n\n4. There is, however, no objection to a reconsideration of the measures that should be taken when a suitable time for their introduction arrives. Suggestions have already been made, but this was four or five years ago. It appears to me, therefore, that the first step that should be taken now is to review these suggestions in the light of the further experience we have gained during the years of the war. I would therefore recommend that the Deputy Commissioners be invited to take this step now as Mr. Booth-Gravely suggests so that there may be no avoidable delay when the time arrives in the introduction of the scheme or schemes that Government may approve.\n\n5. Any wholesale destruction of the poppy crops should certainly not be attempted by the Assistant Superintendent, Sinlumkaba, this season. As a matter of fact it is too late, as the crop, I understand, will be gathered in March. But in any case it would be impolitic to attempt it at the present juncture. I am therefore informing Mr. Booth-Gravely that the instructions given by him (paragraph 16 of his letter) are approved.\n\n**Mr. Booth-Gravely**, Deputy Commissioner, Bhamo, to the Commissioner, Mandalay Division.\n\n**(Confidential.)**\n\nBhamo, February 7, 1919.\n\nI HAVE the honour to address you on the subject of poppy cultivation in the Kachin Hill Tracts in the Bhamo District.\n\n2. This is a question which has seriously exercised the minds of former Deputy Commissioners, and in recent years it has on several occasions been urged upon the consideration of the Local Government at their instance. I propose in the first instance, therefore, to summarise briefly the course of the previous correspondence on the subject.\n\n3. A convenient starting point is to be found in the Revenue Secretary's letter to the Financial Commissioner, dated the 25th April, 1913, of which a copy was forwarded to this office with your Revenue Department endorsement, dated the 16th May, 1913. The main point of this letter was that the situation in respect of the production and distribution of raw opium in Burma had been completely altered by the accession of the British Government to the International Opium Convention of the 23rd January, 1912. In the words of the letter, this Government is now bound to control the production of opium in the tracts adjoining the Burma-China frontier and to prevent the smuggling of opium into China. The letter also drew attention to a remonstrance which the Chinese Government had addressed in January 1913 to His Majesty's Minister at Peking, and although the allegations on which the remonstrance was based were not wholly ingenuous it was admitted that there was some basis for complaint in respect of opium cultivation in the Shan States. A full report on the subject was called for, to be supplemented by \"detailed recommendations regarding the steps which should be taken to (a) control the production of raw opium, (b) prevent its export, and (c) check the smuggling of it across the frontier into China.\" It was clearly intimated that a non possumus attitude could not be assumed, though the difficulties were not to be underrated.\n\n4. Mr. Lewisohn's views were submitted in his letter dated the 3rd June, 1913, and amounted to a cordial acceptance of the policy laid down in the Revenue Secretary's letter above quoted. He stated that poppy cultivation was increasing in the Kachin Hills, largely by Chinese immigrants from over the border, and recommended that the Kachin Hill Tribes Regulation should be amended so as to make the cultivation of the poppy and the possession of opium illegal in the Kachin Hills of the district. He reported and concurred in the opinion of Mr. Scott, Assistant Superintendent, Sinlum, that the use of opium meant moral and physical ruin to the hill Kachins and that total prohibition could be enforced without difficulty. He also pointed out that the prohibition of the cultivation and possession of opium in the hills would greatly facilitate the suppression of opium smuggling both to the plains and to China, and suggested that no special measures were called for to check illicit export across the frontier. In conclusion, Mr. Lewisohn very earnestly urged that, whatever decision should be reached on the general question, the Government should authorise the enforcement of total prohibition in the Bhamo Hill Tracts.\n\n5. In due course the Local Government's orders were communicated in letter from the Assistant Secretary to the Financial Commissioner, dated the 8th January, 1914, a copy of which was forwarded with your Revenue Department endorsement, dated the 10th January, 1914. It was intimated that the Local Government had decided with regard to the Bhamo and Myitkyina Districts that the only feasible way of restricting the production of opium was by prohibiting entirely the cultivation of the poppy, and that possession should also be prohibited as soon as the Chinese...",
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        "id": 488970,
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 118,
        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "## 116 \n\n10 \n\nprobably will be argued that our effort to suppress opium in Chinese interests need not outrun the efforts of the Chinese authorities themselves. In a matter like this no doubt Yunnan may not practise what Peking preaches, and it is unquestionable that a great deal of cultivation goes on in Yunnan, and that some officials are making money out of opium. But to all arguments of this kind I would reply that the price of opium has risen in Namkham from Rs. 45 to Rs. 60 a viss in 1914 to Rs. 325 a viss at present, a price which has occasionally been exceeded: that the smuggling of opium to China has practically superseded smuggling to our plains districts, and that the Chinese are freely immigrating to British territory to grow opium. In the face of these facts I do not see how anyone can maintain that the Chinese effort has been a sham and its results illusory.\n\n16. In previous paragraphs of this letter I have alluded to repressive measures which have been enforced in the Sinlum Hill Tracts, and I would explain that since 1913 under executive orders given by Mr. Lewisohn opium grown in quantity exceeding domestic requirements has been regularly destroyed whenever found in the Sinlum Hill Tracts. In literal compliance with the orders referred to in paragraph 7 above directing that Chinese British subjects residing in the hill tracts should be dealt with on the same footing as members of hill-tribes the cultivations of Chinamen have been destroyed alike with those of Kachins. These orders (except as regards Chinese) have no legal basis, but have been carried out without opposition or contretemps. Circumstances have now changed, however, for whereas in former years it was possible to destroy a fair proportion (though nothing like the whole) of the crop, the great increase in cultivation now makes it impossible to deal with any but a small fraction, and this has accentuated the inequality of treatment inseparable from such methods. The Assistant Superintendent, Siulumkaba, whom I expressly consulted on this matter, is unable to deny that haphazard destruction causes irritation and annoyance, and admits that the absence of any unfortunate incident is attributed largely to the fact that he is universally known in the hills. I would add, what Mr. Scott is unable to say, that his personal influence is largely to be thanked for this fortunate result, and that I should be most unwilling to let any other officer follow the same course. Further, the Local Government has passed explicit orders, which are still in force, that every precaution should be taken against creating unrest in the hills. The position is clearly unsatisfactory, in view of the fact that such action has no sanction from the Local Government and in view of the much greater dimensions of the crop, and I have felt myself unjustified in maintaining the previous practice in its entirety. I have therefore directed the Assistant Superintendent not to destroy the crops of Kachins. In view of the entrance of the Chinese into the field, however, I have had no hesitation in instructing him to destroy opium cultivated by them. This is in accordance with the law and I am confident that it is justified by local conditions. A minor point is that the destruction of these crops, which involves arduous work, has to be carried out by the military police escorts of civil officers, and, apart from the dubious advisability of employing military police on such work, it would be necessary to strengthen the Assistant Superintendent's escort considerably if he were to carry out crop destruction wholesale as in previous years.\n\n17. For all the reasons indicated above, and as the war has now ended, I think that the time is now ripe for the Local Government to press to its conclusion the action which it contemplated in 1914, and I earnestly trust that this view will be accepted. The difficulties which have arisen are partly due to the ambiguous attitude of the Government which has never as yet authorised definite measures to prohibit cultivation and possession. I have no doubt that, if the order of Government is once given, the Sinlum Hills Kachins will loyally accept it, and the danger of disaffection is negligible. In any case, I consider that the risk of trouble will be no greater if a definite line is taken and made public in the hills than has been the case in the past. In this view, the Assistant Superintendent, Sinlumkaba, concurs. This is apart from the consideration that I do not feel justified in carrying on widespread destruction of opium without the Local Government's orders.\n\n18. A very substantial new element has now, however, entered into the case in the shape of the widespread cultivation in the Northern Shan States. As I have shown above, this is having serious economic results which affect the people of the Sinlum Tracts and it would come hard on them to deprive them of an easy source of wealth without doing anything to reduce the prices of necessary articles. Moreover, it would be unfair, and would certainly strike them as unfair, to prohibit them from cultivating opium if Kachins, Shans, and Chinese were allowed to continue to do so in the Northern Shan States next door. Much though I would rather not complicate the problem, therefore, I feel bound to mention these points and to express the view that if possible the Northern Shan States adjoining Bhamo should be dealt with on the same footing as the Bhamo Kachin Hill Tracts.\n\n19. My present object in addressing you is that the question in these wider aspects may be again brought under the consideration of the Local Government, and that the instructions which I have given, as described in paragraph 16 above, may be confirmed. I would recommend that except for action within these narrow limits, no attempt should be made to deal with the problem of the crop which will ripen in March and which is likely (unfortunately) to be a very good one. The measures which, I hope, will be taken, should come into operation only with regard to next year's crops and that as long notice beforehand as possible should be given of these measures. The Superintendent, Northern Shan States, to whom I have mentioned the matter, is also strongly of this opinion. If these general recommendations are accepted, I would respectfully ask that I may be given an opportunity of expressing my views as to the definite action to be taken with effect from next year to carry out the policy of prohibition. I am aware that Mr. Lewisohn submitted definite proposals with this object as long ago as 1914, but I am personally of the opinion that, at least as regards cultivation, we must invoke the principle of communal responsibility if we are to succeed, and I should like to have the opportunity of re-examining the former proposals with that object in view. In any case, it seems advisable to avoid adding a discussion of these questions to this letter which is primarily concerned with questions of general policy which affect the Northern Shan States as well as Bhamo.\n\n## ANNEX 2\n\n**Note, dated May 28, 1919, by Messrs. Stirling and Thornton**\n\nThe difficulty of dealing with this question has greatly increased since 1914, when we submitted a joint report on the subject. At that time the export of opium to Yunnan was from the Northern Shan States and the unadministered Wa country; Siam and French Indo-China absorbed the surplus of Kengtung; the production of the Southern cis-Salween States was small and was consumed locally. The position now is entirely different. Siam and French Indo-China no longer offer a legitimate market; after local needs have been provided for, the whole surplus of the Shan States (north and south) is available for export to Yunnan, and the extravagant prices paid by Yunnanese merchants have attracted it to that province.\n\n2. High prices have led to a great extension of cultivation and a largely increased outturn. The old opium-producing circles produce more than they even did before, and opium-growing is now an important industry in wide areas where it was formerly unknown. In every way the problem is more difficult and complex than it was five years ago. The course which we recommended in 1914 might have met the situation then, but would not be practicable now.\n\n3. As something must be done to carry out our obligations to China, we think the first step should be towards control and restriction of cultivation, dealing first with cultivation west of the Salween. We should like to recommend prohibition of cultivation in all the cis-Salween States, but there are so many areas where it is the sole, or the main, source of livelihood of the people that we hesitate to propose such a drastic measure. We think, however, that total prohibition here is the end to be aimed at. We suggest that notice be given that Government intends to control the output of opium after two years; that a large reduction will be insisted on; and that no one will be allowed to cultivate the poppy except under licence, which will be granted only in special circumstances. We think that two years' notice should be given because the people must have time to turn to the cultivation of food grains, because special officers must be appointed and must carefully select the areas where licences shall be granted; and because we think action should be deferred till after 1921, on account of the census.\n\nThe principle to be followed is total prohibition wherever this is practicable. In many places, poppy cultivation is only a subsidiary (though lucrative) industry; in many places it is of recent introduction; in many places the cultivators are recent immigrants from China. In all these cases, prohibition could be enforced without undue hardship, and the result would be to restrict and localise areas where cultivation was still permitted.\n\n11",
