[ { "id": 217061, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-002 - Sir Henry Pottinger - 1843", "page_number": 269, "title": "CO129-002 - Sir Henry Pottinger - 1843", "content_text": "\nMonthly \n\nChinese. Repository, Henghing Gazette, and. Friend. I Weekly \n\nof China. \n\nHongkong \n\nor late \n\nCanton. Register, \n\nCanton Press, \n\nEastern G lobe, \n\n} \n\nWeekly \n\nWeekly \n\nWeekly \n\nshould be sent out.. \n\nI have the honor to be My Lord, Your Most Oberrent Gusuble Servant, \n\nBuny listensen \n\nI enclose a copy of the Hongtong. \n\n· Gazette., printed yesterday, by which \n\nYour \n\nLordship will see that it is the present. Official agan of Government, in its Notifications, orders 40, but by \n\n15th \n\nmy \n\nDespatch N 42 of the 4th of May last- \n\nto Lord. Aberdeen's address. I recommended that a Printing- and_ Lithographie_ establisment. \n\nshould", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-002 - Sir Henry Pottinger - 1843.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 217258, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-002 - Sir Henry Pottinger - 1843", "page_number": 466, "title": "CO129-002 - Sir Henry Pottinger - 1843", "content_text": "M: \n\nJuly-3/1 \n\nSer the Pottinger. \n\nContinued. \n\nof \n\nprop: Establish and \n\nSalaries. Contd \n\nMr. Hopes Meurt \n\nSchedules \n\nMema and Revised Schedules bound up after this \n\nDeopatet. \n\nHis Resignation of the offices of Plumpotentiary & Chief Super \n\nand governor of Hong Thong. \n\nJuly 31 12 Defences. \n\nin Chisis-5 \n\nFenders. \n\nsubunits his observations. \n\nALL \n\nMajor Aldrick's 2o Report and Complains of being \n\nAn \n\nanchority against the necessity for \n\nquoted as amy internal defence. \n\n# Major et's plant of \n\n1843. \n\nSir Mr Pottinger. \n\nAyr 26 15 Ackn! Desp! No. 7 to 10/43__ Art. 9ttnarch & 64 & 18 mayling, \n\npreceding \n\nanup. Deops this macknowledged. \n\nва \n\nSept 1 16 Barracks at \n\nđông không. \n\nHis defence aft biomplaint of \n\nCorreos ence \n\nin \n\nstoppage in progress of these Barracks, & particulars of Controversy with sord Saltorm thereon. \n\nPlan of Boundary of Chuck Chew Cantonment. \n\nM. J. R. Morrison, Corneillor, Chinese sect, & step folded \n\nLepp. 1 17. Death \n\n29th August 1843 of \n\natdheres to his obycations Land Defences. J. \n\nSept. 1 18 Chief Public Appoints de \n\nAug. 22 13 Condon Mys. Society's application for a \n\nGrant of \n\nLand whereon to found an \n\nAnglo-Chinese Coltge, Schools pr. proposed to be transferred \n\npom \n\nMalacca, and explanation of these intended. \n\nplan of operations. \n\nEncloses. \n\nHis obycations \n\nHis reasons for refusing this application, - for \n\ngranting Land to \n\nMorrison Education Society; - \n\n- and for recoints mansfer of allowance to the College \n\nto the Education Society \n\nRefers to por Volume of \n\nRecords end? in his Desp.No.6/43. \n\nBuitirk J. \n\nStrongly objects to cotest of two Educational Institutions in the Colony, or to extension of British Consular Protection to any persons openly establishing similar Institutions \n\namp part of China \n\nits the wishes of the dimple fort. in opposition to the wishes \n\noffieew \n\nin \n\nor \n\nqu \n\nRepresents difficulty \n\nottamay \n\nefficient persons in China to fill responsible fork Offrees Refers to A Depps? 7 to 10/43. Complains of want of power to fill up appointments pesinanently \n\nInterided thave appt Capt. Balfour at Shanghai, \n\nConsuls \n\nor Canton, our futzlaff at Fuchowto, \n\nels. Thom at Kingto or Canton, \n\nand ever say at ettney. \n\nMr. Gutzlaff declared ineligible being \n\nALL \n\nthen. \n\nMr. Thom app? Chinese Secretary vice Morrison. \n\nall. Woosnam Deputy Coll. Sec His Retirement from the foot \n\nBombay host for a Steamer to \n\nWill require sick leave. \n\nIntereds to applyp Fer \n\nto convey hum to Europe after ph and it \n\nSept. 419. Coll. Chaplain Church. \n\nand \n\nIn reply to Deos: 210 7/43 refers to por Vol: of Records sent with his Desp. s. 6/43. \n\nthe cepponitt of \n\nColl. Chapiam \n\nIs aware \n\nhaplan's delay in erection of a \n\na \n\nChurch; - has directed the preparation of an Estimate \n\ndept. 25. 14 Printed Newspapers he intends to forivard copies of; - sigt \n\n\"Chinese Repository\" _ \"Hong Hong Gazette & Friend of China \"Hong thong or late Canton Register\" _ \"Canton Press \" _ \n\nbust. a Member of the Ang \n\nand \"Eastern Globe. \n\nHong Sazette the official organ of foot for Notifications, Avrop \n\nand dithographic Establisht. Applied for. \n\nPrinting Prov \n\nof it expected to cost £5000 $ \n\nproposes tobars \n\nthis expence prom Sew Rents & Monumental Fees. \n\nwill consult with our Stanton as the propriety (doubtful of establishing a \n\nand schools and the extent fnature of the land to be assigned to kin. \n\nCollee", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-002 - Sir Henry Pottinger - 1843.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 228129, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-027 - Public Offices - 1848", "page_number": 433, "title": "CO129-027 - Public Offices - 1848", "content_text": "426\n\nit is now no\n\nCORRESPONDENCE RELATIVE TO THE RESIGNATION\n\ntion may possess, I stake it on the question raised whether Hong Kong or Chusan ought to be the seat of British power in China. I am supported in the views I have taken by Major-General D'Aguilar, by Rear-Admiral Sir Thomas Cochrane, by Brigadier Chesney, by Commissary-general Coffin, by Colonel Campbell, of Her Majesty's 98th, by the chief medical officer, the principal Military Engineer, and by the frank avowal of the French Admiral, and by the United States special Ambassador, that Hong Kong was valueless as a trading emporium, as a military post, or as a colony of any European nation. That Mr. Davis, first opposed my views as to Hong Kong, and that he has thus expressed himself to Lord Stanley; in this he was supported by the Colonial Secretary and Auditor, connected with Government to prevent the recurrence of their desire.\n\nI believe but since Mr. Davis visited Chusan in September, his views of that place have materially changed, and since the recent illness of Mr. Bruce and Mr. Shelley, their sentiments are much altered. Almost every one here has bought building allotments, or own houses, from which they derive a large rental, and they are therefore very adverse to any diminution of Government expenditure, or to any transfer of the seat of Government to Chusan. My letters to Mr. Trevelyan (which I hope he will show you, as the closing post leaves me no time for detail) will indicate the danger we are in of another war with China.\n\nThe war party are now the cabinet at Pekin; Muchangah, the person most opposed to Europeans, is prime minister; and one of his first measures was the degradation of Keying, on account of his having betrayed the interests of the Chinese Empire to \"Barbarians.\" I have shown, I think, how the possession of Chusan would save the fearful calamity of another war.\n\nIf no effort be made to retain Chusan permanently (although I feel confident it can be done without any breach of treaty), then I respectfully submit there can be no necessity for the British Government expending 100,000l. per annum for mere civil purposes on this barren rock, while the utmost amount of revenue to be raised cannot exceed 10,000l. a year. If any great future object is to be attained, then let the present large expenditure of blood and treasure go on, and I, for one, will submit to be a cheerful victim for my country's welfare. But I am prepared to prove there can be no justifiable grounds for spending here nearly half a million sterling from the resources of the British Exchequer, and if I do not prove this, let the loss of my official position in Her Majesty's service be the penalty.\n\nWith the view of placing before Lord Stanley the information I have obtained, I respectfully solicit from his Lordship leave of absence to proceed overland to England, the leave not to exceed six months, and the journey to be defrayed at my own cost. Should I not demonstrate to his Lordship's complete satisfaction, that I was perfectly justified in soliciting this leave, let me be dismissed from Her Majesty's service. My duties may be performed by the Commissariat during my absence, as they were before my arrival, or Mr. Mercer, the Governor's private secretary, shall receive half my salary as locum tenens.\n\nI am aware of the labour, risk, expense, and above all, the danger I incur of Lord Stanley's displeasure; but confiding in the justness of my views, I will gladly submit to any penalty which may be the forfeiture of my failure. It will add to the obligations you have conferred on me, if the answer to this request be transmitted by the ensuing mail which leaves England for China after your receipt of this letter. General D'Aguilar, and the Attorney-general, are favourable to my being permitted leave of absence for six months, to lay my statements before Lord Stanley; but General D'Aguilar is of opinion that Mr. Davis would not grant me the leave I seek, as I would be enabled then by viva voce, to substantiate my own views; for this reason, I have not applied to Mr. Davis, with whom, however, I am on the most friendly terms.\n\nThe treaty provides for the cession of Chusan to the Chinese Government on 25 December 1845; there is therefore no time to be lost on the subject. But if I receive an answer to this letter in April or in May, I would be able to reach England in time to allow of instructions being sent to Mr. Davis, not to restore Chusan until the final decision of Her Majesty's Government be known.\n\nI have little doubt that Mr. Davis will become convinced that Chusan alone can be the depository of the British power in China.\n\nShould Lord Stanley not be pleased to comply with my request for six months' leave of absence, and that Chusan be restored to the Chinese, then there can be no necessity for retaining a treasurer here, and incurring a charge of several thousand a year, when the whole of my duties may be transferred to the Commissariat Department. The abolition of my office may with public advantage take place.\n\nI say this in perfect sincerity, as I have never permitted my own interests to interfere with what might be conducive to the advantage of the State. I shall therefore have to rely on Lord Stanley's goodness, and entreat his transfer of me to some other position. Here, as a mere cashier of the sums required by the Colonial and Consular services, I could be of no use to Her Majesty's Government, and I cannot conscientiously receive 1,200l. per annum, when I am incapacitated by my position from serving the Crown, or of doing aught which may be creditable to myself.\n\nI remain, &c. (signed) R. M. Martin.\n\nOF MR. M. MARTIN, TREASURER OF HONG KONG.\n\n(No. 44.)\n\nNo. 5.\n\nEXTRACT of a DESPATCH from Governor Sir J. F. Davis, Bart., to Lord Stanley; dated Victoria, Hong Kong, 25 April 1845.\n\nNo. 5.\n\nIN despatch No. 66, of the 17th December, your Lordship desires me to furnish a report as to the points on which I dissent from the views stated by Mr. Martin, in a paper of observations which I forwarded at that gentleman's request.\n\nBy His objections to Hong Kong are founded on an apprehension of its peculiar unhealthiness, the improbability of raising a local revenue, and its inutility as a Colony, or as an entrepôt for trade; I shall endeavour to show that his statements were exaggerated and partial, and I am still of opinion that Mr. Martin wrote under a feeling of strong prejudice, founded in apprehensions for his personal health, regarding which he is remarkably sensitive, and on account of which he has had more leave of absence than any individual in the service. Your Lordship will have observed in that gentleman's paper, that he suggests the expediency of his being provided for in some other colony.\n\n(No. 85.)\n\nNo. 6.\n\nCOPY of a DESPATCH from Governor Sir J. F. Davis, Bart., to Lord Stanley.\n\nVictoria, Hong Kong, 24 June 1845.\n\nMy Lord,\n\nWITH reference to your Lordship's despatch, No. 97, of March 25th, forwarding copy of a letter from Mr. Martin to the Under-secretary of State; I beg to observe, that my despatch No. 44, of April 25th, will have anticipated much that I might have said in answer to that letter, although the nature of some of its statements requires a specific notice.\n\nMr. Martin commences with the climate, observing, however, that \"the mortality has not been so extensive as last year.\" Among the victims to sickness before he wrote, he enumerates myself, whom your Lordship may deem competent to deny the fact; and to add, that I never for a single day was unequal to my work.\n\nIt is singular, that of a list of other official persons whom he enumerates as labouring under attacks that render persons \"utterly unfit for longer residence, if mental or bodily labour be required,\" the whole number are now at their duties. These are, the Chief Justice, the Colonial Secretary, the Auditor, the Surveyor general, and the Clerk of the Works.\n\nMr. Martin, not being able to obtain a sick certificate, addressed to me the enclosed application for leave of absence on other grounds, which by my answer also enclosed, I informed him, did not justify the abandonment of his duties without leave from home.\n\nThe Colonial Regulations are quite clear on this point, as your Lordship is aware.\n\nMr. Martin has altogether misunderstood his position, as I have endeavoured to show him in my reply to his letter enclosed herewith. A steady adherence to his own duties as Treasurer would have prevented that restlessness which has kept him moving perpetually between this and one or other of the points on the coast, with no other result than the accumulation of arrears in his work, and the creation of such crude theories as these scampering visits of a few days could afford.\n\nI have before observed to your Lordship, that a comparison between Chusan and Hong Kong is mere loss of time, unless the former place were still at our disposal. Mr. Martin has not yet explained how it could be retained without a breach of treaty, after all the Chinese indemnity shall have been received.\n\nIt would have been well had Mr. Martin taken less liberty with others' opinions as the alleged supporters of his own. He even states that my views had changed after a visit to Chusan, a place with which I was perfectly well acquainted before. He very improperly observes, that the sentiments of Messrs. Bruce and Shelley on a public question had been altered by \"a recent illness;\"\n\nPage 743\n\nNo. 5.", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-027 - Public Offices - 1848.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 230913, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-034 - Sir Bonham - 1850 [9-12]", "page_number": 334, "title": "CO129-034 - Sir Bonham - 1850 [9-12]", "content_text": "waters __ I estimate that fully the \n\nof the entire Opium crops from 1845 to 1849 inclusive, were deposited in and re-shipped from this harbor; and if the \n\nno other \n\nthan that of temporary protection to such \n\nColony \n\nhad no living even a \n\nAn Enormous advantage \n\nof British property, of security to a trade \n\nobjections, affords \n\nand some degree of \n\nwhich, with all its objections, affords \n\nour only earthly chance of successful dealing with the Chinese, \n\nwith the Chinese, this in itself \n\nwould render it as highly desirable and most useful possession. I submit the \n\nfollowing \n\nJas \n\na \n\nfair calculation and if, \n\nanything under the actual mark. \n\nBy the end of 1844 all the \n\nhere were completed. The two \n\nJedowns here \n\ngreat receiving ships the Bomanjee \n\nand John Barry \n\nComing \n\nher, \n\nwere \n\nand all the Opium \n\non to China, with exception of \n\nthe fragment stored at Cumsungmeen, Commenced to be deposited here either afloat or ashore, and to be reshipped \n\nfrom \n\nfrom this \n\nCoast \n\n328 \n\nand distributed along the The appended returns shown \n\nthat the total quantity of Opium which \n\ncame on to China from British India within the last five years amounted to 220,717 chests, this taken at low estimate of $500 for chest, \n\nat the very $110,358,500 represents in value nearly One hundred and change at 4/6 = £24,830,662. 