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        "id": 488971,
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        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "# C \n\n## 12 \n\nWe think action on these lines is practicable, though we do not underrate the difficulties and risks involved. The production of and trade in opium are sources of wealth to the cultivator, to the capitalist who finances him, to many merchants (large and small), to the local officials and to the Chief of the State.\n\nProhibition will certainly be resented, and trouble will only be avoided by the exercise of great care.\n\n4. As a first step, we think the course recommended goes as far as is prudent. It is sufficiently far-reaching to prove our good faith and desire to co-operate with China. If it can be carried out successfully the quantity of opium available for export from the Shan States will be substantially reduced. There remains the opium which is produced east of the Salween, notably in Kokang, Manglun, Kengtung and the Wa States. Unless we are prepared greatly to strengthen our control east of the Salween and to support it with large armed forces, we think it would be most unwise to attempt to interfere at present with the cultivation of opium.\n\nShould China protest that we are leaving untouched territory that adjoins hers and from which smuggling is practically easy, the answer is that the matter is too big to be dealt with all at once. We must feel our way. No one knows what will happen in the next few years. If China adheres to her present anti-opium policy as regards production, and if, at the same time, her officials connive at the import of the drug, the temptation to supply the market from the Shan States will continue to be great.\n\nIt may be that she will try to make her policy effective by a real attempt to suppress the use of opium and that her next step will be towards the prevention of smuggling. Should this happen, our position will be improved. We shall honestly try to prevent opium being available, and she will honestly try to keep it out. On the other hand, it is at least conceivable that Yunnan (if not the Central Government) will recede from the high moral position as regards opium, and that cultivation will again be permitted or at least not be prevented. In this event prices must fall. And, as the price paid by Chinese merchants fixes the market rate in the Shan States, production here would naturally decline.\n\n## ANNEX 3\n\nMr. Stirling (Superintendent and Political Officer, Southern Shan States) to the Assistant Secretary to the Financial Commissioner, Burma.\n\nJuly 14, 1919.\n\nIn reply to your endorsement, dated the 4th July, 1919, I have the honour to say that the possibility of preventing the smuggling of opium from the Shan States into China can only be judged if the conditions of the traffic are clearly realised.\n\n2. In the first place, it must be borne in mind that the smugglers are all Chinese. The Shans dare not engage in the business. They know well that they would be looted, if not murdered, and that they would have no redress. The Chinese come in large and strongly armed parties; caravans numbering 150 men, most of whom carry magazine rifles, are not uncommon. They do not follow the main trade routes, but travel by unfrequented paths. They mean to get opium, and they mean to resist any attempt at interference when they return to China. Hitherto they have got all the opium they wanted, and, as the last thing they desire is trouble with the British authorities, they have handed over their weapons on arrival at Kengtung, and have, as a rule, been well behaved. If, however, they found that people who had opium refused to sell to them, it is quite possible they would compel them to sell.\n\nAt any rate villagers in remote parts of the State could always plead that the persuasion by which they were induced to sell was backed by force. The caravans break up into small parties on reaching Kengtung, and collect opium throughout the State. They also get a substantial quantity from Siam.\n\n3. It is currently reported, and believed, that the caravans pay blackmail to the officials on their return to China, in order that the transit and final distribution of the opium may be winked at. Large quantities of the drug are said to be sent from Yunnan to Kwantung, and this would only be possible with the connivance of the provincial authorities. It has been stated in the press (with what truth I do not know) that the cultivation of the poppy has been officially permitted in Kweichow, in order to prevent the drain of silver into Yunnan. We have heard of caravans being attacked and looted by brigands, but we have not heard of their losing their opium through seizure by Chinese officials. I submit that it is abundantly clear that the Yunnanese Government do not really want to suppress the import of opium; they have stopped short after suppressing cultivation. And I say with confidence that if Chinese did not come for the opium, smuggling from the Shan States into China would cease, or be reduced to negligible proportions.\n\n4. If, however, it is still considered that action must be taken on this side to prevent the traffic, the magnitude of the task should be fully realised. The Kengtung frontier with Yunnan is roughly 200 miles long. To the south there is the line of the Mekong, separating Kengtung from French territory for 100 miles, across which opium is taken. Mr. Thornton will no doubt give his views regarding the long line of unadministered Wa country, and the still longer frontier of the Northern Shan States. To be really effective, preventive posts would have to be numerous, and, bearing in mind the men to be dealt with, they would also have to be strong. It seems to me that nothing short of a chain of armed posts, assisted by aeroplanes, would really make smuggling impossible. In this connection I may note that the traffic is not confined to the open season; it is also carried on during the rains.\n\n5. The effect on our own people of preventive action by the British Government should not be overlooked. It is true that the opium traffic from the Shan States to China is of recent growth, but it has been allowed to reach large proportions. Moreover, it has taken the place of the export to Siam and French Indo-China (which, in part at least, was quite legitimate) and these markets have been lost. The Kengtung Sawbwa and all his chief officials and leading men make the bulk of their income out of opium, and have done so for many years. They would certainly resent measures that would cause them grievous loss. If the traffic to Yunnan were suppressed by the Chinese authorities it would be regarded as justifiable, and possibly prompted by high motives. Suppression by the British Government in the interests of China, and to the detriment of our own subjects, would not be regarded in the same way.\n\n6. A consideration of the foregoing facts leads me to believe that the suppression of smuggling by preventive measures on the frontier is impracticable as well as impolitic. And short of the establishment of a preventive force, I do not think anything can be done. Proclamations that the importation of opium into Yunnan is prohibited have only led to the sales of opium to Chinese smugglers being very thinly veiled. Most of the opium licensees in the Shan States are Chinese, and there is a considerable local trade. Nothing is easier than to pretend that the drug is sold for a lawful destination; the seller is not to blame if the wicked buyer takes it elsewhere. It is not good for the prestige of Government that orders should thus be evaded. If any action is taken it should certainly be of a kind that can be made effective.\n\n7. I think, personally, that all that can be done at present is to restrict cultivation, and I would begin west of the Salween where the difficulties are not so great as in Kengtung. If, however, it is held that smuggling by Chinese subjects into China is a matter which the British Government must take up, I would advise that wide notice be given of the proposed course of action, and the date from which it will come into force. Large sums of money are advanced by Chinese to secure supplies of opium, which they would lose if the traffic were suddenly stopped.\n\n## ANNEX 4\n\nMr. Thornton (Superintendent, Northern Shan States) to the Assistant Secretary to the Financial Commissioner, Burma.\n\nJuly 24, 1919.\n\nWith reference to your endorsement, dated the 4th July, 1919, I have the honour to state that I agree with the views expressed by Mr. Stirling in his letter, dated the 14th July, 1919, to your address, that the suppression of opium smuggling into Yunnan by preventive measures is at present both impracticable and impolitic. The whole question of opium in the Shan States is very complicated. In my opinion, the essential solution lies in the suppression of cultivation of the drug, and, until it is clear what is the effect of whatever action is approved to accomplish that end, it is practically impossible to devise measures for the suppression of smuggling. If we succeed as we propose in controlling the drug at its source, there will be the less occasion for preventive measures, but it is quite impossible to suggest what preventive measures should be taken until it is clear how far the provisions of the scheme of control are successful or otherwise.\n\nIt is quite certain that, unless there is a radical change in the attitude of the... \n\nPage 13 \n\n[5201 s-1] \n\nE \n\n117",
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        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "## official class in Yunnan, we may expect no co-operation in preventive measures from that side.\n\nAt the frontier meeting of 1916, I communicated to Chang I Shu, the best type of Taoyin I have had the good fortune to meet at the different frontier meetings I have attended, particulars of certain Chinese merchants who were suspected of being concerned in the traffic of opium into China, but against whom I could get no sufficient information to justify action. Nothing was done by the Chinese as the result of that information, though it is certain that, if the firms concerned had been properly watched, I should have got information which would have enabled me to expel the representatives of the firms from the States.\n\nAgain, in 1917, I supplied His Britannic Majesty's consul, Tengyueh, with the names of a number of Chinese traders who were found with large sums of money in one of the principal opium markets of West Manglun and who were obviously there for the purpose of buying opium. Mr. Eastes thought it best not to use that information, as, from his knowledge of the Chinese officials, he believed that the Chinese administrations would not take any action except possibly in the way of wholly illicit extortion.\n\nAgain, though the import of opium into China is forbidden, the Chinese officials have arranged a revenue station at Shunning which is out of the way of any consular or European customs officer's observation, where fees are regularly levied on all consignments of the drug which pass through.\n\nEven if, for the sake of argument, it were possible to block the frontier from Namhkam to the Salween and again along the northern and eastern border of Kokang to near the Kunlong Ferry, it is quite impossible to take any action at present east of the Salween from the Kunlong Ferry to Panghsang Nalawt. This frontier is over 150 miles long; it encloses the unadministered Wa States, and the actual border line is in dispute with China. Preventive measures taken in this area, which produces large quantities of opium, will revive the dispute with China about a part of the frontier which is of very little importance and will undo all the work which has been quietly done for years to disarm the suspicions of the unadministered tribes and to induce them to look more and more regularly to Lashio for the settlement of their disputes. Yet, if this part of the border is left open, it is entirely useless blocking the northern frontier.\n\nAll the indications point to the fact that the Yunnan officials mean to relax the opium restrictions when it suits them. The destruction of crops was this year carried out along our border in a very arbitrary way. In the Mong Mao State, the Sawbwa levied a tax on cultivation. A Chefang official told Mr. Gaudoin that the Kachins had been informed that they would be permitted to cultivate opium for the season 1919-20 onwards. On the other hand, on the Chengkang Mong Ting border, crops were destroyed by the Chinese, which incidentally were within our frontier line and belonged to our own men. If, however, as seems likely, cultivations will increase in China, our problems become easier—there will be practically no smuggling, as the crop can be grown more easily nearer home.\n\nIt is essential for us to fulfil our treaty obligations, and it is also essential to take action for the sake of the Shan States themselves, to prevent them being ruined by the extension of cultivation of opium in place of food crops.\n\nI believe, however, that we shall succeed more faithfully in carrying out our obligations to China and our duty to our own people if the whole question is tackled systematically and quietly as a revenue matter of the States themselves and not by the exercise of the force at the disposal of the paramount Power. The use of this can only be oppressive and arbitrary under the conditions which prevail, and will cause a blaze of resentment which will make the whole of our administration more difficult.\n\n### ANNEX 5\n\n**Mr. Cabell (Officiating Commissioner, Mandalay Division) to the Assistant Secretary to the Financial Commissioner, Burma**\n\nNovember 15, 1919\n\nWITH reference to the correspondence ending with your letter dated the 9th May, 1919, on the subject of poppy cultivation in the Kachin Hill Tracts, I have the honour to forward copies of letters received from the Deputy Commissioners, Bhamo, Katha, Myitkyina and the Ruby Mines.*\n\n*Not printed.