10.0 and half Millions of dollars \n\n$182,768,875 \n\nchange at 4/6 \n\nSay \n\nthat the value of this produce (the proportion \n\nhas served as \n\na figure \n\nConsiderably higher now, sons stored here from 1845 to 1849 inclusive, and we find that Hong Kong being depository of British property \n\nwithin the last five years, \n\nto the value \n\nof Eighty five millions of dollars \n\n$85,000,000. \n\nat \n\nthe rate of Sixteen millions of dollars \n\nthat \"Cum-sing-meen \n\nAnnually: \n\nand now \n\nanchorage is being gradually abandoned, \"I think this Colony may \n\nin \n\nfuture \n\nbe looked upon \n\nthe Central Warehouse of \n\nSeventeen million dollars worth of British Indian produce, year by year \n\nI do not \n\ninsist on an advantage", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-034 - Sir Bonham - 1850 [9-12].txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 243605, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-066 - Public Offices - 1857", "page_number": 530, "title": "CO129-066 - Public Offices - 1857", "content_text": "# Hot \n529 \nhr 3875 \n57 \n\nFrom a very useful publication, the **Chinese Commercial Guide**, by the late Honorable J. R. Morrison, Third edition, revised and printed at Canton, at the office of the **Chinese Repository** in 1848, I extract the following notice about Lorchas:\n\nFour or Five years ago, the number of Schooners and Sloops plying between Canton, Whampoa, Macao, and other places in their vicinity, was upwards of Seventy, most of them engaged in the Opium Trade, although other merchandize and passengers were carried to some extent. This number is now much reduced, chiefly owing to changes in the trade, and by article Seventeen of the supplementary treaty of October 8th 1843, this class of vessels has been put under new regulations.\n\n\"Art : 17. Small English vessels, Lorchas, Schooners, and Cutters, Yawls or Fast Boats of every kind, have hitherto been subject to no duties; it is now agreed upon, that all such vessels going from Hong Kong to Canton, or Canton to Macao, if laden with merchandize goods, whether for Import or Export, or whether full or half lading, even to a hundred weight of cargo - with the exception of the letters, and passengers' baggage, which according to the old regulations were exempt from duties - such vessels, according to their tonnage, shall pay duties as agreed upon. But these small vessels are not to be put upon the same scale with large Foreign ships; moreover, they clear out every month, so that they differ from the large Foreign Ships which anchor at Whampoa only; so that if they should be called upon to pay duties like the large Foreign Ships, it would necessarily be inconvenient and improper. Henceforth, therefore, these vessels shall be classed in the following manner: the smallest of them shall be rated at 75 Tons, and the largest, at 150 Tons, and every time they enter port, they shall pay one Mace for every ton; those which do not amount to 75 Tons shall be reckoned at that rate, and those above 150 Tons shall be considered ... and pay duties accordingly in several times in the course.", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-066 - Public Offices - 1857.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 248175, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-075 - Public Offices - 1859", "page_number": 247, "title": "CO129-075 - Public Offices - 1859", "content_text": "Band\n\nConsulat Général\n\nen\n\nde France\n\n868 cong cong\n\n254\n\nLondon, 24th January 1859.\n\nAngleterre RECEIVED\n\n25 JAN\n\n1859.\n\nbehoofis\n\nT. F.\n\nSir,\n\nI have been instructed to procure for the French Colonial Department both an Almanac in which the days are made to correspond with the Gregorian Calendar and which, it is understood, from a statement in the \"Chinese Repository\", a review edited at Canton, are published yearly at Calcutta and Canton.\n\nHaving failed till now.\n\nAssistant-Under Secretary of State for the Colonial Office.", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-075 - Public Offices - 1859.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 253627, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-086 - Sir Robinson - 1862 [5-6]", "page_number": 255, "title": "CO129-086 - Sir Robinson - 1862 [5-6]", "content_text": "36.\n\nto the gauge - \nto the Attorney General; and to Dr. Murray, as also to one \nor two merchants, of the refusal of the application for a \"Mitigation\" \nof \nthe Sentence \npassed in 1857 upon three Chinese Convicts, and of the \nterms in which that refusal was expressed, but I did not communicate \nany dissatisfaction with it to Mr. Murrow on \na view to its insertion in any Newspaper, and I certainly never \ntreated it as a grievance, and I \ndeny that I have, at any time, directly or indirectly made Mr. \nBurrows the depository of this supposed grievance with a view to \nits being brought before the Public, or that I desired him to be \nthe medium of bringing it before the Secretary of State. I \nadd my opinion that nothing that has occurred ought to have been \ndealt with \n\nIn submitting this letter for \n\n37.\n\nI freely admit I have followed your Excellency's instructions, I \nthink it right myself to state most positively that I have never been \notherwise than courteous in my demeanor towards Mr. Forth, personally discourteous, and I have said so in conversation and in one, \nif not two notes, I have written to Judge Adams; it \n(Signed) M. H. Alexander \nActing Colonial Secretary \n3rd May \n1882.\n\nbut I deny that I have directly or indirectly complained to Mr. Murrow on this subject, or that I desired him to refer to it in any way, and I", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-086 - Sir Robinson - 1862 [5-6].txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 255968, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-091 - Acting Governor Mercer - 1863 [1-3]", "page_number": 296, "title": "CO129-091 - Acting Governor Mercer - 1863 [1-3]", "content_text": "284 \n\ntheir reply.\n\n8.\n\nI also addressed the British Consular Agent at Macao, but his reply is merely a confirmation of the brief account of the Institution given by the Council.\n\n9.\n\nSome years ago Mr Hobson of the Medical Missionary Society at Canton published certain remarks on this subject in a very useful but now defunct Miscellany called the Chinese Repository - There I annex a copy to the present despatch.\n\n10.\n\nI transmit likewise a very singular passage, with which I recently chanced to meet, in a book not long since published, `Dr Seemann's Mission to Viti`. It relates to the cure of Leprosy by the use of the plant Sinugage, and I thought it well to note it, lest it should possibly escape attention elsewhere.\n\n11.\n\nI am not aware of any other sources from which I could obtain the information for which your Grace has called, but I suggest that Dr Lockhart of the Medical Missionary Society is very likely to be able to make a valuable contribution to the stock of Knowledge which may be collected, and he may be reached through Her Majesty's...", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-091 - Acting Governor Mercer - 1863 [1-3].txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 273833, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-130 - Sir MacDonnell - 1868 [4-5]", "page_number": 94, "title": "CO129-130 - Sir MacDonnell - 1868 [4-5]", "content_text": "# C419 V\n\nThe arbitrage. Nevertheless, no separation is offended. Many illegally taken by the ... in this Colony and, as proved by evidence submitted to His Excellency, violently taken by four ... is not repaid, and the Vice Roy himself makes subject, takes no observations whatever in the matter to avoid his condemnation of such a piratical proceeding. It does not however appear to His Excellency that any good purpose would be effected by prolonging the correspondence as you often ... \n\nThe result of the enquiry regarding ... is satisfactory, this depository therefore contents himself with transmitting the correspondence to Her Majesty's Government. \n\n\"I have ... \nArea Copy), Signed) Civil Smith, \nActing Colonial Secretary \nActs & Colonial Secretary \n\n## No. 29. \n**GOVERNMENT NOTIFICATION**\n\nThe following Report of the Harbor Master, with Returns annexed for the Year 1867, is published for general information. \n\nBy Command, \n**CECIL C. SMITH**, Acting Colonial Secretary. \nColonial Secretary's Office, Hongkong, 7th March, 1868.\n\n### HARBOR MASTER'S DEPARTMENT, VICTORIA, HONGKONG, 19th February, 1868.\n\n1. I have the honor to enclose the undermentioned Annual Returns of the Shipping and other matters connected with the Marine Department of this Colony.\n\n| Return # | Description |\n| --- | --- |\n| I. | Number, Tonnage and Crews of Vessels, entered at Ports in Hongkong from each Country in the Year 1867. |\n| II. | Number, Tonnage and Crews of Vessels, cleared at Ports in the Colony of Hongkong to each Country in the Year 1867. |\n| III. | Number, Tonnage and Crews of Vessels, of each Nation entered at Ports in the Colony of Hongkong in the Year 1867. |\n| IV. | Number, Tonnage and Crews of Vessels, of each Nation cleared at Ports in the Colony of Hongkong in the Year 1867. |\n| V. | Total Number, Tonnage and Crews of Vessels, entered at each Port in the Colony of Hongkong in the Year 1867. |\n| VI. | Total Number, Tonnage and Crews of Vessels, cleared in 1867. |\n| VII. | Return of Junks entered at the Port of Victoria from the Outstations of the Island and the Villages in British Kowloon during the Year 1867. |\n| VIII. | Return of Junks cleared from the Ports of Victoria for the Outstations of the Island and the Villages in British Kowloon during the Year 1867. |\n| IX. | Summary of Arrivals and Departures. |\n| X. | Return of Vessels Registered at the Port of Hongkong, during the Year 1867. |\n| XI. | Return of Vessels Registered and struck off in the Port of Hongkong during the Year 1867. |\n| XII. | Return of Emigrant Ships cleared by the Emigration Officer, Hongkong, during the Year ending 31st December, 1867. |\n| XIII. | Return of Vessels bringing Chinese Passengers to the Port of Victoria, Hongkong, from places out of China, during the Year 1867. |\n| XIV. | Amount of Fees received under Ordinance No. 10 of 1860, in the Harbor Master's Department during the Year 1867. |\n| XV. | Return of Marine Cases tried at the Marine Magistrate's Office during the Year 1867. |\n\n### SHIPPING\n\n2. This is the first occasion on which the Arrivals and Departures of the Canton and Macao Steamers, and of the native Junks trading between this Port and the Ports of China, &c., are included in the Returns. The grand total, consequently, exhibits a very large increase on the Year 1866, of 21,337 Vessels with 1,612,672 tons entered, and 20,989 Vessels with 1,693,769 tons cleared, or that of Foreign trade, a grand total of 42,326 more Vessels with a capacity of 3,200,441 tons and manned by 602,781 Seamen were Registered in the books of this Office in 1867, than were noted in the preceding Year.\n\n3. It must not be taken that these figures indicate a positive increase to the trade of the Colony, but rather that recent legislation has, in addition to other important matters (hereafter treated of), enabled this Department to keep more detailed and accurate accounts than previously of the amount of trade actually being done between this Port and Foreign Countries. But extraneous to the tonnage thus added, there has been an increase in the gross trade of the Colony during the Year, amounting to 9,118 tons; this increase is in a great measure due to the establishment of the Pacific Mail Steam-Ship Company and to the increased steam Coasting trade with China. There is a decrease of 29,484 tons, in the trade between this Port and British India, which is somewhat due to the Abyssinian campaign; Her Majesty's Government having engaged some of the Vessels, usually frequenting Hongkong, to carry Troops and Stores for the expedition.\n\n4. In view of the general unsatisfactory condition of the mercantile world, the Returns of Shipping, other than in Chinese bottoms, evince a better result than could have been anticipated.\n\n### JUNK TRADE.—“Harbor and Coasts Ordinance, No. 6 of 1866.\"\n\n5. It will be gratifying to Her Majesty's Government to know of the great success, which has attended the introduction of this very important Ordinance. Previous to, and for some time subsequent to its inauguration, it was surmised by many that the effect of this Law would be to drive the owners and Masters of Junks from the pursuit of a legitimate trade, to ...", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-130 - Sir MacDonnell - 1868 [4-5].txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 279135, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-139 - Sir MacDonnell - 1869 [8-12]", "page_number": 169, "title": "CO129-139 - Sir MacDonnell - 1869 [8-12]", "content_text": "165\n\nthe ship\n\nwas ready for their reception.\n\nNeither the Medical Inspector of Emigrants nor myself observed any requiring medical treatment, had there been any Dr Adame would doubtless have sent them to the Civil Hospital.\n\nAt neither Inquest, was it shown that the deceased had been accepted as Emigrants.\n\nAt Caldwell tells me that he sent 100/12 coolies, who offered themselves as emigrants, to the C. Azn. They were serious cases of jaundice and were sent there to prevent infection but that they were attended by paid by himself. Some of these recovered whilst others died.\n\nThe Social Science Association under wrong information Doctor aro Toddling Emigration from Hong Kong with G serious load when they assume that this wretched building / improperly called Hospital/ was established as a branch of it.\n\nThe institution appears to have originated in Sir George Bonham's time (about 1850). Had it been in any way connected with Emigration it would seem strange that neither my predecessors nor myself knew of its existence. From what I can learn, a portion of the building was set apart as a Depository for the dead previous to burial, and another portion was devoted for the reception of the sick poor who were removed from their houses in order that they should not die in them. Chinese have superstitious notions on the subject of deaths occurring in their dwellings. The better classes can afford by some religious observances to appease the wrath of evil spirits, whilst the poor cannot.", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-139 - Sir MacDonnell - 1869 [8-12].txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 317901, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-202 - Acting Governor Marsh - 1882 [7-9]", "page_number": 152, "title": "CO129-202 - Acting Governor Marsh - 1882 [7-9]", "content_text": "# THE CHINA REVIEW\n\nStudent-Interpreters with the Cantonese dialect, whilst studying the written language under Dr. Legge's tuition at Oxford. The Pekingese dialect, being so much simpler in sounds and tones than the Cantonese, will materially diminish the first difficulties of the beginner, and when the Students then arrive in Hongkong all they have to do is to continue, to some extent, their studies of the written language, for which they may always retain the use of the Pekingese dialect in reading, and to give the greater part of their time to a practical study of the Cantonese Colloquial, for which, in their case, two years would be ordinarily sufficient. But they should spend the greater portion of these two years in Canton and afterwards each should be required to learn one other dialect in addition, either Hakka or one of the Fohkien dialects. This is not expecting too much of them, for it is no more than many gentlemen in the English Consular Service in China have, to my knowledge, actually achieved.\n\nThe Student Interpreters' scheme might also be improved in its application. One of the Student Interpreters might be used to organize and superintend a distinct department for documentary translation. In his case there would be no need to expect of him acquaintance with more than one dialect, but he should possess a thorough acquaintance with the written language, its classical as well as its documentary or business style, and especially with Chinese shorthand writing. He should be supplied with a competent and sufficient staff of educated native writers, and thus superintend the Chinese issue of the Government Gazette, the translation into Chinese of all Government notifications or ordinances referring to the Chinese population of Hongkong. All documents requiring translation for official purposes should be translated or correctness of translation be certified by him, and all Chinese petitions presented to the Courts or to the Government should be required to pass through his hands for examination, translation or report. This measure would be a material relief to the Courts and to all departments of the Government Service. Another of the Student-Interpreters, specially distinguished for proficiency in at least two dialects, able to speak well or at least able to understand very well, should have the general direction and superintendence of all the Court interpreters for the several Chinese dialects. He should see that the native interpreters continue their study of the English language when at leisure, supplying the Magistracy, the Summary Jurisdiction Court, the Supreme Court with suitable interpreters, and in all important cases he should appear in Court himself to watch the interpretation, being invested with power to interfere, if necessary, and to correct mistranslations or omissions. He need not be expected to conduct the interpretation in person, unless he should himself prefer to interpret both questions and replies or the replies alone, which he would be sure to do, when necessary. In this manner the native interpreters would soon learn to interpret properly, unsuitable men could be got rid of, specially qualified men would find it their advantage to exert themselves to improve their knowledge of English and to enlarge their acquaintance with other Chinese dialects than their own, whilst in all important cases justice would be far more likely to be meted out equally to Chinese and foreigners, if a properly qualified Interpreter General watched the interpretation and thus ensured its accuracy and integrity. In Chinese cases, in which no foreigner is concerned, it would materially save the time of the Court or at any rate that of the Jury, if the examination and cross-examination of Chinese witnesses were conducted out of Court, in the Registrar's Chambers or in the Interpreter General's Office, through competent interpreters supervised by the Interpreter General, when all the evidence could be quietly and surely written down, read over to the witnesses and verified. This evidence might then be read to the Jury, unless it be considered preferable to have, in purely Chinese cases, no Jury at all, but to let the Judge decide the whole case on the pleadings, written examinations, and after hearing Counsel. This, I am informed, was the way in which all cases in Chancery, even in England, were managed till lately.