\n\n2. There has been some delay in replying to your letter, because all the Deputy Commissioners of the frontier districts, with the exception of Mr. Wilkinson at Katha, were new to their charges, and it was desirable that they should have some time to consider the result of any changes which it was proposed to introduce. Moreover, the death of Mr. Scott has removed from the Sinlum Tracts an officer who was looked upon as a father by the people. His successor should have at least one season to make the acquaintance of his people before he puts any restrictive measures into force.\n\n3. It would be useful to summarise the proposals which have already been made for the control and suppression of the cultivation of the poppy in the Kachin Hills on the Burmese side of the frontier. Up to the year 1913, there was no prohibition of the cultivation of opium and nothing was attempted. In 1913, owing to the accession of the British and Chinese Governments to the International Opium Convention, which was signed at The Hague early in 1912, the Wai-chiao Pu brought to the notice of His Majesty's Minister at Peking the difficulty of suppressing the consumption of opium in Yunnan owing to the fact that opium was cultivated in the Kachin Hills and Shan States on the Burmese side of the frontier, and the local Government asked for recommendations regarding the steps to be taken to control the production of raw opium, to prevent its export and to check its smuggling across the frontier into China. Apart from the obligations of this Government under the Opium Convention, it was represented by several officers that the consumption of opium among the Kachins was on the increase, that it was doing them considerable harm and that the cultivation of the poppy ought to be suppressed for this reason alone. In this connection, I must point out that the opinions of various officers who know the Kachins really well are diametrically opposed to one another. Mr. G. W. Dawson and Mr. Rae say:\n\n\"In malarious tracts such as Kaukkwe, Sinkan (Bhamo), Jade Mines, Hukawng and Mogaung valleys (Myitkyina) it (opium) has become indispensable as a febrifuge. These tracts are not on the border. But the proposed prohibition does not distinguish between border Kachins and others. It is my settled belief that many will die for want of it or if they are sent to jail for having it.\n\nExcept possibly among the Kauris, its consumption has no evil results whatever. It is very seldom taken to excess, and in the case of men in regular work can be taken in considerable quantities with astonishing results in the way of physical endurance.”\n\nOn the other hand, Mr. Scott says:\n\n\"A Kachin who uses opium is ruined both morally and physically, and whereas its use can be justified in fever-stricken tracts in the plains, its use in the hills can only be described as a curse.\"\n\nThere is no one with better knowledge of the Kachins than these three officers, Messrs. Rae, Scott and Clerk, and I can only make the suggestion that in Mr. Rae's time the poppy was not cultivated in the Sinlum Tracts to anything like the extent to which it is now under the commercial stimulus afforded by the repressive policy in Yunnan and that excessive use of opium was rare. Moreover, cultivation in the Myitkyina Tracts is not yet extensive, so that excessive use of opium is, I believe, rare also in those tracts. Mr. Scott's opinion as to the ruinous effects of the use of opium is the latest and may be confidently accepted.\n\n4. It was reported in 1913 that except in Bhamo there was little cultivation for the purposes of export, but that in Bhamo poppy cultivation was decidedly on the increase in the Kachin Hills, and that the cultivation in that district was on a commercial scale and amounted to about 2,000 acres. Such cultivation as existed in the Ruby Mines and Katha Districts was in small patches and the total extent of the cultivation was so small as to be practically negligible. In his letter dated the 1st July, 1913, Colonel Aplin summarised the position and made certain proposals to carry out the policy indicated by Government. These proposals were that in the Bhamo District there should be total prohibition of cultivation, but that no action should be taken as regards possession of opium until the effect of the total prohibition of cultivation has been carefully examined.\n\n*Not printed.\n\nPage 120\nPage 121",
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        "document_key": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 122,
        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "# ANNEX 6.\n\n**Major E. Butterfield (Superintendent, Northern Shan States, Lashio) to the Financial Commissioner, Burma.**\n\nMarch 26, 1920.\n\nI HAVE the honour to forward herewith a copy of my letter, dated the 12th March, 1920, regarding proposals for suppression of opium cultivation and opium traffic in the Northern Shan States.\n\nThis letter should have been addressed to you in the first instance, as I have only just become aware from perusal of a Government order circulated whilst I was still serving in the military police.\n\n**Superintendent, Northern Shan States, Lashio, to the Revenue Secretary to the Government of Burma, Rangoon.**\n\nMarch 12, 1920.\n\n1. With reference to the suppression of opium cultivation and traffic in opium with China, I have the honour to invite a reference to paragraph 2 of letter dated the 19th of November, 1919, from yourself to the Financial Commissioner, Burma. A copy of the above paragraph was forwarded to this office by the Financial Commissioner, under his letter dated the 25th November, 1919, with reference to my predecessor's confidential letter, dated the 24th July, 1919.\n\nThis letter is written on the assumption that the views thus expressed by the Secretary of State are not meant to be regarded merely as pious opinions processed in the course of a treatment by which the opium suppression policy is meant to be ushered gently but firmly into its grave, but that the words of the Secretary of State denote a live policy for the definite suppression of opium cultivation and traffic, and that it is our duty to take all practical measures as soon as possible for the execution of his policy.\n\nIndeed, our engagements with China, such as article 11 of the convention, dated the 24th July, 1886, between Great Britain and China, have bound the Imperial honour and left no option but to carry out the suppression of opium traffic in the Shan States as well as in India.\n\nThe suppression of the traffic in India, that is, the bulk of the traffic, leaves us but a little way off our goal.\n\nThe conclusion of peace and the agreement obtained from the Sawbwas concerned to the suppression proposals detailed below have deprived us of all excuses for delay that we have hitherto made.\n\n2. The above considerations are binding on us. But even apart from them, I would urge that it is our moral duty to the primitive and unsophisticated races under our charge in these States (for it is no use trying to hide behind Sawbwas and a board of officials selected by us) to protect them from this, the most evil of all noxious national habits, the opium habit.\n\nSo much do I feel this, as the result of personal observation and enquiry during the last two years and more, that I personally would ask to be removed from association with the Government of the Northern Shan States unless the matter were taken in hand.\n\nI have not met a gazetted officer, or Shan, or Chinaman, or Palaung, or Kachin, in these States, whether he earned his living by opium cultivation or not, who does not freely admit that opium in itself is an evil thing; that it is unnecessary; that it is the moral and physical ruin of all who consume it; that the energy spent on producing it in the first instance goes into smoke; replaces food and life-giving crops, by one that is the direct cause of reduced life-energy in the individual, reduced capacity of the same area of soil to support population, and finally leads to crime, disease, and death.\n\nMoreover, it is more necessary to suppress opium cultivation here than it is in China, because there the people are to some extent inoculated by generations of use, and here they are only just beginning to cultivate on a large scale, which fact makes it easier to deal with the matter now.\n\nAmerica voluntarily suppressed alcohol, and Russia vodka, and China opium. We are bound to suppress opium by treaty and by a greater moral responsibility to the inferior peoples we govern, and to avoid a greater harm.\n\n3. My views are not based on the Exeter Hall outlook on life, but on personal observations, and the unanimity of opinion of all who are in a position to know. The people most affected so far are the Kachins and cognate tribes. These, the race of greatest inherent possibilities in these States, if not in the whole province of Burma, a race that has peculiarly attracted every British officer who has had much to do with them, are being hastened towards destruction, under our Government, by opium and venereal diseases in these States.\n\nOpium is now being grown in these States at elevations from 1,600 to over 7,000 feet, that is, it can be grown everywhere except on wet paddy land.\n\nThe harm is thus spreading towards the other races. Shans are now taking up the lowland cultivation of opium in place of food crops.\n\nAs an instance of what opium can do, I may mention the case of the Chinaman, Law Leo, probably the most useful member of his race to Government in the States. When I first came to Lashio, he did not use opium. The high price and immense profits then attracted him to trade it, and he began to be a consumer himself. He was then our chief mule and other contractor, whose word was as good as any other man's bond, a man of unusual bodily and mental vigour. His character changed, he broke his contracts, and in two years he was dead, the civil surgeon certifying the cause of death to be excessive opium consumption.\n\nQuite apart from our duty to China, therefore, I urge it is our duty to our subject races to suppress opium cultivation and traffic in these States to the point of extinction.\n\n4. I may add that nothing will so tend to reduce the cost of living in these States as turning the energy spent in making the most expensive of all smoke into the production of foodstuffs and clothing material again.\n\nIt will also result in the reduction of crime, of the incentive for collection of dacoit bands on our borders, which annually cost Government and traders so much, and the health and work energy of the people will be increased.\n\n5. A great feature in the last two years has been the number of Chinamen that have come to these States, snatching the opium crop and then frequently absconding without paying their taxes. They have mainly cut down new forest in the hills and cultivated taungya opium, with its resulting extensive destruction by fire of adjacent forest, a process repeated each year.\n\nThe forests in the eastern States are being so denuded that east of a line Lashio to Namhkam, it is doubtful whether there exists a square mile of continuous virgin forest in any one place. The great increase of population that is going on and the failure hitherto to find a substitute for, or modification of, taungya cultivation in the hills has made forest preservation the most vital necessity in these States, next to opium suppression. This necessity is not confined to the local needs in fuel, preservation of valuable building timbers, and other forest revenues, but also for protection of irrigation and drinking water-supply and soil fertility.\n\nNeither are these matters merely local in application. The Burma Mines Company electric water-power works and the Kyaukse District irrigation system depend on the water-supply from these States. Further development of mining wealth so remarkably abundant in these States will depend largely on the available wood and water-supply.\n\nWhat happens to the forest and water-supply where opium cultivation is generally permitted may be gauged from the State of Kokang, the trans-Salween portion of the North Hsenwi State. Here the population is almost solid Chinese, and the main occupation of the people is opium cultivation.\n\nThe country is an eyesore to look at for lack of trees. The soil is the most unfertile in the States. Walls are made of stone, houses of stone or mud-bricks, fuel is largely cow or pig dung, that should have been available as manure. In many places, the people and all animals have to drink out of the same stinking green pool. The population is scanty, rice is 16 and sometimes 20 rupees a basket, and all other necessaries of life on the same scale. Only Chinese can survive.\n\nThis is what comes from opium cultivation. The best way to preserve our forests, as an initial step, is to stop opium cultivation. This will restrict taungya cultivation and influx of Chinese for that purpose to a great extent. Thus, the two main necessities or reforms required in these States, opium suppression and forest preservation, are intimately connected, and Government has committed itself to the furtherance of both policies, on information, perhaps, that did not include all the important considerations above.\n\n6. The following is an outline of the practical measures I propose to suppress...",
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        "page_number": 123,
        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "# \n\n20 \n\ncultivation of and traffic in opium in these States, which I and the Sawbwas and Assistant Superintendents and local officials concerned consider will not cause danger of serious unrest or disturbance.\n\nOpium cultivation is not allowed in the Hsipaw and Tawngpeng States.\n\nIt is carried on only in the North Hsenwi, South Hsenwi, and Manglun States. The latter State is geographically divided into west, or cis-Salween, and east, or trans-Salween.\n\nIn these States, a tax has been imposed on Kachins at 5 rupees per garden, and 5 rupees for each labourer hired to work on his garden. The rates for Shans and Chinese are double these rates.\n\nThe reasons for the difference in rates are said to be that Kachins are not such good cultivators and also spend much more on nat sacrifices on sowing and garnering crops, therefore their profits are less. I suspect that the greater difficulty of collecting revenue from Kachins and their less amenability to law were not left out of consideration.\n\nThese taxes were considered to be very high, but as a matter of fact, form a very small proportion of the profits.\n\nThe people have been told that Government viewed opium cultivation with disfavour, and that Government would take in hand the total suppression of opium cultivation. Of course, the whole value of any such warning was removed from the moment of recognition of cultivation by imposition of a tax, and the people's reliance on the firmness of Government's attitude on the question, and on the immutability of its word, have suffered a blow, which adds to our difficulties, increasing the probable amount of resistance that may be offered, in the hope that Government will weaken and give way.\n\nIf Government then starts to tackle opium suppression, it must make up its mind to see the matter right through, or we shall further lose prestige, and add to the difficulty of general Government.\n\n7. It is proposed to confine cultivation to the trans-Salween tracts only, that is, to the trans-Salween jurisdiction of the Kokang Myosa, and to East Manglun.\n\nIn the former area, opium cultivation is too universal for any sudden change to be possible.\n\nIn the latter area, not only is cultivation extensive, but the administrative hold we have hitherto established over East Manglun is so fragile, and the undesirability of going near the unadministered Wa States that border on East Manglun has hitherto been considered so great, that an opium suppression policy in East Manglun would at present be impracticable. It would first be necessary to consolidate our hold there and settle many outstanding disputes, and this would require the employment of troops or military police on a scale not contemplated in these recommendations.\n\n8. It is necessary to make provision for existing habitual resident consumers of all races.\n\nThe cutting off the supply to an habitual consumer means severe internal pain, chronic diarrhea, and often death.\n\nIt will therefore be necessary to prepare a register of habitual consumers and to see that all persons concerned are warned to apply to the Assistant Superintendent concerned to be entered on the register. This will take a long time for the issue of notices, and for the Assistant Superintendent to make enquiries as to the propriety of admitting the applicant to the register, and the amount that he shall be allowed to consume. No residents of the Northern Shan States would be allowed to be entered on the register once made, unless it were a new Chinese resident or temporary resident or traveller.\n\nThus, the list of names should get beautifully less, until near a vanishing point.\n\n9. It is necessary to provide opium for the registered consumers. For this purpose, a condition of the permission to cultivate opium trans-Salween will be to provide the amount of opium up to the whole surplus crop that may be required by the Superintendent, for issue to consumers. The Kokang opium would probably suffice for the North Hsenwi registered consumers, and the East Manglun crop for the West Manglun and South Hsenwi consumers.\n\nThe trans-Salween producers would be allowed to retain a certain amount of their crop, based on an estimate of minimum requirements for their own consumption as habitual consumers.\n\nAs our register grew smaller, so would our demand on them, and they too would be required to reduce their cultivation to the vanishing point. As this has been effected in the past practically all over China, in land as barren as theirs, it may be assumed that other crops are possible and would suffice. The time granted the Kokang people to adjust themselves and to us to get East Manglun into order should thus suffice. Maize will grow everywhere where opium will, and I am contemplating the issue of wheat, gram, oats, and potato seed in Kokang for trial.\n\n10. To provide for the distribution of opium to consumers, it will be necessary to institute shops at various places in North Hsenwi, South Hsenwi, and West Manglun States to be determined. The trans-Salween opium will be taken over and issued to licensed dealers in these shops, at rates which will have to be fixed with reference to the probable average market price at the beginning of each season, for the whole season.\n\n11. It is considered that a year's notice should be given of the enforcement of opium cultivation, namely, that notices should issue as soon as possible, that in the cis-Salween tracts, opium crops wherever found would be destroyed beginning from the 1st May, 1921, and that all caravans would be liable to search, either incoming or outgoing, and opium found be seized and confiscated. (This measure we are already bound to carry out under article 11 of the 1886 Convention with China, already referred to, but it remains, as a matter of fact, a dead letter.) Notice of these steps would also have to be given to China.\n\nIn the meantime, notices should issue forbidding clearing of any new areas for cultivation, and forbidding any persons to take up cultivation in the cis-Salween areas who had not cultivated before.\n\n12. It is considered that the effect of these measures might be to cause a small amount of emigration to trans-Salween tracts, and possibly a greater amount of emigration to China, according as China carries out effective suppression also or not.\n\nThere cannot be much emigration to trans-Salween tracts owing to barren land, lack of water and food, and high prices, not to East Manglun, owing to unsettled conditions there, and as the soil also will not support more than another 5 or 10 percent of population.\n\nAny emigration to China of people who are determined to make their living out of opium may be looked on with comparative equanimity.\n\n13. If China also effectively suppresses opium, there would be no emigration. Admittedly, the cultivation of opium in Yunnan is increasing in out-of-the-way places. Mr. Gaudoin saw a lot recently in Mongmao State, and the consul himself informed him that he and Mr. Leonard (Assistant Superintendent, Sinlum) had seen opium openly sold in Mongmao bazaar. The price of opium has fallen in the last 18 months from nearly 300 to 70 rupees a viss, which proves China is cultivating. I have read in the newspapers that the Shanghai papers state that in certain provinces, the officials are actually ordering the cultivation of opium in order to get revenue, and have assessed demands of fifty thousand dollars or more on future crops in their provinces. On the other hand, the Taoyin at the recent Nawngma meeting enquired from me what was to be our policy, now the war was ended, as to opium. I informed him I had been preparing a report on what measures were practicable for the suppression of cultivation in my charge, and that I was making enquiries, and that my sympathies were all for suppression in the interests of our people. He looked and expressed great satisfaction. The cynical might say that that would be with the prospect of a profitable market for Yunnanese opium by smuggling, &c. I have impugned the honesty and lack of principle of Chinese officials over other matters; I do not as regards the Yunnan officials, in this matter, at least as yet. The Taoyin was also in favour of excising opium from eligibility for claims for compensation in Frontier cases.\n\nI agreed in this latter suggestion, and suggested it to Government in my report on the meeting. No orders have been received on this point yet. It would also tend to help in the suppression of opium traffic, quite materially.\n\nI believe the Chinese authorities are doing a little to suppress opium cultivation in Yunnan, but not enough. I have pointed out the above facts as to the extension of cultivation in Yunnan to the consul, and asked him if he can procure me an official statement of Yunnanese policy as to opium suppression, in view of the steps it was hoped to take in our territory. To this also, I have as yet received no answer.\n\n14. I admit that if our only reason for suppressing opium cultivation and traffic were to keep our treaty, and that we lost by it, we would have cause to suspend any suppression measures, and to require more definite action by China before we took further steps.\n\nBut the cause would not be enough. It is obvious that China still does officially prohibit opium cultivation - when I say China, I should rather say Yunnan - for cultivation is covert and not open, and if officially permitted, the prices would be far lower than they are now. It is within not very ancient memory that opium has been \n\n21 \n\n:",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "page_number": 124,
        "title": "CO129-470 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "# 122\n\n## 22\n\nsold at 14 rupees a viss in Nambkam bazaar. On the other hand, we do nothing to keep faith here.\n\nBut I have tried to show, that apart from what China does, it is the most urgent duty before us in these States now to put an end, in the interests of the people, to all cultivation and traffic in opium in these States.\n\nThe trouble with Yunnan is the increasing weakness of administration there, and the entirely inadequate troops they have to maintain order or ensure anything except the officials' personal safety.\n\nWe may then expect smuggling from China into these States. A certain amount will no doubt go on, but in the main, if we try, we shall suppress the opium habit in these States, and can entirely suppress cultivation. Thus the demand and smuggling will diminish.\n\nIt is not advisable to authorise our local officials to search caravans on our northern borders, or they will make it an instrument of illegal levies or blackmail.\n\nIt is almost certain before long, that we shall have to establish permanent military police posts along the frontier. Patrols from these will be able to assist a small excise establishment to suppress cultivation and smuggling. A small excise establishment would no doubt be required.\n\n### 15.\n\nTo carry out the proposals, however, in their first inception, it will be necessary for the present Assistant Superintendent, North Hsenwi, and the Assistant Superintendent, Tangyan, in their respective jurisdictions, to be in charge. To have other officers detailed for destroying crops, &c., until the people knew them, and were accustomed to the futility of resistance, would be simply creating trouble.\n\nThe Assistant Superintendent, Tangyan, has a lighter charge, and less opium cultivation, and less difficult people to contend with. He could carry out the suppression of cultivation in addition to his other duties, as also registration of habitual consumers, and inspection during the current year to see that no new cultivators or clearings were allowed.\n\nThe Assistant Superintendent, North Hsenwi, is, however, already overworked in his charge. He would have to be given an assistant, i.e., an additional Assistant Superintendent to help him. This assistant would carry out the routine work of the charge, under the supervision of Mr. Gaudoin, whilst the latter would spend his main time for the first season on enforcing the new policy. No suitable assistant can be provided from present establishment, which is an Assistant Superintendent under strength. If Mr. Smart had been left in these States, we could have managed. An officer will therefore have to be deputed if the opium suppression policy is to be carried out. It is simply not possible for it to be done, in addition to a heavy charge, in a State of the size and character of North Hsenwi.\n\n### 16.\n\nThe important question arises as to the amount of resistance to be expected. If the thing is properly managed the risk of serious unrest or disturbance is practically nil. I understand serious unrest or disturbance to mean something like the state of Ireland to-day.\n\nIf the local officers, personally known to the people and petty officials, and able to talk to them, are employed, and they are given adequate escorts, I anticipate no serious trouble. The Chinese, especially recent immigrants, and perhaps some of the Kachins might give trouble to a small extent. It is possible a few shots might be fired at one or two places on the earlier occasions of destroying crops that have been raised in defiance of orders. But with an escort of fifty or even fewer men each, for the first season, such trouble would be easily suppressed, and would not be repeated. Too small an escort might invite resistance, but fifty is a maximum escort required. A few days ago sixteen military policemen under a havildar dispersed forty Kachin dacoits on our northern border, with heavy loss, and broke up the gang. The risk is no greater than Messrs. Gaudoin and Korper are cheerfully willing to face. I recommend this suppression policy, and if desired I can be posted to see it carried out, and would personally assist.\n\nThe late Mr. Walter Scott suppressed opium cultivation in his charge in the Bhamo Kachin Hill Tracts, aided by a few peons and the power of his own personality only. After the first few cases, we should be able to do pretty much the same.\n\nThe ordinary escorts of these officers are twenty-five and eight respectively. I should say another platoon of forty-four men would suffice—twenty-two more to each officer.\n\n### 17.\n\nThe above recommendations are outlines. Further details would have to be worked out when the principles were approved.\n\nIf the principles are approved the great thing is to issue notices and begin checking existing fields, and preparing registers of consumers at once, and this means the very early appointment of an additional Assistant Superintendent for North Hsenwi as stated.\n\nI regard this as the most important matter concerning the welfare of the people in my charge, that has come up in my service.\n\nThe recommendations, as well as being approved by the Sawbwas, leading officials and Assistant Superintendents, follow in the main Mr. Thornton's handing over notes on the subject, of which you have received a copy.\n\n**E. BUTTERFIELD, Major, I.A.,**  \nOffg. Superintendent, Northern Shan States\n\n## ANNEX 7\n\n**Note by Mr. Webb, Chief Secretary to the Government of Burma.**\n\n**Letter No. 137, dated the 12th March, 1920, from the Superintendent, Northern Shan States.**\n\nTHIS case was discussed with His Honour and with Messrs. Stirling, Thornton, and Lister on Monday, the 5th April, at Taunggyi. Messrs. Stirling and Thornton both thought that Major Butterfield's proposals were too drastic, that there was not the urgent necessity for immediate action which Major Butterfield's proposals implied, that it would cause serious unrest to enforce immediate or absolute prohibition in the cis-Salween States, and that the maintenance of a register of habitual consumers would go far beyond the administrative capacity of the various States.