\n\nAs to the Board of Examination, in which the Interpreter General would naturally have a seat, all that is required, in order to improve the practical usefulness of this Board is to extend its application to all future candidates for employment in the Civil Service, including all natives seeking employment as Interpreters, and to attach a fixed increase of salary to the final certificates of the Board. For natives or foreigners seeking employment as interpreters the Board would have to devise a special course of study by adding, as originally contemplated by the Board, a third Standard to the two Standards already in use. There is really nothing to hinder the Colonial Government making it compulsory for every Government officer to study Chinese and pass the examinations of the Board and in short to adopt a system akin to that in vogue in the Civil Service in India, by eliminating dunces, unable to learn any dialect apart from English, and encouraging by a graduated scheme of increase of salaries the study of the native dialect which, though not absolutely necessary to every Government office, will increase the efficiency of each.\n\nE. J. EITEL\n\n## CONSTITUTIONAL LAW OF THE CHINESE EMPIRE\n\n[We note with deep regret that since the Manuscript of the subjoined essay, which had been read before the Missionary Conference in Canton in June, reached us, the author's useful career was prematurely brought to a close by protracted illness and somewhat sudden death on 17th July 1877. In him the Canton Missions have lost an efficient speaker and a valuable worker.—*E. China Review.*]\n\nIn a previous volume (II., p. 230) of the Review may be found an article on the \"Administration of Chinese Law,\" in which a short survey was made of the Criminal Code, or the `Tai Tsing Lut Li`. In continuation of the same general subject, it is now proposed to call attention to the `Tai Tsing Hwei Tien`, or the Collected Statutes of the Manchu Dynasty. An Examination of the work will show that it might be called **The Constitutional Law of the Chinese Empire**. As was found in the case of the former work, so this book, while founded upon the ancient classics and old traditions, is in its present form comparatively modern—being about a century old, dating not much before the Declaration of the Independence of the United States of America. A similar work was compiled by the rulers of the Ming dynasty, about a century before Columbus discovered America. This was doubtless the model of the work now in hand. Brief notices will be found of both, in one of the volumes of the Chinese Repository and in Mr Wylie's Notes on Chinese Literature. The subject is referred to in the Imperial Preface and Ode, with preface, translations of which are given below, from which it may be seen that the Original Edition was printed with type. The copy used in this review, is a cheap edition printed on blocks, bound in... \n\nPage 149", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-202 - Acting Governor Marsh - 1882 [7-9].txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 317902, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-202 - Acting Governor Marsh - 1882 [7-9]", "page_number": 153, "title": "CO129-202 - Acting Governor Marsh - 1882 [7-9]", "content_text": "# THE CHINA REVIEW\n\ntwenty volumes. There is a large edition, containing extensive historical notices, costing over one hundred taels, which is exposed for sale in the shops of Canton.\n\nThese works are exceedingly interesting and important, not only as affording a repository for preserving the traditions of an ancient civilization, but as being in fact the best and safest commentary upon the classics, manners, and customs of Ancient China, just as the study of the present customs in Bible lands best illustrates the meaning of the sacred writers. The laws and customs of any people are exceedingly difficult to change. This is doubtless more true of Oriental than of Western nations. As this comparison is suggested, it will be important to remember that the ancient history of China corresponds with that of Babylon, Egypt, Greece, and Rome, whose civilization has been inherited by the present nations of Europe and America. The languages, literature, laws, and customs have vital connection with those Empires and Kingdoms of Antiquity. As for China, the inheritance is much more direct, and the connection much more intimate.\n\nWith these introductory remarks, attention is now called to the work in the order in which it is found. The following is the translation of the Preface, which will in a measure explain itself. The style is concise and difficult, but the meaning and spirit of it are best represented by a literal translation.\n\n## Preface to the Collected Statutes of the Manchu Dynasty\n\n\"From the sacrifices to Heaven, and those in the Imperial Ancestral temples, and the affairs of the Imperial Court, to those of the thousand and hundred states—the people of the border provinces, and dependent countries—that which cannot be disregarded—that which is the pattern for both the founders and heirs to dynasty—that which is to be taught, put into practice, and which cannot be changed—is not all dependent upon the collected statutes?\n\n\"But what sages have enacted, or the intelligent have transmitted, the Government put into practice; that which is to be observed—it is impossible that in regard to this there should be no addition or abstraction. What is important is, that the motive for addition or subtraction should be to conserve—so that which is contained in the work should be fixed and unchangeable, and not anything made up by posterity.\n\n\"Upon every accession to the Throne, as the several sages appeared, the ceremonies and music were put in order. During the 23rd year of Kanghi (1662), styled the 'sage and benevolent Emperor,' commands were first given to establish the Collected Statutes. It is to be kept in mind that when the Empire was first established, it was the work of our three Imperial Ancestors. Tai Tsò 太祖 (T'in Ming 1616 天命), Tái Tsung 太宗 (T'in Ts'ung 1627 天聰), and Shun Tsu (Shun Chi 1644).\n\n\"They are the Imperial Ancestors from whom the Empire has been inherited.\n\n\"It was impossible that there should be no transmission, but there were all the time enactments.\n\n“During the 5th year of Yung Ching, Our Imperial Father, styled the 'Illustrious Emperor,' commands were given to the Privy Council to finish this work, to examine and reduce to order the sections.\n\n\"Since indeed for several generations there had been peace, and further Our Imperial grandfather (Kang-hi) enjoyed a long reign (60 years), his teaching was perfected by long practice. It was impossible not to hand it down, only there was no leisure for the transmission, and how much less may it be said for enactments?\n\n\"When it came to us reverently to receive the Imperial dignity, it was with care, and attentive diligence, and altogether with the intention to make the statutes conform to the statutes of Our Ancestors. Opening the book to put it into practice, we did not dare to swerve from it a foot or an inch.\n\n## CONSTITUTIONAL LAW OF THE CHINESE EMPIRE\n\n\"Now just as the great expedition to the West (the conquest of Ili) has successfully terminated, it is happily possible to fulfill the intention of Our Ancestors, and all the local officials, the official regulations, departments, and districts, military camps, soldiers' stations, attendance at Court, taxation, coinage, all the great affairs of government, including that under the direction of the six Boards, there is of all nothing that is not included. Moreover, Our Imperial Father earnestly sought the way of Government during thirteen years, and the great principles and minute matters established by him cannot fail to be transmitted and handed down to posterity.\n\n\"Orders were given to a Committee of officials to prepare drafts, one after another, in order that by night they might be examined and corrected by our own hand. Saying, in regard to the past, to write out in full all the original discussions and old usages, copying every page, would be to confound statutes with usage. But usage may be made to conform to circumstances, while statutes cannot be changed. In the present instance, if usage is appended to the statutes, hereafter usage would introduce confusion into the statutes. Should this be done? There should therefore be a distinction between the Statutes and usage, each a class by itself, mutually each supporting the other. Every one of all the officials answered, 'If the net hang upon the line, there will be nothing wanting.' (This great principle includes everything necessary; and in the proper order.)\n\n\"But we do not dare to act by ourselves alone, since the Statutes now arranged are the Statutes of Our Imperial Father, and earnestness in attending to this matter requires that we do not stop at mere transmission without any enactments at all. Because of the determination that it is impossible not to transmit, it is necessary still more to manifest the intention of not daring to be careless in the matter. He who examines the Statutes ought to understand clearly and know the sources from which the government is derived and not to follow anything doubtful. That which, from time to time, is revised by every Court (each Emperor in succession) is something derived from Antiquity.\n\n\"If the rule of the Government is the 'heart rule' (rule of equity), the intent and the expression (lit. within and without) will be correspondingly complete, when fully understood, it will be approved by heaven and men. When enlarged to its full extent, it will embrace the present and the past, as it has been said in the Jade Tablets. When the Kwan Tsui (the first of the Odes) is made the foundation, then the rules of Excellent Government (i.e., of the Chau Ritual) may be practised; from this again may be discovered the origin of the several statutes and the root of the great ritual. Would we dare not to be earnest? Would we dare not to be earnest in matters which concern our descendants, the officials, and the people?\n\n\"**Imperial Rescript of Kin Lung** in the Spring of Káp Shan (29th year of Kin Lung, 1764).\"\n\nThe Emperor Kin Lung is perhaps the most illustrious of many illustrious names in the list of the rulers of the present dynasty. A very partial acquaintance with Chinese History is sufficient to establish the high character of the rulers of the Manchu dynasty, as compared with those of all, native and foreign, who have ruled over this vast Empire in former ages. The author of the above preface was a man of strong mind and much cultivation. His image occupies a prominent place in the Temple of 500 gods in the Western Suburbs of Canton. There are many fine points in this elaborate composition, which was doubtless the product of the Imperial mind, but the translation of course gives only a very inadequate idea of the original. How delicate the modesty, and yet how dignified his reference to his ancestors! He takes his proper share of the ... \n\n15 \n150", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-202 - Acting Governor Marsh - 1882 [7-9].txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 331246, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-227 - Acting Governor Marsh - 1886 [6]", "page_number": 329, "title": "CO129-227 - Acting Governor Marsh - 1886 [6]", "content_text": "0.\n\nmy\n\nForeman about the slastuces of the work, and i learn from him that he can do more than what the coolies allow him to do. That co of the \n\nafraid to do anything of the Dorne live Society of the Friad now are members oft who influence everything. I should\n\nbe happy to engage 30 quore won my numbers having dwindled from 120 to 30 – and decuch get more men who are afoid to join. The pay is 30 to 140 cente day. From what un has said I ascribe this to the poremecan \"influence of the Triad Society.\n\nChinese Repository, Sept. 1833 Vol: II p. 230 alludes to persecution of returned emigrants by Triad Society and that Emigrants to Straits are intimidated on arrival.\n\n327\n\n71\n\nExtract from Triad Society's Oath of\n\nChine Repository Vol: XVIII p. 282 (§3) After entering you condust a swear not to spy wherein; any be apprehended, having in so Covelons desire to obtain the brother will doing 风\n\nreward offend by Government; if you does may you die by the a tigen.\n\nwoud a euake of ofa. ou\n\n(§11) After entering you the bite of swear that - whoever of your brethren sued with pressing difficulties you will faithfully and disinterested by resque hive. If you do not way you be cut into myriad of pieces by thousand of\n\nswear that §15 After entering you if you fill the situation of writer or policeman in the Government Office you will. faithfully and diligently; brother in trouble, if assistan Concert au the you artful planes in this position, may God of Thunder utterly destron cund exterminate you.\n\n29", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-227 - Acting Governor Marsh - 1886 [6].txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 348644, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-254 - Governor Sir Robinson - 1892 [1-4]", "page_number": 377, "title": "CO129-254 - Governor Sir Robinson - 1892 [1-4]", "content_text": "## MATERIALS FOR A HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN HONGKONG\n\ntion to the previously existing native Schools in the villages. An article in the August number of the Chinese Repository of this year, discussing the subject of Schools at Hongkong, mentions, apart from the Morrison Education Society's School, which by this time had 21 scholars under training, that there were a few native Schools at Hongkong, perhaps eight or ten in various parts of the Island, chiefly in Victoria. In the same article, the Editor called the attention of the Government to these Schools and suggested the appointment, by Government, of an Education Committee. The death of Mr. J. R. Morrison (October, 1843) was a great loss to the educational interests of Hongkong and especially to the Morrison Education Society, whose Recording Secretary and Librarian Mr. Morrison had been, besides supporting four of the scholars by his own means. After his death, his well-stocked library was embodied in the Morrison Education Society's Library (now at the City Hall).\n\nThe funds of the Society, which were very low at this time, were at the end of the year opportunely increased by a grant made by H. M.'s Superintendent of Trade, Sir H. Pottinger, who promised (12 December, 1843) to give to the Morrison Education Society annually the sum of $1,200, 'being the amount of one year's allowance formerly assigned to the Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca.'\n\nAbout this time, the London Missionary Society resolved to transfer its operations from Malacca, Singapore, and Penang to China and to establish its headquarters at Hongkong. This measure brought to Hongkong a man who was destined to exercise a most powerful influence on the future educational system of Hongkong. The Rev. J. Legge, having succeeded the Rev. J. Evans as principal of the Anglo-Chinese College (1841) at Malacca, removed, at the close of the year 1843, the students of that College, together with their principal teacher, the Rev. Ho Tsun-sheen, to Hongkong, where he formed them into a Seminary for the training of native ministers.\n\nThis Seminary, together with a Preparatory School started at this time in Hongkong, formed the nucleus of the establishment thenceforth known as the London Missionary Society's Anglo-Chinese College of Hongkong (`Ying-wa-shü-ün`).\n\n### 1844\n\nThe year 1844 was particularly fruitful in the way of educational efforts, put forth in Hongkong by Missionaries of all denominations. The Morrison Education Society's institution on Morrison Hill prospered under the energetic direction and able tuition of Mr. and Mrs. Brown, and its funds were in a flourishing condition (25th Sept., 1844), there being a surplus of $3,000 in hand. The Rev. J. P. Happer, M.D., strengthened the staff of the School by giving his assistance to Mr. Brown for six months (November, 1844 to April, 1845). The London Mission's Anglo-Chinese College had an attendance of 18 Chinese boarders to be trained for the ministry, in 1844, all of whom were engaged during the forenoon of every day in English studies and devoted the afternoons to their Chinese lessons. The Rev. Mr. and Mrs. Shuck of the Baptist Board of Foreign Mission opened (23rd September, 1844) a newly built two-storied house in Gough Street (on the premises of the future Government Central School) as an Anglo-Chinese School with 20 boys and 6 girls. The Rev. W. Deane of the same Mission had also started, in the year 1844, a small Chinese School in the Western District, and over 80 Chinese scholars, all taught and supported by the benevolence of the European community of Hongkong, were present at the opening of the Gough Street Schools. Another American Mission, the Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions, represented by Dr. Ball, also commenced at this time a School in Hongkong with 6 Chinese pupils. The Roman Catholic Mission is reported to have had a School at work in Hongkong in 1844 and also a few theological students, but no details are recorded as to the actual date when this Mission commenced its educational operations in Hongkong.\n\nIn addition to the foregoing institutions already at work in Hongkong during the year 1844, the newly appointed Colonial Chaplain, the Rev. V. Stanton, made energetic efforts during this period to establish in Hongkong a School (subsequently known as St. Paul's College) for the training of a native clergy in connection with the Church of England. He was one of the most energetic Missionaries and Educationists of Hongkong's early history. With an intimate knowledge of Chinese life and character, much of which he acquired during a six months' close confinement in a prison in Canton, having been kidnapped by Chinese soldiers whilst acting as tutor in the Turner family in Macao and as Chaplain to the English community there, Mr. Stanton combined the indefatigable energy of a warm-hearted Missionary, and the methodical industry of a professional teacher, with the quiet dignity of a clergyman. Filled with the correct notion that the conversion of the Chinese must be the work of native preachers rather than of foreign missionaries, and having formed the design of a clerical training school which, whenever worthy of its name, should grow into a College, he raised, after his return to England, subscriptions to the amount of $3,070, to which he subsequently (1849) added from his own means $4,800 and a donation of the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge to the amount of $1,020. These sums he formed into a Building Fund, which, together with the contemplated buildings and other property of the proposed School, were vested in the Earl of Chichester, the Earl of Harrowby (then Viscount Sandon, M.P.), Lord Ashley, M.P., and Sir R. H. Inglis, Baronet, M.P. Having secured the appointment of Colonial Chaplain and (as it seems) addressed the Colonial Office on the subject of his educational schemes, he returned to Hongkong and made (6th June, 1844) a formal application to Sir H. Pottinger for the grant of a site for the erection of a College and Schools for the education of Chinese youths in connection with the Established Church. In reply, he was informed (9th July, 1844) by the Colonial Secretary, the Hon. F. W. A. Bruce, that Sir H. Pottinger had already, in October 1843, addressed a dispatch on the subject to Lord Stanley, for whose instructions he must wait. But later on (2nd September, 1844), the Colonial Secretary, when writing to Mr. Stanton for detailed information as to the objects of the intended foundation and the locality which Mr. Stanton might wish to be assigned for the purpose, very appropriately pointed out to Mr. Stanton that the Governor would consider very favourably the claims of any institution which would embody a scheme to remedy the want of any means of education for the children of the European residents here, the Government considering this want as a defect which operated as materially against the prosperity and best interests of the Colony. It is indeed characteristic of the unselfishness of European philanthropy that so far all the efforts of Protestant and Catholic educationists in Hongkong and the liberality of the local European community and of the Government were exclusively devoted to the education of Chinese children, to the neglect of a number of European children left without the means of education. It redounds to the credit of Sir H. Pottinger that he drew attention to this radical defect in the educational movement.\n\n### 1845\n\nSir H. Pottinger's suggestion was not wasted upon a man like Mr. Stanton. He started, in 1845, by means of voluntary subscriptions supplemented, with the express sanction of the Governor (27 September, 1845), by the appropriation of the marriage fees due to the Colonial Chaplain, a **Children's School**.\n\nThis School, located in the central part of Victoria (Chungwán), was conducted by Mrs. Miller, as a Church of England School, under the supervision of ...\n\nPage 372", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-254 - Governor Sir Robinson - 1892 [1-4].txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 406637, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-336 - Governor Nathan & Public Offices - 1906 [11-12]", "page_number": 642, "title": "CO129-336 - Governor Nathan & Public Offices - 1906 [11-12]", "content_text": "Audu\n\nC. D.\n\nR.\n\nD.\n\nTHE CHINESE PASSENGER ACT 1855\n\nHONG KONG ORDINANCE 1889.\n\n634\n\n44554\n\nRECE Reef 3 DEC 06\n\nOPINION of the LAW OFFICERS of the CROWN and\n\nMT ROWLATT.\n\n(a)\n\nWe are of opinion that the Ordinance as it stands does not prohibit the Governor of Hong Kong from granting a license for a single voyage for carrying indentured coolies to a place outside His Majesty's dominions.\n\nThere is nothing in either Act to prohibit it and Schedule B. of the Act of 1855 and Schedule F. to the Ordinance of 1889 clearly show that the possibility of such trade was contemplated.\n\n(b)\n\nWhether the instructions referred to are, or are not, ultra vires depends, in our opinion, upon the position which the Legislature of Hong Kong occupied in making regulations under Section 2. of the Act of 1855. If it was acting merely as the depository of a special power to make regulations it could not validly confer either upon the Governor or upon the Secretary of State the discretionary power given by Section 11 of Ordinance. We are, however, upon the whole of opinion that the functions of the Legislature of Hong Kong under the Act of 1855 were not so limited.\n\nThe Legislature had enjoyed since 1843 power to make laws for the peace,", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-336 - Governor Nathan & Public Offices - 1906 [11-12].txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 406644, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-336 - Governor Nathan & Public Offices - 1906 [11-12]", "page_number": 649, "title": "CO129-336 - Governor Nathan & Public Offices - 1906 [11-12]", "content_text": "Printed\n\nM24463\n\n(Copy)\n\nM24365\n\nThe Chinese Passenger\n\nC.O\n\n1 46689\n\n#RECE\n\n641\n\nI 19 DEC 06 Acx1855\n\nHong Kong Ordinance 1889.\n\nOpinion of\n\nthe Law Officers of the Crown and\n\nMr. Rowlatt.\n\n(2) We are of opinion that the Ordinance as it\n\nstands does not prohibit the Governor of Hong Kong from\n\ngranting a license for a single voyage for carrying\n\nindentured coolies to a place outside His Majesty's Dominions. There is nothing in either Act to prohibit it,\n\nand Schedule B of the Act of 1855 and Schedule F to\n\nthe Ordinance of 1889 clearly show that the possibility\n\nof such trade was contemplated.\n\n(b) Whether the instructions referred to are or\n\nare not ultra vires depends in our opinion upon\n\nthe position which the Legislature of Hong Kong occupied\n\nin making regulations under Section 2 of the Act\n\nof 1855.\n\nIf it was acting merely as the\n\ndepository of a special power to make regulations, it could not validly confer\n\neither", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-336 - Governor Nathan & Public Offices - 1906 [11-12].txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 416287, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-351 - Public Offices - 1908", "page_number": 452, "title": "CO129-351 - Public Offices - 1908", "content_text": "3\n\n445\n\nof the province. Bishop Cassels says: \"There is a very remarkable decrease in the amount of land placed under opium cultivation this autumn. This is, I think, not the result of any fresh official action, but is due to the fear that impending heavy taxation will render opium growing unprofitable.\"\n\nDr. Smith, of the Canadian Methodist Mission, Yung Hsien, states: \"In this district I am sure that not more than one-third of the total area has been planted with poppy this autumn. Yung Hsien is an important opium-growing district, and formerly quite two-thirds of the whole area was under cultivation.\"\n\nDr. J. R. Cox, of the same mission, writes of the Jen Shou district: \"I notice a marked decrease in the area under cultivation this year.\"\n\nWith regard to my second impression, I quote Mr. Faers, of the China Inland Mission at Suifu, an old resident and keen observer. He says: \"There is certainly less land under poppy this year. I attribute this entirely to the vigorous action taken by our new District Magistrate.\" Dr. Parker, of the London Mission at Chungking, informs me that the Pa Hsien Magistrate has \"practically stamped out the poppy in the Chungking district.\" This is confirmed by Mr. Bristow in his Report No. 12 of the 5th December last: \"I was surprised to find no trace of poppy cultivation on the right bank of the river (i.e., in the neighbourhood of Chungking), where last year the greater proportion of the available land was producing opium.\"\n\nOn the other hand, at Kuan Hsien, where the local official is an opium smoker, the missionary reports that no attention has been paid to the Proclamation ordering a reduction of cultivation.\n\nIn support of my third impression, namely, that a decrease of cultivation in one district may mean an increase in another, I again quote Mr. Faers. He writes, after referring to the reduction in the neighbourhood of Suifu: \"I must admit that between Tzu Chou and Chengtu (on the road from Suifu to the capital) the poppy was universal.\" And Mr. Davey, who recently visited Chiang Ching Hsien, a district adjoining the Pa Hsien above referred to, tells me that opium is being cultivated in that district in increased quantities this year.\n\nTurning now to the restrictions placed by the Chinese authorities on opium smoking, I have to state that, to the best of my knowledge, these exist at the present time only in name and not in reality. The preparation of opium has been made a Government monopoly, effective in Chengtu and the larger cities, only partially so in the smaller towns and country places; otherwise the opium smoker can obtain the drug as easily and almost as cheaply now as he could a year ago. To take Chengtu as an example: there is no registration of opium smokers; any one may go into an official opium divan and obtain as much opium as he requires; police control of these establishments appears to be purely nominal; opium is provided as heretofore in the inns, restaurants, and houses of ill fame; opium ash is still hawked about the streets, not so openly as formerly, but quite as generally; the opium refuges established in various parts of the city stand empty.\n\nReports from missionaries in the interior indicate a similar state of affairs. Opium dens reopened, no official supervision, no registration of smokers, prices slightly raised owing to taxes imposed on dens and boiling shops, is the tale most of my correspondents have to tell. Mr. Crabtree, of the Church Missionary Society, who recently made a tour in North-Western Szechuan, writes: \"In no single case could I find the slightest attempt being made to check opium smoking. At Maochou (on the Chengtu-Sungpan road) dens are all closed, but opium can be freely bought and smoked in the inns. In many places I asked smokers if they had their opium licences, but in every case the answer was in the negative.\"\n\nOne is therefore forced to the conclusion that the local officials, as a body, are doing little or nothing to assist the movement for the eradication of the use of opium in this province. They doubtless take their cue from the Viceroy and his advisers in Chengtu, who, as their term of office will shortly expire on the arrival of the new Viceroy, are naturally disinclined to take any drastic measures, possibly involving a collision with agricultural interests, at the present juncture. The approaching change of Administration may also account for the fact that the Acting Viceroy appears to have made no serious attempt to weed out the many notorious opium-smoking officials holding office in the province. While opium smokers are debarred from teaching in schools or holding commands in the new army and police force, territorial officials, more especially District Magistrates, who are known to be habitual opium smokers are retained at their posts and even receive promotion. I select two examples from several that have come under my notice. Mao Yu Lin, the notorious opium-smoking Prefect of Suifu, more than once referred to in my reports, who should long ago have been cashiered for his inability to break off the opium habit—he has, I am informed, endeavoured to cure himself and is in consequence little better than a mental and physical wreck—has recently been appointed Director of the new arsenal at Chengtu. At Wei Yuan Hsien the Magistrate is unable to attend to the duties of his office because of the opium habit; in the adjoining sub-district of Kung Ching, the Assistant Magistrate in charge, also a heavy smoker, has recently been appointed District Magistrate and transferred to a more lucrative post.\n\nThere is happily a brighter side to the picture. The movement against opium among all classes of the people of this province is undoubtedly slowly but surely growing. There is a consensus of opinion on the part of those, both native and foreign, who are best qualified to judge that opium smoking is on the decrease. This applies more particularly to Chengtu and Chungking, cities where an enlightened public opinion is able to make itself felt in a more forcible manner than elsewhere.\n\nIn 1904 Sir Alexander Hosie, in his Report on the Province of Szechuan, estimated the number of male opium smokers in this city at 50 per cent. of the adult male population. Replies that I have received to inquiries on this point agree in fixing the proportion at the present time at not more than one in four, or 25 per cent. The proportion of women smokers is estimated at from 10 to 12 per cent., as compared with Sir Alexander Hosie's former estimate of 20 per cent.\n\nMore than one recent traveller has mentioned to me the growing demand for opium \"remedies to cure the drug habit.\" Mr. Crabtree, above referred to, writes: \"I am constantly being asked for medicine.\" Another missionary mentions that opium pills are in great demand among the country people at his station, and Dr. Smith, of Yung Hsien, tells me that on a recent occasion thirty people from one village came in and asked him to cure them of opium smoking. They were, as is usually the case, disinclined to undergo treatment, and greatly disappointed when the doctor told them that he had no sovereign remedy for opium in the shape of pill or powder.\n\nA Delegate from Chiating, an opium-ridden city, informed the Conference that his Mission had offered to assist the local authorities by opening opium refuges under foreign medical superintendence, but that the offer had been politely but firmly declined. One or two other Delegates related similar experiences. This confirms my opinion, expressed in a former report, that the Chinese do not want, and will not accept, foreign assistance in this matter. It would be well if some of the more enthusiastic but less experienced members of the Protestant missionary body in Szechuan would realize this fact and devote less time and attention to the furtherance of what they term the \"anti-opium crusade.\"\n\nI have, &c. (Signed)\n\nHARRY FOX.\n\nInclosure 2 in No. 1.\n\nPrécis of Reports respecting the Opium Movement.\n\nChefoo.\n\nTOWARDS the close of 1907 an official Prepared-opium Bureau was opened, which consisted of a body of merchants intrusted not only with the opium trade generally in and around Chefoo, but who were also accorded the exclusive right or monopoly to manufacture and sell prepared opium.