\n\n2\\. They were inclined to adhere to their note of the 28th May, 1919. They recommend an immediate notification that Government intends to control the output of opium in the cis-Salween States after two years from the date of the notification. These two years should be devoted to preparing estimates of the amount of opium required for consumption in the Shan States. The control exercised should be such as to reduce the cultivation in the cis-Salween States to the barest minimum required for the internal consumption of the States. Indeed it might be possible to reduce cultivation below this minimum, as the trans-Salween States would probably always have a surplus for exportation to the cis-Salween States.\n\n3\\. They doubt for the present whether any attempt at control of cultivation in the trans-Salween States is feasible. A policy of control could only be attempted in conjunction with a considerable increase in the number of administrative officers and in the strength of the military police.\n\n4\\. At the end of two years, total prohibition could be effected in many localities in the cis-Salween States. Where cultivation was permitted in these States, it should be under licence and at a heavy revenue rate, the terms of which could be considered and determined in the notified period of two years. Licensed cultivators should be permitted to sell only to the recognised opium vendors of the various States. Similarly, cultivators from the trans-Salween States should be permitted to sell only to the recognised vendors in the various States, and only to the extent needed to complete the supply required to satisfy the ascertained demand.\n\n5\\. Messrs. Stirling and Thornton express doubts as to the possibility of suppressing smuggling or the opium habit in the Shan States as suggested in the last two sub-paragraphs of paragraph 14 of Major Butterfield's proposals. They do not agree with Major Butterfield's estimate of the deleterious effect of opium consumption on the Shans, and consider that the suppressing of smuggling on the frontier would be a gigantic task, necessitating a much larger preventive establishment than Major Butterfield contemplates.\n\n6\\. Messrs. Stirling and Thornton agree with Major Butterfield as to the necessity (expressed in paragraph 16 of his letter), of utilising local officers and petty officials personally known to the people. Any attempt to exercise control in an arbitrary or unsympathetic manner will lead to serious unrest. They think that Major Butterfield has somewhat underestimated the trouble that would be given by the Chinese and the Kachins. A certain amount of trouble will certainly be caused by opium cultivators of these races, and the more rigid the control, and the more it approaches prohibition, the greater will be the trouble.\n\n7\\. I think I have placed on record most of the salient points discussed at the conference. Messrs. Stirling and Thornton thought that, though an early declaration of policy might be made, no serious action should be taken till after the census operations have been completely closed down.\n\n**April 8, 1920.**",
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        "content_text": "# ANNEX 8.\n\n**Mr. Brander (Excise Commissioner Burma), to the Secretary to the Financial Commissioner, Burma.**\n\nJune 24, 1920.\n\nWITH reference to the correspondence forwarded with this office endorsement, dated the 17th May, 1920, on the subject of opium smuggling into Siam, I have the honour to submit a copy of letter, dated the 12th June, 1920, received from the Commissioner, Tenasserim Division. From my own local acquaintance with the four districts of Mergui, Tavoy, Amherst and Thaton, I have no doubt that the Deputy Commissioners' reports are correct. Possibly some opium may come from the Southern Shan States through part of the Salween and Thaton Districts into Siam, but the amount is very small and we are doing all we can to prevent it.\n\nThe whole question hinges on the policy Government proposes to adopt in the Shan States. Control of cultivation there means that the source of supply is cut off and we can then more easily and effectively deal with all that comes in by the ports from India.\n\n## Commissioner of the Tenasserim Division, Moulmein, to the Excise Commissioner,\n\nJune 12, 1920.\n\nIN reply to your letter dated the 30th April, 1920, I have the honour to say that it would not appear that any special measures are needed to suppress opium traffic between the districts of this division and Siam.\n\n2\\. The Deputy Commissioners who were consulted report as follows:—\n| District | Report |\n| --- | --- |\n| Amherst | Very little smuggling between the district and Siam, and no special measures needed. Poppy is not grown in the district. |\n| Mergui | The same. |\n| Thaton | The only special measure indicated is watching the most likely route from the Pa-an sub-division into Siam by means of a special patrol. The Deputy Commissioner does not suggest that there is much smuggling. |\n| Tavoy | Mr. Fogarty reports as follows: So far as this district is concerned it is believed that no such traffic exists. There is little smuggling of opium into Tavoy from India or elsewhere, and the small supplies of illicit opium and of licit opium disposed of illicitly are easily absorbed by the illicit demand, within the district. I do not know what demand exists for opium in the Siamese districts adjacent to Tavoy, but, however great it may be, I cannot imagine that an illicit dealer in opium would undertake the toilsome and risky journey to the frontier when a profitable market was available at his hand. |\n\n\"Opium reaching Siam from Tavoy District must be illicit opium smuggled from outside Tavoy, or licit opium illicitly disposed of in the district, or opium actually produced in the district. As to the first, our Excise Staff primarily exists to deal with such smuggling and for our own sakes we are not likely to relax our efforts to put an end to it. As to the second, the main sources of leakage have been at the mines, and vigorous efforts are now being made to secure that no more opium reaches any mine than is absolutely necessary for the licit consumers working there. As to the third, it has never been suggested that poppy cultivation exists in the district, and such cultivation could hardly escape immediate detection.\n\nI do not think that any special measures are called for in the district. I propose, however, to have the villages along the Tenasserim River and the upper reaches of the Tavoy River visited next open season by the most experienced available excise officer. If you consider it desirable I shall also issue special instructions to the head-men of village tracts along the main routes to the Siamese frontier.\"\n\n3\\. The matter seems to concern the north-western frontier of Siam, adjoining the Shan States.\n\nPage 24  \nLast previous Paper...  \nNext subsequent Paper...  \n`18043`  \n`TONG KONG`  \n`4124`  \n`C.O`  \n`IR 26 JAN CU`  \n\n## Political Developments in China\n\n... (unrelated text, appears to be a different document)",
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        "document_key": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 517,
        "title": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "## 52\n\nto be carried out by Mr. B. G. Tours, C.M.G., His Majesty's consul at Ichang. On the 24th March Mr. Yu Jên-lung sent me an official despatch notifying the receipt of a telegram from the provincial capital announcing that the Puerh Taoyin was to be Chinese delegate for the joint inspection of the places which I had announced my intention of traversing in that circuit.\n\nOn the 27th March, the eve of the date finally fixed for the start, the Taoyin called to learn the route suggested for the first day's trip. Although Lungling, south-east of Tengyueh, had been mentioned first on the rough outline of my projected tour, I had particular reasons for not wishing to travel thither by the normal direct route. Firstly, not two months had elapsed since I had passed over the road, in the reverse direction, on my return from the January Frontier Meeting, without seeing any trace of opium poppy. Moreover, I was anxious to see the present condition of the fields alongside the mountainous track between Nantien and Lungling, which had been described by a reliable source as an almost unbroken succession of opium cultivations. I therefore announced to the Taoyin that I proposed to stop the first night at Nantien. In spite of the frankest betrayal of colossal ignorance of the geography in the immediate vicinity of his own post - he enquired blandly if the main road to Langling (three days' journey south-east of Tengyueh) did not pass through Kuyung, two days to the north-west, and only a day's journey from the frontier of the Myitkyina district - Mr. Yu nevertheless seemed to have some idea that the neighbourhood of Nantien was an undesirable one - from his point of view - for a search of opium crops; and I had to insist that my knowledge of the localities in the Têngch'ung district, where troops were being employed in connection with poppy eradication, was by no means inferior to his own. I was also able to counter his second line of argument, that we could not reach Nantien in one day's journey, and he yielded finally a reluctant acquiescence in my arrangements. His last bolt was not, however, shot, and late at night he sent a lengthy missive advancing the contention that the route between Nantien and Lungling would take us through the zone of military operations against the unredeemed Kachin opium cultivators. To show weakness now would have been impolitic, but it was past midnight before I signed and despatched the letter demolishing all his arguments and holding him to his word given to me some hours previously.\n\nNo reply was vouchsafed, and I therefore despatched my caravans betimes the next morning, the 28th March, and proceeded to the rendezvous with the Taoyin. He had apparently accepted the inevitable: a verbal message was brought to me that, as he was late in starting, he did not propose to descend from his chair; would I, therefore, kindly proceed?\n\nNantien witnessed the last despairing effort of the Tengyueh Taoyin to combat my daily-tour programme. I had already retired to bed when a letter of ominous length arrived; Mr. Yu professed information that the route suggested by me for the morrow had been wantonly obstructed by a formidable barrier of timber. I roused myself and the uncomplaining writer to reply that my information did not tally, and that I frankly disbelieved the report; I promised, however, that if on the morrow or at any other time during our travels we encountered obstructions, I would turn aside and avoid them. Some time after 2 A.M. I was roused once more to blink at the swan-song of the Taoyin's objections. In view of my undertaking, solemnly repeated in extenso, he resigned himself to following my rash lead.\n\nNeedless to say, we encountered no trace of the alleged timber-barrier obstructing the path; but after some two hours' journey the consulate writer and I found a field of opium poppy, measuring roughly some 70 feet by 35 feet, round a bend a few hundred yards off the road. When we arrived, the owner, a woman of A-Ch'ang race, in a paroxysm of weeping, was plucking up the full-blown plants - presumably in obedience to orders from advance emissaries of the Taoyin's party. The Taoyin contented himself with despatching one of his numerous attendant underlings to inspect the field, and on the strength of his report sent me the same evening a letter minimising the incident.\n\nOn the 31st March our route joined the main Lungling road at Manlo, just above the wire rope suspension bridge over the Shweli; for the past three or four weeks this bridge had been closed for the retimbering of the roadway, and the honour of reopening it to traffic was reserved for our cavalcade. At the head of the stiff ascent on the left bank of the Shweli we were met by the Lungling magistrate, formerly senior frontier deputy at Tengyueh, and an old acquaintance; he assured me with cheerful confidence that no matter what part of his district I might visit,\n\n## 53\n\nI should fail to find a single opium poppy. On arrival at Lungling, the consulate writer and I were entertained to a Chinese dinner-party in his yamên.\n\nThe discovery of only one solitary field of opium along the route between Nantien and Lungling must, I think, be taken as evidence of the strenuous efforts which have been made during the past few months to eradicate all traces of the proscribed plant; from one or two more talkative residents encountered en route I obtained admissions of a considerable recrudescence of cultivation during last year, but all agreed as to the thorough measures of suppression carried out since November last. In the Têngch'ung district, for instance, no less than three separate expeditions of eradication had been sent out, under territorial, military, and police officials respectively, and it is only just to place on record that their duties were performed in a very thorough manner.\n\nThe normal order of procedure was for my caravan, headed by the writer and myself, to take the lead, and for the Taoyin's more imposing party to bring up the rear. The 1st April was, however, appropriately celebrated by the failure of the Taoyin's party to keep touch with us at a parting of the ways; this added some 2 miles for them to the long and undulating road to Siangta. Thence to Pingka is normally reckoned as a single - though lengthy stage for caravans; at the Taoyin's request we split into two, halting at the small hamlet of Huchiachai, 7,000 feet high, picturesquely situated in the midst of dense groves of bamboos. At Huchiachai we encountered our first rain, and thereafter we had not a single rainless day until the 19th April. From Pingka to Hankuai, high above the right bank of the Salween, with a magnificent view of the lofty mountains on the other side, was another long day's march.\n\nThe crossing of the Salween was a tedious business for so large a cavalcade; two bamboo rafts were provided, taking only some five mule-loads or ten men on each trip; the method of propulsion across the swift current was by a species of flat umbrella fashioned of stout bamboo; at each end of the craft an oarsman plied one of these clumsy weapons by plunging it into the water and pulling it towards himself with powerful strokes.\n\nThe town of Chênk'ang was reached next day. Formerly there was a Chinese Shan Sawbwa of Chênk'ang, but his downfall was brought about as the result of the Manchu Viceroy, Hsi Liang's, policy for the gradual absorption of the Chinese Shan States into direct Chinese administration; and save for a few picturesque ruins of the Sawbwa's palace, the place is now shorn of any pomp and circumstance it may have once possessed.\n\nTwelve days' travel, although for the most part along comparatively unfrequented routes, had now disclosed but one solitary field of opium poppy, and I therefore decided on a somewhat rash experiment. None of the four maps of Yunnan which I took with me gave any indication of a road from Chênk'ang to Mienning, the next district town on my list, and the recognised routes between these two places are circuitous in the extreme, and pass through either Shunning or Yunchow. I ascertained, however, that a road practicable for chairs existed, and elected to attempt it. Fortunately, by this time the Tengyueh Taoyin had resigned himself to accepting my lead, or he would almost certainly have protested. For five days we followed the roughest of mountain paths, which had in many places to be prepared overnight for our transit by the felling of trees and clearing of jungle. Below Manlai our route crossed the Namting River by a ford which would obviously be impracticable during the heavier rains of midsummer. At the Namting we quitted the Chênk'ang district and entered the jurisdiction of the Chinese Shan Sawbwa of Kêngma. During our six days of travel through Chênk'ang territory we had found no opium crops whatever, though I learnt that there had been a small harvest of the earliest sown poppy. The magistrate was said, however, to have been indefatigable in the work of eradication, and I was assured not by himself - that since November of last year he had never been in residence at his post for five consecutive days.\n\nOur next halt, the Shan village of Chepi, was on a route traversed more than twenty years ago by H. R. Davies, the standard authority on the province of Yunnan, and doubtless by other foreigners since; here, for the first time, I abandoned my tent, in favour of a comparatively clean temple.\n\nAt this point we were met by a guard of honour sent out to meet us by the P'uêrh Taoyin, who had arrived at Mienning, our pre-arranged meeting-place, on the 11th April. I owe the efficient commandant a debt of gratitude for his... \n\n[6032]",