\n\nThe Bureau thus became practically the depository of all opium, raw and prepared, in Chefoo, having the right to take over all opium it required at a fair market price.\n\nAs a result of representations in the matter, the Taotai has promised to alter the Regulations so as to exclude foreign opium.\n\nChinkiang.\n\nThe opium dens in the British Concession have, as already reported, been closed. In regard to the opium shops in the Concession, the 1908 licences are revocable at any moment should circumstances render such action necessary, and will not be renewed for 1909.\n\nIn the Provinces of Hupei, Hunan, Shensi, Shansi, and Kansu Proclamations continue to be issued at intervals, without producing much effect, and the general...", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-351 - Public Offices - 1908.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 447461, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-410 - Governor Sir May - 1914 [3-5]", "page_number": 3, "title": "CO129-410 - Governor Sir May - 1914 [3-5]", "content_text": "DESP. NO. DATE SUBJECT\n\n8 Renewal of Crown Leases.\n\nconf 8 Sep 9 118 1/4\"\n\n16 125 17 strip 17 120 18 lap 15 127 20 M latif 20. 128 27 130 22 -\n\nIndian Emigrants to B. Columbia. Reduction of Surrison Portuguese Reservation. Proposed French Railway line in China. Lille to Mt. W. Schofield. Reduction of Yurrison. Supply of Prepared Opium to Wei Haiwei. Proposed Loan to Canton Govt. Irregularities in Supreme Court Registry. M. G. L. Labasters Appln for appt. as King's Counsel Repository for Storage of Burial Mons. for Ums.\n\n22 Peak School. Admission of Chinese. 136 - 24. Green Island Cement 6°.\n\n27 Admission of Wife of Jura Singh into Canada. Unofficial Members of Executive Council. Extradition of Chung San Nam to China.\n\n29 140 11 Tel 147 conf 150 29. \" W.T.O. Pension World.\n\n30 Lease of Kowloon Inland Lot 1116. 30. Death J.J.R.J. Setstall.\n\n2 2 4 4 May Appt. of Surgeon General 13. Guiana Retirement of H. J. \"Fisher. subsidiary Loan.\n\n+ + H Piracy of S.S. \"Shilldar.\" Bhagwan Singh, Indian Agitator. Further Outrages on S.S. \"Jai in wanton Intelligence Report March Dr. Mexican Vice Consul. Ordale No7-1914. Foreign Marriage.\n\nDESP. NO. DATE VOL. SUBJECT.\n\n157 1573 154 4 153'' Douf 4 2 May Order No8-1414. Electricity Supply Amendment. Appln of D. Roch. Listers. Nursing Steel & Ironwork for Kowloon Terminus Station. Order Noo-1414. Seditious Publications...\n\n(47615A) We 12218A/2108 2000 10/28 H & J, Ld Gp 113", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-410 - Governor Sir May - 1914 [3-5].txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 469496, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-445 - Public Offices - 1917", "page_number": 370, "title": "CO129-445 - Public Offices - 1917", "content_text": "2\n\nseason of 1915 a large amount of opium was produced in Shensi, while the neighbouring provinces of Szechuan, Hupei, Honan, and Shansi have been practically clean for some years. The history of opium suppression in the province is briefly as follows:- Previous to the revolution of 1911 the Manchu Viceroy had been taking half-hearted measures against cultivation in deference to the policy of the Central Government, but at that time already Shensi and Kansu were producing most of the native opium consumed in North China. After the revolution the new Republican Government at Sian-fu took the matter vigorously in hand, so that by 1913 the province was practically clear of the poppy. Early in 1914, however, Shensi was thrown into a state of turmoil by the raid of the \"White Wolf\" rebels, as a result of which the machinery of government broke down all over the province, and there was an immediate recrudescence of poppy cultivation. Shortly afterwards, Yuan Shih-kai, who was then engaged in consolidating his power throughout the country by replacing the post-revolution Governors by his own nominees, took advantage of the opportunity afforded by \"White Wolf's\" raid to send one of his military henchmen, General Lu Chien-chang, as Governor of Sian-fu at the head of a Northern army on the pretext of dealing with the brigands. General Lu, a corrupt old reactionary with no merits save loyalty to his master and influence over his Northern troops, and a heavy opium smoker himself, not only took no serious measures to suppress cultivation, but secretly encouraged it for his own profit, engaging in the illicit opium trade, and amassing large stocks of the drug and hundreds of thousands of taels of silver thereby. This was the state of affairs in Shensi when I passed through that province on my way to inspect Kansu in 1915. The Peking Government were well aware of what was going on, and it is believed all over Shensi that Yuan Shih-kai's reason for permitting the abuse to continue was that he was participating in the spoil to raise money for his monarchical schemes General Lu's plan was doubtless to secure as rich a harvest as possible before the approaching expiration of the decennial period should compel him to suppress cultivation. In the spring of the following year (1916) under pressure from Peking, he announced the province to be clean and applied for a joint inspection. Before this could take place, however, Shensi joined the anti-monarchical rebellion, expelled General Lu and his army, and declared its independence from the Central Government, and the joint inspection which was about to commence had to be cancelled. By a curious coincidence independence was again declared during the inspection the following year. At the time General Lu applied for a joint inspection the poppy was being cultivated secretly, but on a considerable scale, in the southern mountains, notably in Foping, Meihsian, Chouchih, and Lungehow districts, and also quite openly in the brigand-infested districts in the north. After the restoration of order, the new revolutionary Government set to work with the usual zeal and ruthlessness of the young republicans to suppress poppy cultivation, with the result that the province was ready for inspection by the following spring.\n\nIt has repeatedly been shown that the suppression of poppy cultivation in a Chinese province is a comparatively easy matter, provided the political situation is fairly quiet and there are no aboriginal tribesmen in a state of semi-independence to be dealt with. Though Shensi at the present time is in a state of great unrest, and teems with brigands, revolted soldiery, and secret society men, the cultivators of the soil are mostly peaceful peasants, easily governed, and only asking to be left alone. After a few hundred of these unfortunates had been shot, and once it became known thereby that this time the authorities were in earnest about opium suppression, cultivation automatically ceased in all the well-settled parts under the control of the Provincial Government where their inspecting officials were able to penetrate without difficulty. Any infraction of the prohibition is punished by death, the land under poppy being confiscated by the Government or given to the informer, and in some cases the offender's neighbours are executed as well for not informing against him. Further, the Provincial Government decreed that the magistrate of any district in which the poppy might be found during the joint inspection would be shot, which practically guaranteed the success of the inspection from the Chinese point of view, and probably ensured the suppression of cultivation in every district we visited or approached. Nor do the earnest young republicans, local revolutionaries, and ex-brigand chiefs now in charge of the government of the province hesitate to carry such drastic punishments into effect. Hard as it is on the people, there is probably no other way of suppressing cultivation in view of the enormous profits nowadays attaching to opium production : the more so as in a backward province like Shensi there is a notable absence amongst the country gentry and populace of any public opinion against opium, such as exists on the coast. Nor is the loss of so valuable a crop felt so much in Shensi as, for\n\n3\n\ninstance, in Kansu, where the people are much poorer. Shensi has many other agricultural exports, especially from the Han Valley, and valuable crops like cotton, hemp, and indigo, to which the soil and climate of many parts are well adapted, can suitably replace the poppy.\n\nFormerly opium was produced pretty generally all over Shensi, including the dry and barren north, and more especially in the highly fertile valleys of the Wei and Han Rivers and their tributaries. The province is largely covered by mountains, intersected, especially in the south, by innumerable little fertile valleys, most of which used to produce their share of opium. A really thorough and satisfactory inspection of so large an area, with the means of communication limited to mountain tracks, over which it is often impossible to make twenty miles a day, would have entailed about thirty parties working simultaneously, and such an inspection would probably have revealed a certain amount of poppy in remote valleys in the mountains in the south and in the outlying districts more or less under the control of brigands in the north All one party could do was to tour the provinces at a rapid pace, keeping as far as possible to the small roads, and halting for a day or two in suspect localities to examine the countryside in detail At times the unsettled political conditions compelled us to keep to the main roads, particularly towards the end of the tour, after the province had declared its independence. But a detailed examination of every district being impossible, the more the inspecting party visited, the less likelihood was there of any considerable amount of opium being secretly produced in the province, since when a district was actually entered, whether by a main road or not, the magistrate was unlikely to risk his life by conniving at secret cultivation. A tour round practically the whole of the province within the limit of time imposed by the interval between the flowering and harvesting of the poppy was rendered possible by the variations in this season in the south and the north and at different elevations, namely, April in the Han Valley and the south, May in the Wei Valley and the centre, June in the loess mountains in the north, and July in the higher ranges of the Ch'inlingshan, and our journey was so timed that we travelled from three to four months, with the exception of a week or two, through districts where the wheat was green and in ear, a season which everywhere corresponds in my experience with the flowering of the opium poppy when grown, as it usually is, as a spring crop. But nowhere on this long tour was any poppy cultivation observed, and though the inspection was thus in a way but a cursory one, I think that it was sufficient to show that practically no opium was produced in Shensi in 1917.\n\nAs regards trade and consumption, there is no question of the import of native or any other kind of opium into Shensi, except for that smuggled in from Kansu and transiting the province on its way to the coast. The trade in native opium, which probably continues on a considerable scale below the surface, in spite of all prohibitory measures, is entirely concerned with the sale for local consumption of the local stocks, and with the smuggling of these stocks and of those from Kansu, into the Central and Eastern provinces. Shensi and Kansu are now, and have been for years past, the great repository for the stocks of native opium consumed in North China, and in view of the enormous profits to be realised by their sale in other provinces, these stocks are bound to find their way out somehow. It was not generally realised at the time that the terrible \"White Wolf\" raid of 1914, when bands of so-called brigands, many thousands strong, swept across China practically unopposed from Anhui and Honan through Shensi into southern Kansu, was not an aimless perambulation of the North-Western provinces, but was deliberately planned, in all probability with the connivance of many high officials, for the express purpose of raiding these stocks, and especially those in Kansu; the absurdly inadequate and unsuccessful military measures against the raiders being undertaken merely to throw dust in the eyes of foreigners and the country generally. Undoubtedly large stocks of native opium were brought back into Honan in this way. Until these stocks in Shensi and Kansu are exhausted the smuggling of native opium down the Han River to Hankow, and across the mountain passes into Szechuan, Hupei, Honan, and Shansi will continue somehow or other. The secret societies (the Kolaohui and Chianghuhui), which are now again very powerful in many parts of Shensi, where they include brigands, soldiers, populace, and gentry, and even officials amongst their members, make use of their organisation to indulge in the trade; and the prevalence of brigandage in the mountains and lack of control by the civil authorities in many districts make it at present impossible to put a stop to this smuggling. Nor are the measures taken against the trade in any way as genuine as those enforced against the cultivation, which is not to be wondered at when some of the officials entrusted with the suppression of the traffic are themselves...\n\n365", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-445 - Public Offices - 1917.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 490038, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921", "page_number": 529, "title": "CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921", "content_text": "## 76\n\nThe province has been practically clean for some years. The history of opium suppression in the province is briefly as follows:\n\nPrevious to the revolution of 1911, the Manchu Viceroy had been taking half-hearted measures against cultivation in deference to the policy of the Central Government, but at that time, Shensi and Kansu were producing most of the native opium consumed in North China. After the revolution, the new Republican Government at Sian-fu took the matter vigorously in hand, so that by 1913, the province was practically clear of the poppy. Early in 1914, however, Shensi was thrown into a state of turmoil by the raid of the \"White Wolf\" rebels, as a result of which the machinery of government broke down all over the province, and there was an immediate recrudescence of poppy cultivation. Shortly afterwards, Yuan Shih-kai, who was then engaged in consolidating his power throughout the country by replacing the post-revolution Governors with his own nominees, took advantage of the opportunity afforded by White Wolf's raid to send one of his military henchmen, General Lu Chien-chang, as Governor to Sian-fu at the head of a Northern army on the pretext of dealing with the brigands. General Lu, a corrupt old reactionary with no merits save loyalty to his master and influence over his Northern troops, and a heavy opium smoker himself, not only took no serious measures to suppress cultivation but secretly encouraged it for his own profit, engaging in the illicit opium trade, and amassing large stocks of the drug and hundreds of thousands of taels of silver thereby. This was the state of affairs in Shensi when I passed through that province on my way to inspect Kansu in 1915. General Lu's plan was doubtless to secure as rich a harvest as possible before the approaching expiration of the decennial period should compel him to suppress cultivation. In the spring of the following year (1916), under pressure from Peking, he announced the province to be clean and applied for a joint inspection. Before this could take place, however, Shensi joined the anti-monarchical rebellion, expelled General Lu and his army, and declared its independence from the Central Government, and the joint inspection which was about to commence had to be cancelled. By a curious coincidence, independence was again declared during the inspection the following year. At the time General Lu applied for a joint inspection, the poppy was being cultivated secretly but on a considerable scale; in the southern mountains, notably in Foping, Meihsien, Chouchih, and Lungehow districts, and also quite openly in the brigand-infested districts in the north. After the restoration of order, the new revolutionary Government set to work with the usual zeal and ruthlessness of the young republicans to suppress poppy cultivation, with the result that the province was ready for inspection by the following spring.\n\nIt has repeatedly been shown that the suppression of poppy cultivation in a Chinese province is a comparatively easy matter, provided the political situation is fairly quiet and there are no aboriginal tribesmen in a state of semi-independence to be dealt with. Though Shensi at the present time is in a state of great unrest and teems with brigands, revolted soldiery, and secret society men, the cultivators of the soil are mostly peaceful peasants, easily governed, and only asking to be left alone. After a few hundred of these unfortunates had been shot, and once it became known thereby that this time the authorities were in earnest about opium suppression, cultivation automatically ceased in all the well-settled parts under the control of the Provincial Government where their inspecting officials were able to penetrate without difficulty. Any infraction of the prohibition is punished by death, the land under poppy being confiscated by the Government or given to the informer, and in some cases, the offender's neighbours are executed as well for not informing against him. Further, the Provincial Government decreed that the magistrate of any district in which the poppy might be found during the joint inspection would be shot, which practically guaranteed the success of the inspection from the Chinese point of view and probably ensured the suppression of cultivation in every district we visited or approached. Nor do the earnest young republicans, local revolutionaries, and ex-brigand chiefs now in charge of the government of the province hesitate to carry such drastic punishments into effect. Hard as it is on the people, there is probably no other way of suppressing cultivation in view of the enormous profits nowadays attaching to opium production; the more so as in a backward province like Shensi, there is a notable absence amongst the country gentry and populace of any public opinion against opium, such as exists on the coast. Nor is the loss of so valuable a crop felt so much in Shensi as, for instance, in Kansu, where the people are much poorer. Shensi has many other agricultural exports, especially from the Han valley, and valuable crops like cotton, hemp, and indigo, to which the soil and climate of many parts are well adapted, can suitably replace the poppy.\n\n## 77\n\nFormerly, opium was produced pretty generally all over Shensi, including the dry and barren north, and more especially in the highly fertile valleys of the Wei and Han rivers and their tributaries. The province is largely covered by mountains, intersected, especially in the south, by innumerable little fertile valleys, most of which used to produce their share of opium. A really thorough and satisfactory inspection of so large an area, with the means of communication limited to mountain tracks, over which it is often impossible to make twenty miles a day, would have entailed about thirty parties working simultaneously, and such an inspection would probably have revealed a certain amount of poppy in remote valleys in the mountains in the south and in the outlying districts more or less under the control of brigands in the north. All one party could do was to tour the provinces at a rapid pace, keeping as far as possible to the small roads, and halting for a day or two in suspect localities to examine the countryside in detail. At times, the unsettled political conditions compelled us to keep to the main roads, particularly towards the end of the tour, after the province had declared its independence. But a detailed examination of every district being impossible, the more the inspecting party visited, the less likelihood was there of any considerable amount of opium being secretly produced in the province, since when a district was actually entered, whether by a main road or not, the magistrate was unlikely to risk his life by conniving at secret cultivation. A tour round practically the whole of the province within the limit of time imposed by the interval between the flowering and harvesting of the poppy was rendered possible by the variations in this season in the south and the north and at different elevations, namely, April in the Han valley and the south, May in the Wei valley and the centre, June in the loess mountains in the north, and July in the higher ranges of the Ch'inlingshan, and our journey was so timed that we travelled from three to four months, with the exception of a week or two, through districts where the wheat was green and in ear, a season which everywhere corresponds in my experience with the flowering of the opium poppy when grown, as it usually is, as a spring crop. But nowhere on this long tour was any poppy cultivation observed, and though the inspection was thus in a way but a cursory one, I think that it was sufficient to show that practically no opium was produced in Shensi in 1917.\n\nAs regards trade and consumption, there is no question of the import of native or any other kind of opium into Shensi, except for that smuggled in from Kansu and transiting the province on its way to the coast. The trade in native opium, which probably continues on a considerable scale below the surface, in spite of all prohibitory measures, is entirely concerned with the sale for local consumption of the local stocks, and with the smuggling of these stocks and of those from Kansu into the Central and Eastern provinces. Shensi and Kansu are now, and have been for years past, the great repository for the stocks of native opium consumed in North China, and in view of the enormous profits to be realised by their sale in other provinces, these stocks are bound to find their way out somehow. It was not generally realised at the time that the terrible White Wolf raid of 1914, when bands of so-called brigands, many thousands strong, swept across China practically unopposed from Anhui and Honan through Shensi into southern Kansu, was not an aimless perambulation of the north-western provinces but was deliberately planned, in all probability with the connivance of many high officials, for the express purpose of raiding these stocks, and especially those in Kansu, the absurdly inadequate and unsuccessful military measures against the raiders being undertaken merely to throw dust in the eyes of foreigners and the country generally. Undoubtedly, large stocks of native opium were brought back into Honan in this way. Until these stocks in Shensi and Kansu are exhausted, the smuggling of native opium down the Han river to Hankow, and across the mountain passes into Szechuan, Hupei, Honan, and Shansi will continue somehow or other. The secret societies (the Kolaohui and Chianghuhui), which are now again very powerful in many parts of Shensi, where they include brigands, soldiers, populace, and gentry, and even officials amongst their members, make use of their organisation to indulge in the trade; and the prevalence of brigandage in the mountains and lack of control by the civil authorities in many districts make it at present impossible to put a stop to this smuggling. Nor are the measures taken against the trade in any way as genuine as those enforced against the cultivation, which is not to be wondered at when some of the officials entrusted with the suppression of the traffic are themselves consumers and, therefore, in need of opium. The suppressing of trade and consumption entails, too, a great deal of blackmailing of rich consumers, and similar abuses. If, however, the suppression of cultivation in Shensi and Kansu continues, the stocks, and with them the illicit...", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-471 - Public Offices - 1921.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 506010, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-498-14 Illicit traffic in opium and drugs 4-12-1925 - 30-11-1926", "page_number": 23, "title": "CO129-498-14 Illicit traffic in opium and drugs 4-12-1925 - 30-11-1926", "content_text": "## \nfavourable rate, and take up as little as a half chest. The \namounts agreed on were paid gradually by instalments, in fact \nsome were paid after the ship had arrived back with her cargo. \n\nA deposit was paid of apparently about ten per cent on the opium \nordered from Behbahani, the remainder was remitted through the \nHong Kong and Shanghai Bank direct to Bombay for the credit of \nBehbahani about two days before the ship sailed from Bushire.\n\nThere the opium was disposed of is not clear from the documents \n55 chests were stored at one time somewhere in this Colony. \nThe opium was mostly sold in odd lots in packages each containing \n48 taels, occasionally a whole chest is sold at once.\n\nThe opium \ncost from $1,900 to $2,400 a chest, and was sold for various \namounts up to about $4,600 in notes. The amounts realised were \npaid over to the subscribers less any portion of the subscription \nnot already paid up. In many cases the subscribers never saw or \ndealt with the opium in any way, when the goods were sold they \nreceived a certain sum, in many cases no actual allotment of any \nparticular chests were made, and it is not clear how it was \ndecided how much the chest subscribed for by a particular person \nwas sold for. It appears probable that when subscribers were in \narrears with their subscriptions that the money required for \nimmediate remittance was obtained from a Chinese Bank by name \nSheng Fook, who owned a share in the Kwong Hing Loong firm, this \nbank also acted as the repository for the money paid in, and in \nmany cases actually collected the amounts from Canton and Kong-\nmoon.\n\nMany of the names of the partners were already familiar, they \nwere connected with the Kam Lei Loong firm, which was searched \nin connection with the Wing Tai firm in 1923, in fact one of the \npartners had started a new firm under a different name in the \nsame premises as were occupied in 1923 by the Wing Tai. The name \nof the chief defendant, Lo Yue Heung, in the case reported on \nin connection with 20 Lei Yuen Street Case in July last", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-498-14 Illicit traffic in opium and drugs 4-12-1925 - 30-11-1926.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 506224, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-498-18 Activities of Haji Muhammad Hasan Namazi- connection with the opium traffic 5-5-1926 - 24-12-1926", "page_number": 37, "title": "CO129-498-18 Activities of Haji Muhammad Hasan Namazi- connection with the opium traffic 5-5-1926 - 24-12-1926", "content_text": "## favourble rate, and take up as little as a half chest. The \namounts agreed on were paid gradually by instalments, in fact \nsome were paid after the ship had arrived back with her cargo. \nA deposit was paid of apparently about ten per cent on the opium \nordered from Behbehani, the remainder was remitted through the \nHong Kong and Shanghai Bank direct to Bombay for the credit of \nBehbehani about two days before the ship sailed from Bushire.\n\nWhere the opium was disposed of is not clear from the documents. 55 chests were stored at one time somewhere in this Colony. \nThe opium was mostly sold in odd lots in packages each containing \n48 taels, occasionally a whole chest is sold at once. The opium \ncost from $1,900 to $2,400 a chest, and was sold for various \namounts up to about $4,500 in notes. The amounts realised were \npaid over to the subscribers less any portion of the subscription \nnot already paid up. In many cases the subscribers never saw or \ndealt with the opium in any way; when the goods were sold they \nreceived a certain sum. In many cases no actual allotment of any \nparticular chests were made, and it is not clear how it was \ndecided how much the chest subscribed for by a particular person was sold for. It appears probable that when subscribers were in \narrears with their subscriptions, the money required for immediate remittance was obtained from a Chinese Bank by the name \nof Sheng Fook, who owned a share in the Kwong Iling Loong firm. This \nbank also acted as the repository for the money paid in, and in \nmany cases actually collected the amounts from Canton and Kong-\nmoon.\n\nMany of the names of the partners were already familiar; they were connected with the Nam Lei Loong firm, which was searched in connection with the Wing Tai firm in 1923. In fact, one of the partners had started a new firm under a different name \nin the same premises as were occupied in 1923 by the Wing Tai.\n\nThe name of the chief defendant, Lo Yue Heung, in the case reported on in connection with 20 Lei Yuen Street East in July \nlast", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-498-18 Activities of Haji Muhammad Hasan Namazi- connection with the opium traffic 5-5-1926 - 24-12-1926.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 522264, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-521-13 Chinese Customs- proposed agreement with Hong Kong 27-8-1930 - 16-10-1930", "page_number": 425, "title": "CO129-521-13 Chinese Customs- proposed agreement with Hong Kong 27-8-1930 - 16-10-1930", "content_text": "RELATIONS BETWEEN HONGKONG AND THE\n\nCHINESE CUSTOMS.\n\n427\n\n§1. War of 1839-1842. Treaty of Chuenpi, 1841. Proposed collection of Chinese Customs dues and duties in Hongkong. § 2. Palmerston's attitude to this proposal. § 3. Arrangements made by Sir Henry Pottinger to safeguard China's revenue rights. Treaty of Hoomun Chai, 1843. § 4. Failure of Treaty of Hoomun Chai. Growth of coasting trade under foreign flags. § 5. Treaty of Tientsin, 1858. Prevalence of smuggling at Hongkong. Establishment by Canton authorities of Customs stations round Hongkong and of preventive service of revenue cruisers. § 6. Alcock's Convention, 1869. Proposal to allow a Chinese Consul to function in Hongkong. §7. Opposition of Hongkong to Customs blockade and to discriminatory trade taxation. Commission of inquiry called for by Chefoo Convention of 1876. § 8. Hongkong Opium Agreement, 1886. Control of Customs stations round Hongkong and of revenue cruisers handed over to Chinese Maritime Customs Service. Removal of discriminatory trade taxation. § 9. Extension of Kowloon Territory, 1898. Sir Robert Hart's proposals for Chinese Customs control. § 10. Establishment of Customs stations on new frontier. Greatly increased difficulties of Chinese Customs control. § 11. Mackay Treaty, 1902. Article equalising duties on goods whether carried by junk or by steamer. Imperial Edict of September 1906 ordering gradual cessation of opium trade. Hongkong Government requests and obtains help of Chinese Customs in organising system of bonding of alcohol and spirits. § 12. Proposed Customs agreement with Hongkong: 1911 draft. Chinese Customs permitted to function in Hongkong territory at Kowloon railway terminus. § 13. Revival of proposed agreement: 1918 draft. Negotiations at Hongkong and Peking. § 14. Hongkong Government withdraws its consent on account of salt clause. § 15. Boycott of Hongkong in 1925. Levy of Washington surtaxes at Chinese treaty ports, 1926. Introduction of China's first National Import Tariff, 1929. Consequent growth of smuggling. § 16. Renewal of negotiations in July 1929 on proposed Customs agreement. Visit of Inspector General to Hongkong. § 17. Comparison of 1918 and 1929 drafts of agreement. § 18. Objection of Chinese Government to article granting inland waters steam navigation privileges to Hongkong vessels. § 19. Present position of negotiations. China obliged to renew blockade if agreement fails.\n\n§ 1. IN the late summer of 1840, during the war between Great Britain and China War of 1839-1842, (1839-1842), the Chinese Government appointed Kishen ([[1]]), then Viceroy of the metropolitan province of Chihli, to proceed to Canton in the capacity of Imperial Commissioner and Acting Viceroy of the Liang Kwang, and there to continue negotiations with the British for the cessation of hostilities and the resumption of trade. The result of these negotiations, precipitated by the British silencing of the batteries at Chuenpi (), was the issue on 20th January 1841 by Captain Charles Elliot, at that time Plenipotentiary for Great Britain in China and Chief Superintendent of Trade, of a notification informing all British subjects that preliminary arrangements for a treaty had been come to between himself and the Imperial Commissioner. One of the principal articles of this projected Treaty of Chuenpi provided Treaty of Chuen-pi, 1841. for the cession of the island and harbour of Hongkong to the British Crown, but at the same\n\n[[1]] *Chinese Repository, Vol. IX, 1840, pp. 412, 413, 423. + Ibid., Vol. X, 1841, p. 63 (vide Appendix A).\n\n1", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-521-13 Chinese Customs- proposed agreement with Hong Kong 27-8-1930 - 16-10-1930.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 522265, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-521-13 Chinese Customs- proposed agreement with Hong Kong 27-8-1930 - 16-10-1930", "page_number": 426, "title": "CO129-521-13 Chinese Customs- proposed agreement with Hong Kong 27-8-1930 - 16-10-1930", "content_text": "429\n\nH\n\ni\n\nProposed collection of\n\nChinese Customs\n\ndues and duties in Hongkong.\n\nhiv-d, other in theory\n\nPalmerston's\n\nattitude to this\n\nproposal\n\n(2)\n\ntime stipulated that \"all just charges and duties to the Empire upon the commerce carried on there [are] to be paid as if the trade were conducted at Whampoa.