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        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
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        "document_key": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "page_number": 519,
        "title": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921",
        "content_text": "# 56\n\nDuring the whole time that I had travelled with the P'uêrh Taoyin, I had met with nothing but courtesy and kindness at his hands, and it was with real regret that I parted with him and resumed the company of the Tengyueh Taoyin.\n\nTwo days' travel, the first of which gave us a magnificent and extensive view of Wu-Liang-Shan, brought us to Nanchien, where our halt coincided with that of an unusually ragged and ruffianly party of Chinese regular troops, en route to suppress a local outbreak of brigandage some two days' journey to the south-west. I received a visit from the district magistrate of Mitu, the limit of whose jurisdiction was only a mile or so away. Two days later, 21st May, the large walled town of Menghua was reached, and here, much against my wish, we stayed a day at the request of the Taoyin, who asserted the receipt of important despatches requiring urgent attention.\n\nThe large district of Mênghua is one of those which took the fullest advantage of the iniquitous permission accorded last year by the Governor of Yunnan for the cultivation of poppy; if rumour speaks true, the early harvest of the past season was considerable, and the local magistrate is asserted to have lined his pockets well by allowing a second crop, on learning that the inspecting officers would not be able to reach his district before May. But for several weeks prior to our arrival, military, police, and civil officials, including himself, had been out in all directions to ensure that no poppy should be left. Certainly none was to be seen along our route, and the predominating crops consisted of healthy-looking wheat.\n\nFrom Menghua, it is but two days' journey to Siakwan, the largest business town in West Yunnan; on the second day, the route crosses a high mountain pass, which from the level of 8,800 feet affords a magnificent view of Tali lake.\n\nAssembled at Siakwan, which was reached on Empire Day, to meet the Taoyin were a host of Chinese officials, including the magistrates of the three districts of Fêngi, Pinch'uan, and Tali. For many years past, Siakwan has been one of the largest distributing centres for opium in all Yunnan, and the Chinese firm in whose premises quarters were found for me bears the reputation of being the wealthiest of all the opium dealers.\n\nFrom Tali, it had been originally suggested that the inspection tour should continue northwards to Likiang. Previous to our departure from Tengyueh, I had invoked the aid of two well-informed foreigners with local knowledge to obtain for me reliable information on the subject of poppy crops in the north-west of the province; and letters from each of them were awaiting me at Siakwan. The first reported planting this season in the north of the Paoshan (Yungchang) district and north-east of Yungpei, but that none remained, save, perhaps, in inaccessible spots; the second affirmed that already by the middle of April, no trace of cultivation remained in the Likiang, Hoch'ing, or Chiench'uan districts, and that in the Yungpei district (north of the Yang-tsze), it was probably grown only by Liso and other tribal folk, over whom the Chinese have practically no control. These reports were confirmed at Tali by the Rev. W. J. Hanna, of the China Inland Mission, and by the representative of the British-American Tobacco Company, both of whom travel extensively, and who assured me that it was several weeks too late for any likelihood of discovering opium crops on a visit to Likiang.\n\nIn view of this consensus of opinion and also of the clear indications of the opening, already overdue, of the rainy season, I decided to abandon the Likiang tour. As, however, I had received many weeks previously definite information that no poppy crops were to be seen anywhere along the main road (via Siakwan, Yungping, and Yungchang) between Tali and Tengyueh, I elected to take the difficult and circuitous route via Têngch'uan, Yünlung, and Kait'ou; this route, incidentally, cuts across the north of the Paoshan (Yungch'ang) district.\n\nLeaving Tali on the 27th May, our first stage was the 16 miles of terrible ancient paved stone road to Shangkuan, at the north-west end of the Tali Lake. Here, we bade farewell to the Tali magistrate and made the acquaintance of the official in charge of the district of Têngchuan. This town was passed the following morning after two hours of easy going, succeeded by a stiff climb to 8,900 feet, and a steep descent to the surprisingly large town of Fengvü (in the Erhyuan district), lying in a huge basin of terraced rice-fields. From Fengvu, the road climbs up to 10,700 feet, and then drops down to 6,100 feet, the level of the Yangpi River, which flows through the town of that name and Siakwan, into the southern end of the Tali Lake. Two days of travel through beautiful pine-forest country and one day of wilder scenery past several large salt-wells brought us to the town of Yünlung.\n\n# 57\n\nThe town of Yünlung lies at the eastern foot of the lofty range flanking the left bank of the Mekong River, and the day's journey to the 60-year-old chain suspension bridge (the Fei-Lung, or Flying Dragon, bridge) over that turgid torrent consisted of a climb from 5,500 feet to 9,700 feet, succeeded by a long and stony descent to 4,600 feet, the elevation of the Mekong at this point. The fierce swiftness of its 80 yards broad current is sufficiently accounted for by the fact that it descends over 1,800 feet between here and the Tapêng ferry, by which we crossed it on the outward journey.\n\nBut a still more formidable day's march lay before us, over the yet higher range on the right bank of the Mekong. The altitudes on this section varied between 5,000 feet at the start (Chiuchou), 11,800 feet at the summit, and 7,000 feet at the halting-place, Ts'aochien. Almost the whole of the climb was over the roughest of stone-boulder paving, and much of it in deep trough-like gullies, while, save at the very summit, the path was overgrown by dense jungle.\n\nAfter two more days of very hilly travel, we came to the crossing of the Salween, here effected in a large, unwieldy-looking boat, the helmsman of which plied a huge stern sweep, some 20 feet long, to negotiate obliquely the passage of the intervening rapids. From the level of the Salween at this point (Mêngku ferry) to the summit of the range, on the right bank, is an ascent of all but 8,000 feet, and the climb over the summit, 10,500 feet, through dense jungle, followed by a steep and terribly rugged drop of close on 4,000 feet, made a day's journey scarcely less arduous than that over the Mekong range.\n\nWe were now back again in the Têngch'ung district, and three more days, the first two of which descended the undulating paddy-plains flanking the Shweli, brought our tour to a close on the 11th June.\n\nThe total period occupied by my tour was seventy-six days, all but seven of which were travelling days; my estimate of the total distance covered is 884 miles, of which I accomplished fully 90 per cent on foot. The route followed traversed some portion at least of eighteen separate districts, and while it cannot, of course, claim to be in any way exhaustive—the start was far too late to admit of such a possibility—it served, in my opinion, to establish the fact that along considerable stretches of country in both the western and southern circuits of Yunnan, the Chinese have undoubtedly made genuine efforts to stamp out, for the time being at any rate, the cultivation of opium. This effort must have cost the province a very large sum of money, estimated by the Tengyueh Taoyin at not less than half a million dollars. As an instance of the heavy expenditure incurred, he assured me that between the months of November and March last, his bill for official telegrams on the subject of opium alone, at 6 cents per word, came to over 2,000 dollars.\n\nI have the honour to append herewith an itinerary of the journey, together with a rough sketch map† showing the various places passed en route.\n\nI cannot close this report without adding a few words to express my high appreciation of the very great assistance willingly and cheerfully rendered throughout the tour by the consulate writer, Mr. Chang-Po-tuan, in obtaining accurate information from day to day regarding both the route I desired to follow and the facts in relation to opium cultivation in the adjoining territory.\n\nA. E. EASTES.\n\nHis Britannic Majesty's Consulate, Tengyuek,\n\nSir,\n\nJune 26, 1917.\n\n## Enclosure 3 in No. 29.\n\nConsul Tours to Mr. Alston.\n\nIchang, July 20, 1917.\n\nIN accordance with your instructions, I have inspected the eastern portion of the province of Yunnan for opium-poppy cultivation; and I now have the honour to enclose herewith my report thereon.\n\nI have, &c.\n\n* Not printed.\n† Not reproduced.\n\nB. G. TOURS.",
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    {
        "id": 500973,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-489N - Governor Sir Stubbs & Sir Clementi - 1925 [8-12]",
        "page_number": 8,
        "title": "CO129-489N - Governor Sir Stubbs & Sir Clementi - 1925 [8-12]",
        "content_text": "14\n\nAMERICAN ORIENTAL MAIL LINE\n\n#TRANSPACIFIC-EXPRESS SERVICE\"\n\nSEATTLE & VICTORIA\n\nSHAN HAI-KOBE-YOKOHAMA,\n\nPRESIDENT JEFFERSON ...... September 6th, 5.00 pm.\n\nPRESIDENT GRANT... September 15th, 5.00 pm.\n\nEUROPE\n\nvia Seattle-Chicago-New York\n\nFirst Class on the Pacific. First Class on American or Canadian Railway, First Class and Second Class on the Atlantic. Choice of Trans-Continental Railways. Any Class on the Atlantic.\n\nThrough accommodation and Booking Arranged.\n\nFOR MANILA\n\nPRESIDENT JEFFERSON\n\nPRESIDENT GRANT\n\nAugust 29th, 3.00 p.m.\n\nSeptember 10th, 5.00 p.m.\n\nTRAVEL FIRST CLASS ON A FIRST CLASS STEAMER. Through Bills of Lading to all United States, and Canadian Overland points, also via Panama Canal Lines to Atlantic Ports.\n\nCopies of this paper on file in our Offices SEATTLE, CHICAGO, NEW YORK.\n\nFor passage and Freight Booking apply to\n\nAMERICAN ORIENTAL MAIL LINE\n\nOperated for\n\nUnited States Shipping Board\n\nby Admiral Oriental Line, Managing Operators\n\nHongkong and Shanghai Bank Building, 4th Floor, Telephone Central 2477, 2478 and 795. No. 4, Des Voeux Road.\n\nTWO-WAY SERVICE\n\nTo Manila, the Straits, Calcutta, Egypt, the Mediterranean, and New York\n\nWhether you're traveling east, or west, DOLLAR Line President Liners will carry you\n\nEastbound they afford two sailings each month.\n\nWestbound they offer four sailings each month, as far as Manila- thence to Singapore and beyond, a fortnightly schedule.\n\nWith most frequent and convenient service, these great oil-burning liners are notable for their speed and steadiness.\n\nAll staterooms are outside rooms, with real beds (not berths) and luxurious furnishings.\n\nDOLLAR Line cuisine is world famous.\n\nSTOPOVERS ALLOWED AT ANY PORT OF CALL\n\nEast: Shanghai, Kobe, Yokohama, Honolulu\n\nWest: Manila, Singapore, Penang, Colombo, Suez, Port Said, Alexandria, Naples, Genoa, Marseilles, New York- and on other ports round the world\n\nEASTBOUND\n\nNEXT SAILINGS\n\nPRESIDENT LINCOLN\n\nAugust 29, 5.00 pm.\n\nPRES. CLEVELAND\n\nSeptember 12, 5.00 p.m.\n\nWESTBOUND\n\nPRES. VAN BUREN\n\nSeptember 4, 8.00 p.m.\n\nPRES. CLEVELAND\n\nSeptember 1, 2.00 p.m.\n\nACROSS THE PACIFIC TO SAN FRANCISCO\n\nFOR PASSAGE OR FREIGHT RATES, APPLY TO\n\nDOLLAR STEAMSHIP LINE\n\nHongkong and Shanghai Bank Building, Ground Floor, No. 4 Des Voeux Road, HONG KONG\n\nTelephones Central 2477, 2478 and 795\n\nAMERICAN FAR EAST LINE\n\nOPERATED FOR\n\nUNITED STATES SHIPPING BOARD\n\nBy Struthers & Barry, Managing Operators\n\nREGULAR FAST FREIGHT SERVICE\n\nTO SAN FRANCISCO & LOS ANGELES FROM HONGKONG BY DIRECT ROUTE\n\nU.S.S.B. \"West Faralon\"...... Due Hongkong\n\nin port. Leave Hongkong 26th Aug.\n\n24 days to San Francisco-28 days to Los Angeles,\n\nU.S.S.B. \"West Cajoot\"...... Due Hongkong\n\nsin Sept. Leave Hongkong 7th Sept.\n\nYorgo accepted for transhipment at San Francisco to weekly sailings for Atlantic sea and ports.\n\nThrough bills of lading issued to C.A. and Canadian Overland points.\n\nTO MANILA, CEBU, ILOILO AND ZAMBOANGA.