\" Thus at the very birth of the Colony it is clear that the British Plenipotentiary recognised not only that the cession of the island raised a problem of vital importance to China, namely, the steps to be taken for the protection of China's revenue, but also that, in his opinion, the solution lay in arranging for collecting in Hongkong itself the dues and duties payable to the Chinese Government. This projected convention, however, was disavowed by the Emperor of China and the Imperial Commissioner recalled in disgrace for having consented to it, the head and front of his offence being agreement to the cession of Chinese territory. Nevertheless, before it was known that ratification would be withheld the British authorities had already, on 26th January 1841, taken formal possession of the island of Hongkong and had begun immediately to develop it as a place of residence and of future trade as well as a base for further military operations. The renewal of hostilities in February that year served to emphasise the value of the place, and as the British home authorities, on bearing of the acquisition and occupation of the island, did not openly repudiate Elliot's action in this respect, it follows that they tacitly for the time being confirmed that action, even though the cession had not been ratified by the Emperor.† Free trade principles, however, as well as distrust of Chinese Customs methods and levies, at that time were too deeply ingrained in the British trading community to permit of the establishment on the island of an agency for the collecting of Chinese Customs dues and duties.\n\nThe clause, therefore, of the unratified Treaty of Chuenpi guaranteeing some such arrangement soon became a dead letter.\n\n§ 2. Further evidence of the free trade attitude of the infant Colony will be found in the official notification of 7th June 1841 declaring Hongkong to be a free port at which there would be no charges on imports and exports payable to the British Government, nothing being said about the \"just charges and duties\" payable to China, although Sir Brooke Robertson, H.B.M.'s Consul at Canton, writing in December 1874, claimed that at the time this notification was issued \"Chinese duties were levied at Hongkong under the Agreement of 20th January 1841, and the right to do so continued until the signing of the Treaty of Nankin in August 1842, when it ceased.\"§ That such a declaration of free port status, unless accompanied by measures for the protection of China's revenue rights, would place China in a most disadvantageous position was recognised even by Lord Palmerston, whose strong imperialistic attitude no one can question. Without such safeguards it amounted almost to an open challenge of China's revenue rights, for in those days, when mercantile buccaneering was still rampant,\n\n* British Parliamentary Papers: \"Correspondence relative to Military Operations in China\" (1843), p. 14.\n\n† When giving instructions to the Elliots in February 1840 Lord Palmerston had pointed out the desirability of taking possession of an island or islands on the China coast and had stated that, instead of the cession of such an island, the British Government would be prepared to accept a treaty guaranteeing security and freedom of commerce.-H. B. Morse: \"The International Relations of the Chinese Empire\" (London, 1910), Vol. I, pp. 628, 638. \"It appears to Her Majesty's Government that the island of Hongkong ought to be retained.\"-Lord Palmerston to Sir Henry Pottinger, 5th June 1841. Morse, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 661.\n\n#Chinese Repository, Vol. X, 1841, p. 350 (vide Appendix B),\n\n§ British Parliamentary Papers: \"Correspondence relating to the Complaints of the Mercantile Community in Hongkong against the Action of Chinese Revenue Cruizers in the Neighbourhood of the Colony\" (1875), p. 41.\n\n(8)\n\neveryone knew that while the British Government could not and would not support clandestine trading, yet the arbitrary opening of a free port on China's own coast in close proximity to large trading centres could not but lend facilities to those who were bent on evasion of China's dues and duties. Palmerston clearly understood the situation, for although he censured Elliot severely for not carrying out orders, yet when giving instructions to Sir Henry Pottinger, who had been chosen to replace Elliot, he drew the attention of the departing Envoy to specific instances in Europe where the practice obtained of one Power allowing Customs duties to be collected in its territory by the agents of another Power on behalf of the Government of the latter, and admitted that in the case of Hongkong \"British commerce might be much encouraged if goods which had once been landed at Hongkong could be carried from thence to any Chinese port without being liable to any further payment on account of duty; and the Chinese Custom House officers in Hongkong would be less likely than the Chinese authorities at other ports to attempt to levy exorbitant and illegal duties.\"\n\n*** The final settlement of this issue was left in the hands of the Plenipotentiary, with the proviso that whatever arrangement should finally be made it was to be embodied in a treaty properly ratified by the Emperor of China.\n\nmade by Sir\n\nChina's revenue\n\n3. Sir Henry Pottinger soon found that local feeling and opinion among the British Arrangements\n\ntraders were against any arrangement by which Chinese Customs officials should be permitted\n\nHenry Pottinger\n\nto function in Hongkong for the collecting on China's behalf of dues and duties from vessels to safeguard trading with the newly opened treaty ports. He realised, however, that some action on the\n\nrights.\n\npart of the British authorities was called for, to prove to all and sundry that the cession of Hongkong was not to be interpreted as official neutrality towards those who took it as inaugurating an era of unlicensed trading. In the Treaty of Nanking, signed on 29th August 1842, by which the cession of the island of Hongkong was duly ratified (Article 3), no provision is made for the control of the illegitimate trade which, to the detriment of China's revenue, such cession would inevitably encourage; but as the text of this treaty had, in the main, been drafted in London, such provision could hardly be expected. That the cession had the undesirable effect referred to, and that the British Plenipotentiary was alive to this effect and to his duty in regard to it, is evidenced (1) by the proclamation which he issued on 15th April 1843 to all British subjects peremptorily informing them that as a fair and regular tariff was now in force all smuggling transactions must cease,§ and (2) by the insertion in the Supplementary Treaty of Hoomun Chai ( ), signed 8th October 1843, in the drafting of which the Treaty of Hoomun Plenipotentiary had a free hand, of special clauses designed to put a check on illegitimate trade. Of these the twelfth article provides for the placing of a British Consul at each of the five recently opened treaty ports to strictly watch over and carefully scrutinise the conduct of all persons being British subjects trading under his superintendence,\" with strict instructions to apprise instantly the Chinese authorities of any smuggling transactions coming to his\n\n* Lord Palmerston to Sir Henry Pottinger, 31st May 1841. 1.0. Circular No. 418, Second Series. Morse, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 658. (Vide Appendix C.)\n\n+ British Parliamentary Papers: \"Papers relating to the Colony of Hongkong\" (1857), p. 36.\n\nHid., pp. 33, 34-\n\n§ Chinese Repository, Vol. XII, 1843, p. 224 (ride Appendix D),\n\nChai, 1843-\n\n1", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-521-13 Chinese Customs- proposed agreement with Hong Kong 27-8-1930 - 16-10-1930.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 522277, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-521-13 Chinese Customs- proposed agreement with Hong Kong 27-8-1930 - 16-10-1930", "page_number": 438, "title": "CO129-521-13 Chinese Customs- proposed agreement with Hong Kong 27-8-1930 - 16-10-1930", "content_text": "450\n\n( 24 )\n\nHe cannot conclude without declaring that next to these causes the peaceful adjustment of difficulties must be ascribed to the scrupulous good faith of the very eminent person with whom negotiations are still pending.\n\n(Signed)\n\nCHARLES ELLIOT,\n\nH.M. Plenipotentiary in China.\n\n(Reprinted from The Chinese Repository, Vol. X, 1841, p. 63.)\n\n( 25 )\n\nAPPENDIX B.\n\nPROCLAMATION OF 7TH JUNE 1841, DECLARING HONGKONG A FREE PORT.\n\nBy Charles Elliot, &c., &c., &c.\n\nA PROCLAMATION.\n\nIt is hereby declared to the merchants and traders of Canton and all parts of the Empire that they and their ships have free permission to resort to and trade at the port of Hong Kong, where they will receive full protection from the high officers of the British nation; and, Hong Kong being on the shores of the Chinese Empire, neither will there be any charges on imports and exports payable to the British Government. And it is further clearly declared that there will be an immediate embargo upon the port of Canton and all the large ports of the Empire if there be the least obstruction to the freedom of trade and intercourse with the port of Hong Kong. Persons bringing information to the British officers which shall lead to the detection of pirates will be liberally rewarded; and the pirates will be taken and delivered over to the officers of the Chinese Government for punishment. At Macao, this 7th day of June, 1841.\n\n(Reprinted from British Parliamentary Papers: \"Correspondence relating to the Complaints of the Mercantile Community in Hong Kong against the Action of Chinese Revenue Cruizers in the neighbourhood of the Colony\" (1875), p. 2. The version printed in the Chinese Repository, Vol. X, 1841, p. 350, omits the words “trade and intercourse with the port of.\")\n\n451", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-521-13 Chinese Customs- proposed agreement with Hong Kong 27-8-1930 - 16-10-1930.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 522278, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-521-13 Chinese Customs- proposed agreement with Hong Kong 27-8-1930 - 16-10-1930", "page_number": 439, "title": "CO129-521-13 Chinese Customs- proposed agreement with Hong Kong 27-8-1930 - 16-10-1930", "content_text": "152\n\n( 26 )\n\n# APPENDIX C.\n\n## EXTRACT FROM LORD PALMERSTON'S DESPATCH OF INSTRUCTIONS TO SIR HENRY POTTINGER, DATED LONDON, 31st MAY 1841.\n\nHer Majesty's Government have reason to suppose that Hong Kong has been ceded with the condition that British and other Foreign Merchandize imported into Hong Kong should there pay to Chinese Custom House officers the usual and established Import duties which such goods would pay upon being imported into China; and that such duties having been so paid, and the Merchandize being duly stamped by the Chinese Custom House officers at Hong Kong, there should be full liberty to all Persons to carry such Merchandize away to any Port in China, without its being liable to any further payment in such Ports or elsewhere on account of Import duty.\n\nSuch an arrangement would no doubt be anomalous in as far as it involved the presence of Chinese Custom House officers, and the collection of Chinese Customs Duties, in a Possession of the British Crown; and moreover there might be some difficulty in practically carrying into execution that part of the arrangement which would exempt such goods from any subsequent payment in a Chinese Port. But there are similar instances in Europe of Duties collected in the Territory of one Power by the agents of another Power. The Transit Duties which Shipping and Goods going up the Scheldt are liable to pay to the Dutch Government, are collected not at Flushing, but at Antwerp, by Dutch agents stationed in that Belgian Town.\n\nThe Duties which the Hanoverian Government levies upon Shipping and Goods passing by the Fort of Stado in their way up the Elbe, are levied not at Stado or Brunhausen, but by a Hanoverian agent in the City of Hamburgh: and a plan has for some time past been under discussion between Denmark and other Powers, by which, if it were adopted, the Tolls which Denmark is entitled to levy upon Ships and Merchandize passing the Sound, would be levied not at Elsinor but in the several Prussian, Russian, and other Ports in the Baltick, by Danish Agents stationed at those Ports for such purpose.\n\nIt is possible that British Commerce might be much encouraged, if Goods which had once been landed at Hong Kong, could be carried from thence to any Chinese Port without being liable to any further payment on account of Duty; and the Chinese Custom House officers in Hong Kong would be less likely than the Chinese Authorities at other Ports to attempt to levy exorbitant and illegal Duties. But whatever arrangements you may succeed in making with the Chinese Plenipotentiary, those arrangements must be embodied in a Treaty, to be signed by yourself and by the Chinese Plenipotentiary, in the name of your respective Sovereigns; and to be afterwards ratified by each Sovereign; and you should obtain a formal announcement of the ratification of the Treaty by the Emperor of China before you can consider the Treaty as valid, and before you send it Home for the Ratification of Her Majesty.\n\n(Reprinted from Morse: \"International Relations of the Chinese Empire,” Vol. 1, pp. 657, 658. File also Enclosure No. 1 in I.G. Circular No. 418, Second Series,)\n\n( 27 )\n\n# APPENDIX D.\n\n## PROCLAMATION BY SIR HENRY POTTINGER FORBIDDING SMUGGLING.\n\nHis Excellency Sir Henry Pottinger, Bart., G.C.B., Her Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiary, and Chief Superintendent of the trade of British subjects in China, issues this proclamation, in the name, and in behalf of Her Majesty the Queen, and the Government of Great Britain, &c., with the view of making fully known, the sentiments of deep regret, and unmitigated disapprobation under which he was obliged to address the communication, of which an English version is annexed, to His Excellency the Viceroy of the Two Kwang provinces, on the 13th of this month,\n\nAs at present informed, it is impossible for Her Majesty's Plenipotentiary, &c., to particularize, either the firms or individuals, or even the countries to which they belong, who have, with the connivance of the Chinese custom-house officers, entered into this shameless and disreputable system of wholesale smuggling, a system which, were it overlooked and permitted, would not only speedily sap and destroy the existing foundations of all legal traffic, but would render absolutely nugatory every exertion and arrangement that may be made, or may be attempted to be made, to put such legal traffic, on a firm, regular, and respectable footing. Her Majesty's Plenipotentiary anticipates, however, that he may, at a future period, have it in his power to make known the names of those individuals, in order that-whatever be their country-they may be held up to the public estimation they merit, and which it would be superfluous to designate.\n\nHer Majesty's Plenipotentiary can only lament, that at this moment, his power to check these reprehensible proceedings, so far as British subjects are concerned, is not equal to his wish, but he trusts, that on the expected arrival of the Imperial Commissioner (successor to Ilipu) means will be devised by that high officer, in concert with the provincial authorities of Canton, to bring all parties (whether foreigners or Chinese) to account for their share in the transactions which have led to this proclamation; and the Plenipotentiary hereby intimates, beforehand, that he will as far as may be legal, aid and advise the Chinese officers in whatever measures they may adopt to eradicate the evils herein denounced, and specially towards removing all British smugglers, and their vessels and boats from the river of Canton. His Excellency further intimates that such smugglers and their boats and vessels will not receive protection in the harbour or waters of Hong Kong. God Save the Queen.\n\nDated at the Government House, at Hong Kong, this 15th day of April, 1843.\n\nHENRY POTTINGER,\n\nH.M.'s Plenipotentiary.\n\n(Reprinted from The Chinese Repository, Vol. XII, 1848, p. 224.)\n\n453", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-521-13 Chinese Customs- proposed agreement with Hong Kong 27-8-1930 - 16-10-1930.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 522996, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-521-4 Piracy in Chinese waters- China Navigation Company Ltd- H.M. Attorney General; responsibility of British Government... 24-6-1930 - 23-4-1931", "page_number": 145, "title": "CO129-521-4 Piracy in Chinese waters- China Navigation Company Ltd- H.M. Attorney General; responsibility of British Government... 