\n\nU.S.S.B. \"West Jester\" .................\n\nDue Hongkong 28th Aug. Leave Hongkong 30th Aug.\n\nTO SINGAPORE, ZAMBOANGA & CEBU.\n\nU.S.S.B. \"West Prospect\"\n\nDue Hongkong 10th Sept. Leave Hongkong 11th Sept.\n\nThrough bills of lading issued to all ports and served\n\nfor full information apply to\n\nSTRUTHERS AND BARRY,\n\nPhone Central No. 2018.\n\nL. EVERETT, INC.\n\nGeneral Agents.\n\n1st Floor Queen's Building\n\nJapan, China, Philippine Island, Indo-China\n\nD. Drame Sheppard\n\nFar. Agent.\n\nStraits Settlement.\n\nSOUTH CHINA MORNING POST, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 26, 1925,\n\nNAVY NOTES.\n\nFLAG OFFICER CHANGES.\n\n(From the Army and Navy Gazette)\n\nCRIMINAL SESSIONS.\n\nA HUGE ARMS HAUL.\n\nPrisoner Gets Three Years.\n\nARRIVALS.\n\nAUGUST 24.\n\nGlamiabroch, British, Capt. D. X. Hood, 148 tons, in cargo and ballast, Song 3oon Hong, mooring\n\n1,144 tons. Saigon, Wo Fat Sons, Haldia, British, Capt. L. Lynch, in cargo.\n\nA Chinese seaman named Chunk Mak Thee appeared before Mr. Justice B.22, at the Criminal Sessions yesterday, charged with the possession of thirty-four revolvers valued at $1,500 and 542 rounds of ammunition on board the s.s. \"Genkracht\" on June 21 last.\n\nHe pleaded not guilty.\n\nNaan Sang, British. Capt. D. R. Kilee, 2,351 tons, Yokohama and Shanghai, J.M. & Co., Stonecutters.\n\nAUGUST 25.\n\nThe Crown case was conducted by Mr. Whyte-Smith who explained to the court that at 4.30 a.m. on the day in question a party of searchers went on board the ship, on the second deck, on the day in question a party of searchers went on board the ship, on the second deck, a Chinese revenue officer and others went in search for arms.\n\nOsaka Maru, Japanese, Capt. C. Kondo, 10,219 tons, Calcutta and Singapore, NYK., voxing A2.\n\nThe Admiral was in the board side a Chinese revenue officer and others went in search for arms.\n\nVulcanus, Dutch, Capt. 1. 3. Settle, 707 tons, Pulse and Saraboe, APC Company's Wharf.\n\nThe replies of the Admiralty to the requests put forward through the 1924 Welfare Conference contain but a small proportion of concessions, but this is not surprising.\n\nSo many of the requests involved additions to public expenditure, amounting in the aggregate to a considerable sum, that there was small hope of their being entertained favourably in the existing financial situation.\n\nIn one respect, the lower deck is not against the same snag as the Admiralty when the Board asks for money.\n\nPrisoner's Story.\n\nPrisoner went late the witness) on number one) on\n\nAdmiralty when the Board asks for money.\n\nCLEARANCES.\n\nAUGUST 25.\n\nAsaka Maru, Japanese, Meji.\n\nCheltenham, British, Amoy.\n\nCorona, Norwegian, Chiungwan\n\nTAO.\n\nChung Hing, Chinese, K. C. Wan\n\nDrafa, Norwegian, Shanghai.\n\nGairsoppa, British, Moji.\n\nGlenfaldek, British, Amoy.\n\nHin Sang, British, Sandakan\n\nHoi Nam, Portuguese, K. C. Wan\n\nShing Cheong, Portuguese, Macao\n\nTalthybia British, Co.\n\nVoleanus, Dutch, Anicy.\n\nAUSTRALIAN STRIKE.\n\nFEDERAL ACTION IN VICTORIA.\n\nNew Zealand Joins In\n\nMelbourne, Aug. 24.\n\nThe Federal Cabinet has held a special meeting to consider the question of new cruisers and torpedo craft, viz., where is the money to come from?\n\nIt does not follow that the welfare system is useless.\n\nOn the contrary, it has proved its value when handled judiciously, this fokia and told them to get on with their work as the ship sailed just 8 a.m.\n\nWhile in the bunker he saw the bags lying on the coals and was going to report them to the chief engineer.\n\nA second later he heard a shot fired behind him.\n\nThe strike was then begun and he thought it was some-jane from the Seamen's Guild going to bother him and so he dropped there and ran away.\n\nHe was arrested.\n\nCross examined he said the tokis or Heuler. which should be capable of good judgement have been in the stoke-hold and he told them to get on with their work.\n\nAsked where he should have been, prisoner said it was the business of the firemen and stokers at Auckland the settlement within the Empire to see that the furnaces were\n\nA mass meeting of British seamen was held to-morrow---.\n\nSydney, Aug. 24.\n\nThe Marine Transport Group has unanimously decided to support, food and house the striking\n\nof persons with small means in sight.\n\nHe had no idea that the men who caught him were revenue officers until they took him to the bunker again when they brought out the bags, established\n\nThe P. and O. line, s.s. Chitral, whose crew has refused to join the strikers, sails on August 20th\n\nThe departure: of the Orient line ss. Orama is\n\nindefinite: its postponement\n\nThe crew of the Rougelia has expressed\n\nOrders copies of the Committee's report and proposals.\n\nO Fuel Supplies.\n\nIn common with other Navies, that of Japan is handicapped by the uncertainty of oil fuel supply.\n\nThis seems manifestly the only reason to burn partly all and partly coal.\n\nThe nine vessels of the \"King\" class are understood to have eight of their twelve boilers adopted for oil firing, and the remaining four boilers are coal-fired.\n\nIt appears that Japan has to import at present about 1,600,000 tons of petroleum and benzine out there is beautiful scenery, and although the train service from Hexham is scanty, the roads are good, the air pure and strong, and salmon and trout fishing and hunting are plentiful.\n\nGuilty is lacking, schooner Maud en route to San Francisco, where she was to be sold, the Norwegian Vice Consul went aboard and took possession of her on behalf of the Norwegian Government.\n\nMarshall then hoarded the ship with an attachment order for over six hundred dollars, alleged to be owing in respect of fuel supplied before the vessel sailed in 1922.\n\nThe United States Marshal\n\nGreenwich Hospital Livings.\n\nWe share the regret expressed by the Rev. A. R. Dexter, R.N.,\n\nSTEVEDORING AND TRANSHIPPING,\n\nDischarging from and/or loading on steamer without undue delay.\n\nCoolies and/or lighters are supplied for landing into and/or shipping from Godowns.\n\nRates practically normal.\n\nFor particulars please apply to the Undersigned,\n\nTelephones; C-2189 and C-8485\n\nHIN FAT & CO., LTD.\n\nKwok in Wang\n\nManaging Director\n\n51. Bonham Strand West.\n\nTHE\n\nBLUE FUNNEL\n\nLINE\n\nREGULAR AND FAST\n\nFREIGHT AND\n\nPASSENGER SERVICES\n\nLONDON SERVICE\n\n\"PERSEUS\" KUMAZON BELENUS RHESUSER\n\nAt Sept. Malice, London R's & burg. 32nd Sept. Murveilles. London, R'dan & 'burgi att D Mamzeilen.\n\nLagdon B'day & H’barg. 12th Cez Loadno, Recuerdam & amic\n\nLIVERPOOL SERVICE\n\n\"TALARIUS\" 20th Aug.\n\n\"TITUS\"\n\nJa Sept.\n\nPACIFIC SERVICE. vis KOBE & YOKOHAMA\n\n\"AUTOLYCUS\" 33rd Sept.\n\n\"PRIONOTES\" 20th Oct.\n\nNEW YORK SERVICE\n\n\"TEUCRER\"\n\n\"LARYDOCHES\" \"LAUMEDON\n\nMaravillor, favre, Liverpool G'gow Goos, Plates, Lívsepnolæ Gunngow\n\nFloturi, Varoshvac &; Je co Victoria, Venousver & Stile.\n\n28th Sept. Hoston, New York & B'more is Sues i 19 Sept. Bostan, York & there\n\nZod Bept. toston, New York & Bare via Sos\n\nPASSENGER SERVICE \"HLOTUS\"\n\nLas Det BABYEDOM 18th Nav. \"PATRÜÇLES” lóch Den. \"ANTENOR\"\n\n13th Jan. 3rd Mar \"SARPEDON?” 7th April.\n\nSingapura, Marsilise & London. Singapore, Marssillon & Lendum.\n\nSingapore, Marseides & Londna. Singapore, Marseilles & don.\n\nSingapura, tarvefiler & Info Singapore, Marseiller ↑ Loudon.\n\nàlao cargo stnames with limited passaagar assurmodating ki pecially reduced fares.\n\nFor freight and gage rates and information apply to\n\nButterfield & Swire.\n\nAgents.\n\nOREGON ORIENTAL LINE\n\nOperated for\n\nUNITED STATES SHIPPING BOARD E.F.C.\n\nby COLUMBIA PACIFIC SHIPPING COMPANY\n\nFOR MANILA. ILOILO & CEBU\n\nU.S.S.B. \"WEST O'ROWA”\n\nU.S.S.B. \"OAKRIDGE\"\n\n4th Sept.\n\n24th Sept.\n\n1st Det.\n\n* Also calls at Zamboanga.\n\nAll sailings subject to change without notice.\n\nThrough Bill of Lading is issued to all rail Overland Points in the U.S.A., also to New Orleans, Savannah, Galveston, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York and Boston, with transhipment at Portland, Ore, via Panama Intercoastal services.\n\nADDRESS\n\nRoom 26, Bank of Canton Building.\n\nDes Voeux Road Central,\n\nTelephone Central 4871.\n\nCANADIAN PACIFIC\n\nHOME VIA CANADA\n\nFuture Sailings to VANCOUVER\n\nvia Shanghai and Japan Ports and\n\nArrive\n\nSept.\n\nSept 21/SCOTLAND\n\nSept. 30\n\nArrive Southampton\n\nSept. 17\n\nGet 5E/FRANCE\n\nOct. 2\n\nOct. 2 MONTROSE\n\nOct. 14\n\nOct. 21\n\nOct. 30\n\nNov.\n\nChange of accommodation as those ATLANȚIO steamers actually held for sale i Üres së prěta of eaîl in the Oniens.\n\nFour Trans Continental Trains Daily from Vancouver\n\nStop-over allowed at all points\n\nBlunderd Sleeping Car-Comparisects --Drawing-Rooms Dining Cars\n\nCasesdlan Paside Hoists at Victorie, Vancouver, Bucky Younlalu Restrik, Calgary. Winnipeg, Montreal and. Quereo Develaton Expenes Travollers' Cheques issued at all Cacadian Pactão Ghes-Paysčio Evergadera.\n\nBuxxayo inaremos solā sa ai Ganadian Pacific Officer\n\nHONGKONG-MANILA--HONGKONG-SERVICE\n\nT.B\n\nFlongkong Aug. 24\n\nSept.\n\nArrive Manila\n\nAug. 28\n\nSept. 11\n\nISBYA Activa Manila Hongkong E/Canada Aug. 29\n\nAug. 31\n\nE/Russia Sept. 12\n\nSept. 14\n\nSteamers arrive MANILA early morning and sail in evening of following day.\n\nCANADIAN PACIFIC SERVICE THROUGHOUT\n\nPaakonser Department: Tel YR.\n\nFreight And Express Tel. 49.\n\nSolies, \"GAANPAC.** Cables: \"NAUTILUE.”\n\nDODWELL & COMPANY LIMITED.\n\nNEW YORK BERTH\n\nFOR NEW YORK & BOSTON via SUEZ.\n\nS.S. KENDAL CASTLE\"\n\nSails 2nd Sept.\n\nLLOYD TRIESTINO\n\nREGULAR MONTHLY PASSENGER AND FREIGHT SERVICE\n\nVICT FOR BRINDISI, VENICE AND TRIESTE (FIUME)\n\nTAKING CARGO ON THROUGH BILLS OF LADING\n\nTO GENOA, ALL ITALIAN, ADRIATIC, LEVANT, BLACK SEA AND DANUBE PORTS.\n\nREDUCED PASSAGE RATES TO BRINDISI, VENICE OR TRIESTE\n\n£66.\n\nNEXT SAILINGS\n\nCanto Agents\n\nJohn Mantera & Co., Ltd.\n\nOUTWARDS FOR SHANGHAI YOKOHAMA, KOBE & MOJI\n\nFrom Hongkong.\n\nM.S. \"ESQUILINO\"\n\nsail 26th Aug.\n\nS.3. “GERANIA\" ... (cargo only).....\n\nsails 10th Sept.\n\nS.S. \"DUCHESSA D'AOSTA“\n\nsulls 12th Sept.\n\nHOMEWARDS FOR BRINDISI, VENICE AND TRIESTE.\n\nFrom Hongkong,\n\nsal 7th Sept.\n\nSails 31st Sept.\n\nSAILINGS FROM HONGKONG SUBJECT TO ALTERATION\n\nLONDON, HAMBURG, ROTTERDAM & ANTWERP-ia Singapore.\n\nDelombe\n\nSuez and Pers Bald.\n\nALES MAN\n\nMonday, 7th September.\n\nRIO DE JANEIRO, SANTOS & BUENOS AIRES--Tie Saigon, Singepore,\n\nColombo, Durban & Lopetown.\n\nCANADA MARU\n\nBOMBAY via Singaya re & Celombo\n\nINDO MARU\n\nBANUKI MARU\n\nvi BAICON\n\nSEKIYO MARU\n\nWednesday, 9th September.\n\nTuesday, 15th September.\n\nSunday, 18th September.\n\nCALCUTTA, Tia Singejare, Purang & Rangoon,\n\nBANUKI MARU\n\nThursday, 27th August.\n\nVICTORIA SEATTLE TACOMA & TANCOOTER-era Shianglesi and Japan porta\n\nAFRICA MARU..(From Shanghai.)... Sunday, 6th September.\n\nHAIPHONG VI KOINOW & PANHOL.\n\nTAIKWA MARU\n\nFriday, 4th September.\n\nNEW YORK.-in Japan ports, Nau Franciare, Panamaq.\n\nJAPAN PORTS,\n\nHAMBURG MARU\n\nSEATTLE MANU KEELUNG V SWATOW & AMOY\n\nHOZAN MARC\n\nAMAKURA MARU\n\nTAKAO via SWATON & ANDY,\n\nKÖTSU MAKU\n\nTPKAD & KEELUNG.\n\nSOURABAYA MARU....\n\nBAIREN via GREFOO & TSINGTAO.\n\nRYUKO MADU...\n\nGINZAN MARU...\n\nFor further patio dare plezes apply\n\nRul. C. Now, 4088, 1099 & 4090.\n\nto\n\nWednesday, 8th September.\n\nWednesday, 2nd September.\n\nSunday, 8th Aug., 2 p.m.\n\nThursday, 3rd Sept., Noon.\n\nThursday, 27th Asg, 8 a.m.\n\nSaturday, 20th September.\n\nBeginning of September.\n\nBeginning of Reptember.\n\nOSAKA SHOSEN KAISHA\n\nM. TAKEUCHI Manager.\n\nTHE SWEDISH EAST ASIATIC\n\nCOMPANY, LIMITED,\n\nGOTHENBURG,\n\nRegular Freight Service for\n\nBarcelona, Valencia, Amsterdam, Vasburg, Copenbagen, Gothenburg and other Scandinavian Ports.\n\nWill leave ou or about. 10th October.\n\nM.V. \"NANKING\"\n\nSubject to shange without notice.\n\nFor further particulars please apply to:-\n\nGILMAN & CO., LIMITED.\n\nAgents.\n\nM.S. \"ESQUILINO\"\n\n5,8. DCCHESSA D'AOSTA\"\n\nNATAL LINE OF STEAMERS\n\nFROM CALCUTTA & COLOMBO TO SOUTH AFRICAN PORTS\n\n9.9. \"UMSINGA.”\n\nS.S. \"ENZUMBI”\n\nsiis 1st Sept.\n\nsuite Is Oct.\n\nRegular l'assenger and Cargo Service to South African Parte.\n\nThrough Bill of Lading issued from Hongkong.\n\nFor Fraight or Pussage on any of the above Lines apply to:- DODWELL & CO, LTD., Agents\n\nTelephone Central 1030.\n\nNANYO YUSEN KAISHA.\n\n(The South Sea Mail S.S. Co, Ltd.)\n\nTO JAVA\n\nvia Batavia, Samarang & Sourabaya.\n\nS.S. \"BANDOENG MARU”\n\nTO JAPAN\n\n31s1 Aug.\n\nvia Moji, Kobe, Osaka, Nagoya & Yokohama.\n\nS.S. \"MACASSAR MARU\".................\n\n7th Sept.\n\nCargo taken at through rates to all ports in Netherland-India.\n\nRailings subject to siteraljon,\n\nfor farther particulars please apply to--\n\nTel. Central No. 2206\n\nNANTO YUSEN KAISHA.\n\n2nd floor, Prince's Building.\n\nSOUTH CHINA\n\nMORNING POST, WEDNESDAY,\n\nINDO-CHINA\n\nSTEAM NAVIGATION CO., LTD.\n\nDENTISTICN\n\nSTEAMERS\n\nவு. Straits & GalOITENAMBANO Tri.. 28th Acz., 8 p.ro.\n\nYounus via Kone... . HOSANG Wed., 2nd Rept., Noon.\n\nSTAI & Courts...... POOKSANG.... Wed., And Bept., 8 p.m.\n\nSTRAITS & CALENTA KUESANG Tues., 9th Sept., 8 p.m.\n\nKoa via BRANGKA & MOJE...LAIBANG.\n\nRegnbur sullings are maintained as follows:\n\nFri., 11th Sept., 7am.\n\nSEAWOWALKERS JAPAN LINE.\n\nEVERT TEX LAUR\n\nSONDRONG WASILI LINE.\n\nHONGKONA-WAIPHONG DAN HONREONG-BORGANI MARDZORG--TIERÍSK TANK KONGKONG-BANTEOR DINE\n\nFor freight なぜ\n\nEVERLY\n\nELERY SATURDAY FROM BUTO FORTH EVERY SUNDAY FROM VOTE FORTR FVC WRIGHT. * OUT\n\nprasugo apply dis\n\nJARDINE MATHESON & CO., Ltd.\n\nTelephone Central 95.\n\nGeneral Manager..\n\nGLEN AND SHIRE\n\nJOINT SERVICE OF STEAMERS\n\nSTRAITS, CHINA & JAPAN Survies,\n\nOUTWARDS\n\nDe lykvog.\n\n\"GLENAMOY\"\n\n\"GLENGARRY\"\n\nHOMEWARDS,\n\np901.\n\nAUGUST 26, 1925.\n\nMALM & CO. GENERAL SHIPPING AGENTS- CHARTERS, PURCHASES AND SALES OF ALL SIZES OF STEAMERS, E. GOOD BUNKER COALS, BEST PRICES.\n\nSTAVEDGRING at Ordinary Rates.\n\nQuick Dispatch Guaranteed.\n\nCOOD CHINESE CREWS AT ANY TIME.\n\nTHE MALM LINE OF Passenger and Cargo honts From Hongkong to Wuchow, Nanning und Louchow.\n\nMALM & CO. SHPEGILDERS & ENGINEERS.\n\nYARD AT CHANG SHA WAN\n\nTel. C.4946,\n\nCode: Bentleys.\n\nCity Bangkep 29th Ang.\"PEMBROKESİKE\" 27th Aug. 31st Aug. ludon, Botserdwn & Fisuborg.\n\n\"GLENSHANE\" 220 Sept.\n\nvix Oran, \"GLENAPP\n\n1st Oct. GLENIFFER**\n\n6th Sept. London, Butterdam & ffanburg.The \"CARMARTHENSHIRE \"\n\ni\n\nvis Oran.\n\n\"GLENLUCE\"\n\n15th Oct. ist NOT.\n\nMurou eats are subject to change wilbout 10BÍ#2) or freight and further particulars aptly tor\n\nJARDINE, MATHESON & Co., Ltd. ÅGETS. THE GLEN LINE, LTR.\n\nTeinphone Cauteni No. 21.5, wah x. 23 and 0, 3695.\n\nNYCK\n\nIYO MARU\n\nW\n\nsale:Neos NƯỚC 1, 21 TEAY10\n\nREPAIRS QUICK.\n\nCaut, FINN MALM\n\nShip and Freight Broker.\n\n2nd Floor, China Building,\n\nQueen's Road Central,\n\nHongkong.\n\nAUSTRALIAN-ORIENTAL LINE, Ltd.\n\n\"CHANGTE\"\n\nThis vessel will sail hence on her maiden voyage on 25th September, at 4 p.m. MANILA, PORT BANGA, PHURSDAY ISLANDAND AUSTRALIAN PORTS.\n\nThrough Bills of Lading isSLYO PO ALI, AUSTRALIA, NEW AND and laghata Puzzs.\n\nNew VankET. IS VIFTER WITH THE PIPGFT AND Most UperG-PATE\n\nFinet AND SECOND CLASS l'azeryone ACCOMATODAYION. (Balling 80bfer an eatin\n\nCONSIGNEE NOTICES.\n\nAMERICAN & MANCHURIAN LIKE.\n\nNew Yor The Stee\n\nMALVERNIAN\" hovleg crvived, Consignes af Cargo by mormed that all goods being landed at trek into the barurdous and/or extra-hazardons Gudren of Hot's Wharf, whence\n\ndelivery ay he obtaine\n\nNo Cu wail be admitted after the Goods are left the Godowns, and sil Goods orating undelivered after 28th August, 1926, will be sub jert to Rent\n\nAll Clains it the Steamer unst be presented to the designed an or before th Septemi, 1825, they will not be recognised.\n\nA becken, cha dangel gends are n be hit in the dews, where they with he examined on any Tuesdays or Priùugs, between the beurs of 10.45 a.m., and Nan, withi the Pres Storage period of Ore Week.\n\nNo Fire instance as boet effected.\n\nHuf Lading wit be erranter- signed by\n\n1HE BANK LINE. LTD.\n\nGeel Agents.\n\nHongkong. Auest 28. 1925.\n\nTHE BEN LINE STEAMERS. LIMITED.\n\nFROM MIDDLESBRO, ANTWERP, LONDON AND STRAITS,\n\nThe Steamship\n\nEÈKVENUE fasaigneon Cargo are hereby informed that z gonds are being jlandad at their ek so the hamme\n\ndans andoz szira anarcus - Jdowns of the Hongkong and Kowloon Wharf and Godown Co., Ltd., whera, sador for the wharroz, delivery may be tiket.\n\nNu etaba w be dated stler the goods have left the godowns, and ell goa\n\nthe delivered after\n\nFor Freight and Parange, apply to BUTTERFIELD & SWIKE, Tel. C. 36.\n\nAgents.\n\nCHINA NAVIGATION CO.,\n\nSAILINGS SUBJECT TO ALTERATION.\n\nFOR\n\nSTRIKEPA\n\nLTD.\n\nTO HALL\n\nWwa, Casroo & TraHVICHOW... 20th Aug., g.m\n\nEvelient Saloon accommodation urridakipe with Muscio Faust.\n\nNoguiar service four times weekly hatween Canim. Hongkong and nai laving Hongkong on Sundays in hang Tunya (vin A Thursdays (via Auto and Batunlays direct, exsand- In to Edingtao.\n\nGaige taken on through bills of Lading to all Yangtze and North Chts Ports.\n\nParents for baugasi de nui respira to tranship at Woosing.\n\nBUTTERFIELD & SWIRK\n\nreet.\n\nili in subject to\n\nAll the '\n\nmust be presented\n\nUndersigne\n\non or buture 8th September, or they\n\nwill not be recognise,\n\nAll breken, chafed ad deranged goode are to be left in the godowns. whers they will be examined on the 20th fratait, at 10 m\n\nNo Fire Insu\n\neffecto.\n\nbas beam\n\nBill of Lading will be counter signed by\n\nGIBB, LIVINGSTON & CO., LTD., Agurta.\n\nHongkong, August 22, 1925,\n\nMAMBURG-AMERICA LINIE.\n\n\"FUERST CRUELOW,\" having arrived Conagages of Cargo by hut are hereby notified what all goods are being landed at ilver risk into the Lazurfous and/or extra hazarduur godowns of the Hongkong nad Kowloon Whorl and Godown Co, whence, and oe Tevin the Wharves, delivery can be obtained.\n\nNo claims will be admitted after the wonde have left a Godowns, and all goods remaining undelivered after 26 August, 1926, will be subject (20 FALL.\n\nVICTORIA SEATTLE & VANCOUVER vs Shanghai and Japan'нG, A'нow 'K. KAYING. 8th Aug., it a.m.\n\nThe Motorship or Steamship\n\nporka urong Bill of Lading ised to all Overiand Commino Painus le ... sud Canada.\n\nParugh passage cases (u Barone cia marios (1.6) 6. $ 420, G. LED, KAGA MAHU... Ditect Nagasaki... Sunday, 30th Arg, Midnight.\n\n...........Weintsday, 16th September.\n\nMARSEILLES LONDON & ANTWERP via finapan & Yes Baturday, 29th August, 11 a.m.\n\nKASHIMA NARU Saturday, 12th September, HAMBURG HA LONDON & ROTTERDAM\n\n.... ............................. Friday. Alat September.\n\nLIVERPOOL ADEN & MARSEILLES\n\nTUBA MARU\n\nSunday, 13th September.\n\nSIDNEY & MELBOURNE via Maglie & Parts\n\nTANGO MARU\n\nWednesday, 23rd September.\n\nAKI MARU\n\nWednesday, 2ial October.\n\nNEW YORK and/or BOSTON vis PANAMA,\n\nMAYBASHI MARUFriday, 11th Heptember, BUENOS AIRES da Ningapore, Durbić & Uspetoño, Delagos Bay and\n\nAlgoa Bay,\n\nKAMAKURA MARU Tuesday, 1st September.\n\nJAVA\n\nBENGAL MARU. Hunday, 6th September.\n\nBOMBAY via Singhpure and Caloto.\n\nSADO MARU”,\n\n............Friday, 11th September.\n\nCALCUTTA via Singapore & Raagoon.\n\nNAGASAKI KOBE & YOKOHAMA.\n\nAKI MARU.\n\nThursday, 17th September.\n\nSHANGHAI KOBE & YOKOHAMA.\n\nMNO MARE FUSHINI MASU TAMBA MARU\n\nHAKOZAKI MARU.\n\nFriday, 4th September.\n\nTuesday, 9th September,\n\n.........\n\nTuatay, 10th Septembar.\n\nTuesday, 22nd September,\n\nFor hurther information apviy to: Phons Capical No. 392, 993 & 2422.\n\nS. KINOSHITA. Waager.\n\nT.K.KLING\n\nHONGKONG SAN FRANCISCO LINE\n\nvia SHANGHAI, NAGASAKI, KOBE YOKOHAMA & HONOLULU\n\nConnecting a San Francisco with Southern Pacife, Sante Fe Western Pacific Railroads.\n\nSailing from Hongkong\n\nSHINYO MARU\n\nSIBERIA MARU (uit How\n\n***\n\nFaptember R.\n\nSectorabe 216.\n\nTAIYO MABU\n\nTENYO MARU.\n\nCreteber 4th.\n\nOctober 19th.\n\n+KOKEA MARU......\n\nNovember ard.\n\n#renoveda vj Niver and beattes alongside Mantaten wierf at Shanghai\n\nKOREA MARU sud SIBERIA MAKU proceed to Los Angeles from San Francisco with cargo only.\n\nREDUCED FAKE TO EUROPE, Firal inse 2120 Thin Clase un Atlantic £112 Second Class £80\n\nSOUTH AMERICAN LINE\n\nThe July direct service between Urient and South America via Japan, Hawaii, San Francisco, Los Angeles, Meztés, Panama, Peru & Chill.\n\nSailings from Hongkong\n\nSINTO MARU.......\n\nANYO MARU\n\nAug 206b, .October 7th.\n\nF. TSETSUJI, Manager, King's Building-\n\nAzent at Canton, Messze. T. B. GRIFFITH, LTD.\n\nTel. C, 2974 & 2375\n\nTelephone Centru B. 36.\n\nAGENTS\n\nCARGO AND BASGAON CAN Yi Insured at THE Verioz\n\nHorverrin & Swinn\n\nDOUGLAS STEAMSHIP CO., LTD.\n\nBONGKONG & SOUTH CHINA PORTS SERVICE.\n\nZEGUAR SERVICE of Wigh Clar Doast Steters having gond sacommodation for Best Olas Fesamtgers, Eletric Light and Fans in Stat root and Saloons ud Excellent Crimina\n\nFOR AMOY & FOOCHOW\n\nCall at Aravy for Pussengeza osky. AND RETURN\n\n(Coy hus 9 to In Mays]\n\nArrivals and Dentures from the Company's Weart (Rest Blake Vier) Hound Trip Tingots will be issued fron iongkong to Ronchow (Pagoda pohor\n\n\"Halskj at the Reduced Bate of #009 Julvling Man's while the s\n\nFreight and Parsage sypiƒ to:--\n\nare and return by the xenis ateumer, by the \"Kaining\", in Port\n\n-DOUGLAS LAPRAIK & CO.\n\nGeortal Magom\n\nPRINCE LINE FAR EAST SERVICE\n\nBegular slugs to Boston andjor New York by fast freight steamers.\n\nFor BOSTON\n\nand\n\nNEW YORK\n\nS.S. \"GAELIC PRINCE\".2ud half September.\n\nFor freight and further particulars apply to\n\nFURNESS (FAR EAST), LTD\n\nInnorporated in Great Britain, Ring's Building.\n\nTelephuua Central No. $166.\n\nTelegrams: Furtprince\n\nTHE EAST ASIATIC CO., LIMITED, COPENHAGEN.\n\nThe M.S\n\n*TONGKING\n\n*\n\nwill be loading for ROTTERDAM, AMSTERDAM, HAMBURG, COPENHAGEN and athor Sendingcias porte at or about 15th of September.\n\nExpected cu Will leave homeward\n\nbound on or about\n\nor noo\n\nFurther sailinge :-- HASTA in optamber 3. \"A\" - - - ............ 13 mm. Matt ge 1.2. •ATRIKA\"... 10th May M.§. \"GANZAYA Hik Draga h\n\nSubject to change without notice.\n\nFor further particulars plezas apply to\n\nJOHN MANNERS & CO, LTD,\n\nAgenta.\n\nAll clamos umat reach us by 2ītu August, 1925, or they will not be recognised.\n\nAll damaged packages will be examined by Heners. Goddard Douglas Marine Surmayoga) et\n\n10 H.DL, un 26th August, 1926.\n\nNu Fire Insurance will be stinct?.\n\nBill of Lading will be countacsigo-\n\ned by\n\nJERSEN & CO.,\n\nAgents. Hongkong, August 21, 1995,\n\nN... LINE.\n\n(NIPPON YUSEN KAISHA.) From Europe and Straits.\n\nThe Steamship\n\nSUWA MARU\" having arrived from the above ports, Consignage of Cargo ATE hereby in- formed that their Goods are being lezded and placed at their risk in Hongkong and howloon Wharf and Godown Company's Godutos as Kowloon, whence delivers may be obtained.\n\nThe shove stezce recurried to Hongkong the general TEN \"Toycoks Maru\" frora Japan oversized to Sigepore constating. Ituatiy ní Fulton gocas from Japan, and tiene goods\n\ndows of the Hongkong ano Kowloon Whert and Gadorn 65. Deliver? of sam will be granted after repayment to this Ufire of the charges interval at Singapor\n\nGoods not cleared by the 29th |August, 1925, will be subject in rant.\n\nDamaged Packages must be left in the Godown for examination by the Comigone's and the Co.'s representa\n\nves na any Tuesdays and Fridays, (at 2.20 p... within the free storage\n\nPeriod.\n\n·Tieve also been tanded into lov -\n\nAll dentist be presented within ten days of the teamòa's arrival bese after which date ther cannot be Joogalood.\n\nNo claims will be rmitted after įthe goods have left the Godeyiz.\n\nNo Fire Itanha buen effected.\n\nNIPPON YUSEN KAISHA Hongkong, 22nd Augest, 1925.\n\nAMERICAN PIONEER LINE.\n\nConsignees of all cargo ex thy sɔ. \"Dryden arrised at this on August 1, 1326, from Salveston, Teres via ports, are hereby notified that a futer exuntiantino of mil brokee. thufed and durunged care will be held on August. 2. 1328, 7. the premises of The Hongkong and Kowloon What and Godows Un, La. ity the Company's Surveyors, exars,\n\nAndersus and Ache.\n\nAMERICAN 13ONEER LISE By\n\nADMIRAL ORIENTAL LINE, Agente.\n\nHongkong, August 26, 1926,\n\nPage\n\n166",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-489N - Governor Sir Stubbs & Sir Clementi - 1925 [8-12].txt",
        "external_url": "",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 504792,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-496 - Public Offices - 1926",
        "page_number": 57,
        "title": "CO129-496 - Public Offices - 1926",
        "content_text": "56\n\n99\n\n•artos pavilax to) asel a (1)\n\ninsi igitoudne pilow, at mano ad den blzoo (#)\n\nJane'd saw of heeltron a 2° NYA\n\nprot, male\n\nStow (d)\n\nDONİYETŸ\n\nthede a of bacorze od hlnow sw aniriaddo as\n\nromeo pes aultrosaeo 12 traumayaiztai ta #I670°\n\n2001.oh yan wind paidat seƐ (11)\n\n{{---13060* að fram teva niiet to Bigsby aft\n\n[ssof chiv slum atozzines\n\n„ŠPORTATO! ■'xtoute'n'% yu besingoset need stradë ka\n\n+\n\nad Bipado quer mi to 'add Løncqorq yuk (111)\n\n9. To mienie?^move and asumaa oð skem\n\nno notre taug yd radialektol more al Friemerisvoð\n\nfelonsul) inssen · 10 pair ad --foc» (suitzonta\n\n;\n\n..\n\nteente 'ideas moldindin\n\n*BUTIZO TRoy Jaslah Binom\n\nMiuos it sonatamazin ***8? #I\n\n26dab se% Div'tmal??anim sidanišoate ad binov rise!\n\ngrofonam, alotie (palizu rowls texión y{dawałem) adxow að suð misisis meg ittippen me ad? yibnopen bas er¤lvon\"\n\nŠTUBES MESES Jo : [dlzgor el 'I Jonasaol to seotuorST\n\naber? edf te ann-fed edit to melton a tol aban od kipos\n\nPaketten mind to) sídaliara obam në a! naof\n\nVİLOW DZIAMO Ore halleen klat tad? rokianes wey 11\n\n#waran na nama nd deren Aminal Iberioper od ot ylədil\n\nhobuse amizam teva tuolvaried boom\n\n„sidirens no vivala na meal at mot】 «noturti. Juo alah at\n\namalieiðmar əd. Ibomai x1) De smijnsen odð al\n\nかさば\n\nDARTSANGO\n\nvind og Moonstoť podn.... pu. :/ tab) emi! ndë uda!\n\nside furnish guarantees of good behaviour and secure termination of boycott you on your side will be prepared to recommend not only that claim for damages should be dropped but that assistance for municipal improvements (or some such vague and general purpose) should be granted from Hong Kong funds.\n\nHis Majesty's Government do not contemplate recognition of independence of Canton and it will be necessary therefore for any arrangement reached with Canton Government to be so adjusted as not to conflict\n\nIt with our obligations to Peking and other Powers. is important that you should bear this in mind; in other respects the foregoing observations appear to agree on the whole with the policy outlined in your telegram of the 25th March,\n\n*ble",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-496 - Public Offices - 1926.txt",
        "external_url": "",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 563793,
        "series_id": 27,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine",
        "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "CO129-575-15 Traffic of arms to China 24-1-1939 - 4-12-1939",
        "page_number": 84,
        "title": "CO129-575-15 Traffic of arms to China 24-1-1939 - 4-12-1939",
        "content_text": "## \n\nCustoms also receive written authority in advance from the Ministry of Finance to pass the munitions accompanied by lists, against which their stations are accordingly able to check actual consignments. The motor road is policed by Central Government Gendarmerie, whose presence, in particular at Wanting, the frontier station, is incidentally a gratifying source of confidence to the Customs.\n\n30 It is uncertain how long traffic on this highway will survive the advent of the rains now due, but judging from the fact that, as a result of such rain as has already fallen this month, lorries have been observed temporarily out of action on the steep ascent between Mangshih and Lungling and one at least went over the side on the Salween approaches, it cannot be relied on much longer.\n\n40 I have already reported that the transport of munitions by water to Bhamo and thence by mule via Tengyueh during this season was in contemplation (see my despatch No.17 of 18th March), and that representatives of the South West Transportation Company arrived here at the end of April. They have now opened an office, the \"Tengyueh Pack Transport Control Bureau\" (), corresponding to others between here and Yunnanfu, the head of which has been negotiating with the local muleteers' guild for a rate not exceeding Standard $30.00 (i.e., Yunnan $60.00) per mule from Bhamo to Tengyeh and back to Bhamo, to come into operation by 17th June and to be maintained for the whole of the rainy season whereafter it would be reduced.\n\nFurther",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-575-15 Traffic of arms to China 24-1-1939 - 4-12-1939.txt",
        "external_url": "",
        "rank": 0
    }
]