24-6-1930 - 23-4-1931", "content_text": "The unanimous recommendations of the Commissioners are summarised as follows:\n\n1. The Government should endeavour to induce the authorities at the coast ports to make the searching at those ports more effective, and should continue to press for the cooperation of the Chinese authorities to deal with the evil ashore. Should effective co-operation continue to be withheld, the Commissioners consider that H.M.'s Government would be amply justified in taking independent action for the extermination of known pirate strongholds as a common international duty.\n\n2. The necessity for all possible patrolling by the Navy on the rivers and on the coast, especially in the vicinity of such spots as Bias Bay, should continue to be emphasised.\n\n3. The whole of the Piracy Prevention Regulations should be rescinded, and the following recommendations should be brought to the notice of owners as the outlines of a scheme sufficient to enable a few determined men to prevent a successful piracy, and so to make even the attempt at piracy unlikely:\n\n(a) The bridge should be protected by grilles and dodgers, with guards stationed at the entrances.\n\n(b) Subsidiary grilles should be provided, isolating the Officers and 1st class cabins as far as possible.\n\n(c) Careful attention should be given to points of detail such as the arrangement of lights to assist the defence, a system of alarm bells and a plan to concentrate all Europeans on alarm.\n\n4. The compulsory installation of wireless telegraphy should be considered, but in any event the Government should encourage its use and development by such means as the reduction of charges for a system of anti-piracy messages.\n\n5. The Government should establish a Board to be the repository of all data connected with piracy, which should meet at, say, quarterly intervals to consider the question generally with a view to being in a position to supply information and advice when called upon.\n\nThe idea of the Commissioners is to reduce formalities, and therefore delay, to a minimum. The opinion and advice of the members of the Board should be severally or jointly at the disposal of those concerned, and the available data should be equally at the disposal of each member, who would have discretion to advise with or without calling the remaining members to formal consultation. The responsibility for the collection and custody of the records would naturally fall to the lot of the Harbour Master, with the Harbour Office as the most convenient repository; and the members to be associated with him should include the Captain Superintendent of Police, a Naval Officer, and a Coast Officer still serving. The necessary steps should from time to time be taken to bring the existence and nature of this Board, and its personnel to the notice of those concerned, especially the Shipping Companies.\n\n19th April, 1927.\n\nA. H. STEWART,\n\nW. DAVISON,\n\nT. G. WEALL,\n\nL. PITCAIRN JONES,\n\nG. F. HOLE,\n\nE. D. C. WOLFE,\n\nE. R. HALLIFAX, Chairman.\n\nPage 165", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-521-4 Piracy in Chinese waters- China Navigation Company Ltd- H.M. Attorney General; responsibility of British Government... 24-6-1930 - 23-4-1931.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 523816, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-523-12 Currency situation 17-2-1930 - 9-7-1930", "page_number": 70, "title": "CO129-523-12 Currency situation 17-2-1930 - 9-7-1930", "content_text": "28\n\nWithout any census statistics to bear out our argument that the population not only on the Island but on the Mainland has increased enormously of recent years, I think looking casually at the new houses and buildings which have been erected this feature will be readily admitted all round. The number of semi-foreign Banks has been added to twice over and to meet their ordinary counter demands, a certain reserve in Bank Notes must be held by them, and an increased Note Circulation has to be expected from this quarter. Moving with the times, wages from the coolie-class upwards have tended to improve and we have therefore to deal with more than a large addition to the population, when labour costs have gone up probably 50 to 75% in the last 15 years. The large amount of Notes which find their way to Canton and circulate in Kwangtung cannot be estimated but the total amount may run to millions of dollars. The point for consideration is whether or not the increase in the circulation of the Issuing Banks has moved up sufficiently to meet the growing demand of the Colony.\n\nThe real basis of the Note Circulation by the three Issuing Banks of the Colony is determined by the amount of their paid-up Capital. Admittedly the Hong Kong Bank has power to increase his Note Circulation to any extent above $45 millions provided he deposits dollar for dollar. Even allowing for the remission of the tax recently sanctioned, there is no great inducement offered him to supply the Colony's increasing Note requirements. In my opinion this restriction is wrong on principle and it should be sufficient as it is consistent with safety that the Note Circulation should be two thirds covered either in Gold or Silver Bullion or gilt-edged interest bearing Securities deposited with the Crown Agents or other Government Department at home, and always not less than one third of the total issue deposited in actual coins in Hong Kong, under the direct control of the Hong Kong Government. In other words the capital of the Issuing Banks matters little as long as Government is 100% covered for any issue they may sanction. Here is therefore a suggestion to bring about greater elasticity in the Note Circulation without losing any of the essential safe-guards to the public. It would be an absurdity to expect the three Issuing Banks to increase their capital to secure less onerous conditions to supply the Colony's needs for an increased Note Circulation.\n\nI have mentioned previously that bringing in Silver Dollars appears the only feasible method of getting our exchange down to where it belongs. It is not improbable that the difficulty of storing the coins will be surmounted as there may be more storage available than is generally surmised, and again Banks between themselves may make mutual arrangements for accommodation and actual transfer of the coins may be obviated. Under the old exchange dispensation, Notes were essential as by custom the legal currency in respect to Dollar coins had become divorced from usage. It was this practice that occasioned a feeling of enmity against the Hong Kong Bank as he had the advantage of being able to expand his note issue at will and if he refrained from buying, rates became more or less what he cared to make them. The other Banks through a free silver market are now endeavouring to break what they described as a monopoly on the part of the Hong Kong Bank, although in reality they are doing little beyond adhering to the status of the currency as laid down by law.\n\nIt is difficult estimating what should be saturation point as regards imports of British or Mexican Dollars but provided sufficient Treasury space on joint account for all the Banks in the Colony can be provided (on similar lines to the existing arrangements made with Banque de l'Indo Chine, who has stored $15 millions) we reach a stage which should be the equivalent of the average Clearing Balances deposited with the Hong Kong Bank. Off hand we should say the amount is somewhere between $18 and $25 millions, and if we add a further $10 millions as the total coins which can be readily absorbed as counter Reserves by all the Banks, we should arrive very nearly (subject to correction) at say $30 millions as a maximum.\n\nProbably the liability which the Issuing Banks incur and more especially that of the Clearing Bank permitting silver transfer from the general Repository, is not too well understood. It is sometimes assumed wrongly that any reduction in the Note Issue will be brought about by an equivalent reduction in the Issuing Banks' holding of Silver Dollars. If this were so in practice, the attitude of the Hong Kong Bank would be untenable, but after China New Year a reduction in the total issue will be manifested without any equivalent demand for coins which will remain in his vaults or with the French Bank. As pointed out previously the getting rid of redundant coins will cost 6 or 7%. and it is this contingent loss which the Hong Kong Bank is not keen to face, and which probably induces him to discourage the import of coins to an extent approaching saturation point. If for no other reason than to keep Indian speculators from minting British Dollars (which we know is taking place) it seems imperative that the level of our exchange be forced down.\n\nIt has been suggested as a responsive and convenient means of assisting this eventuality, that the Hong Kong Government build a Treasury and issue silver certificates against actual coins deposited by Banks, for amounts of say $5,000 and $10,000. These certificates need only be repayable in coins previously deposited. It is considered that this scheme would lessen the difficulty which obtains at present, in forcing Native Banks and Chinese Clients to accept payment in silver coins, and it is realised with the Government backing these certificates would inter-change freely and dispense with the inconvenience of counting and of transporting which payment in actual coin necessitates. The Government have shown a keen interest in the currency problem during the present transition stages and it is realised any such active display in a practical form would be highly appreciated by all the Banks, who recognise that their own Cheques drawn on the Repository Bank would not have the same negotiability and would not possess the same currency life.\n\nConfidential.\n\nMy Dear Messer,\n\n(Sd.) A. H. FERGUSON,\n\nManager.\n\nChartered Bank of India, Australia & China.\n\nVI-C.\n\nHong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corporation.\n\nHong Kong. 20th February, 1930.\n\nI have duly received your letter of 18th February and am very glad that the Secretary of State has taken up the Currency question as the present position is far from satisfactory.\n\nThe following are my views on the points you mention?\n\nBring exchange to parity: By parity I am assuming you mean parity with the cost of laying down British dollars in Hong Kong, including seigniorage, shipping charges and interest. I do not anticipate any great difficulty in bringing exchange to parity, the trouble is to keep it there. It is principally a question of the Note-issuing Banks' buying power. If they can meet, at rates slightly above parity, the general demand of Banks and Merchants who wish to sell, the parity could be maintained. The Note-issuing Banks, however, must obtain cover for their purchases of gold exchange to maintain some sort of equilibrium for their gold positions. If imports are not sufficient for this purpose, they must turn to silver-and this brings me to your next point:\n\nA probable surplus of coin in Hong Kong and the difficulty of getting rid of the excess dollars. If all Banks and others interested have the power, as they now have, of obtaining cover for their purchases of gold exchange by minting and importing dollars, there is every probability of the Colony being flooded with unwanted coin. Even now there are far too many in the Colony, since the public all wish for\n\n29\n\nPage 70\n\nPage 71\n\n83\n\n84\n\n85", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-523-12 Currency situation 17-2-1930 - 9-7-1930.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 559249, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-569-10 Report on proposed new museum 11-1-1938 - 11-1-1938", "page_number": 9, "title": "CO129-569-10 Report on proposed new museum 11-1-1938 - 11-1-1938", "content_text": "204\n\ntime of emergency.\n\nA bomb-proof vault, in which valuable exhibits could be stored, would be worth considering. Uniformity of temperature and humidity would result in a far longer life of the specimens.\n\n2. It is highly desirable that all exhibits, save those not protected, should be housed in scientifically designed, artistic, metal and glass, dust-proof cases.\n\n3. A lecture hall—designed for this purpose with correct acoustic properties—equipped with a first-class epidiascope lantern and a cinematograph lantern for the projection of pictures, slides, and films of special interest should be included in the building. This room should be built to hold at least 300 persons. If the scheme is in conjunction with a City Hall, then such a hall would fulfil this purpose.\n\n4. A smaller room should also be included which could be used by societies for their meetings, e.g., Hong Kong Horticultural Society, Aquarium Society, and a Natural History Society (which would certainly be inaugurated). Such a room should be equipped with benches (with water and electric fittings), with blackboards (ground glass or concrete), and with a small epidiascope lantern and screen. A number of exhibits could also be permanently housed in this room as well.\n\n5. A large preparation room, or two smaller rooms equipped with benches, water, gas, and electricity, and with a dark room for photographic use, are absolutely essential.\n\n6. A research laboratory for the use of the Curator and visiting scientists is also essential.\n\n7. A small library and reading room open (on conditions) to the public is highly desirable. A great deal of scientific literature could be obtained free, and certain journals could be purchased or obtained in exchange for the museum's publications. If this library is contained within the air-conditioned wing, the University might consider housing therein the more valuable books on Chinese art from the Hankow library. The coloured plates are particularly susceptible to changes in humidity; examples of such books are the volumes of the catalogue of the Eumorfopoulos collection.\n\n8. The rooms in which the exhibits are to be staged must be well lit, spacious, and attractively furnished. There is an abundance of literature on museum design and furniture, so no difficulties should be experienced.\n\n9. We consider that provision should be made for the following rooms:\n\n2 rooms for prehistory, archaeology, and geology.\n\n2 rooms for ethnographic sciences to illustrate racial settlement and migration.\n\n2 rooms, in addition to a central hall, for Chinese arts to include, in particular, porcelains, paintings, and bronzes.\n\n1 room devoted to marine biology.\n\n1 room devoted to terrestrial biology.\n\nRooms devoted to industries representative of China, e.g., silk, tea, porcelain, and paper.\n\nA minimum total of 10 rooms in addition to a central hall.\n\nIV. MUSEUM.\n\n(a) Reasons for establishment.\n\nIt is highly desirable for many reasons that Hong Kong should possess a museum worthy of its situation.\n\nIn the British Empire, it is unique in being an island situated at the extreme S.E. corner of Asia and just within the tropics. Its fauna, flora, and prehistory are unusually rich. The seas around Hong Kong are of more than ordinary interest for these reasons. Already, from local waters, several hundred species of fish have been identified. Again, owing to its geographical position, the Colony is on the line of autumn and spring migrations of fishes and birds. The snakes are of especial interest because, in their numbers, are both tropical and temperate forms. The flora is tropical, but the Colony forms almost the extreme north-eastern limit of the distribution of many of its plants.\n\nHong Kong, as a Colony, is also unique in the British Empire in not possessing a museum or art gallery. Reference to this fact is made in no uncertain terms by the Museums Association in their Empire survey carried out at the request of the Carnegie Corporation of New York:\n\n'Hong Kong, in fact, represents the low-water mark in museum provision throughout the whole of the Empire, excepting only the smaller islands of the Pacific and some of the more backward African territories.' Report on the Museums of Ceylon, British Malaya, the West Indies, etc., p. 8. On pages 20 & 21 in this same report, the Museum situation in Hong Kong is discussed in further detail: See Appendix I.\n\nWe consider that the present time is appropriate for the removal of this stigma.\n\nThe Colony, being geographically part of China and situated in the track of racial migrations in proto-historic times, has unique advantages for the study of the origins and development of Chinese culture in many of its aspects.\n\nThe Chinese Government has spent large sums on the establishment of museums and libraries in Peiping, Kaifoeng, Nanking, Shanghai, and in many other cities, which, in design and management, follow those of Europe and America. This fact, coupled with the wealth of material available, provides an ample reason for the establishment of a museum which, at the least, should be on a level with the standard attained in China.\n\nA museum, such as is envisaged in this report, would form a link between the Universities and Museums of the Empire and those of China and would provide facilities for the interchange of students and knowledge between the English and Chinese-speaking peoples.\n\nIn the Colony, the museum would form a centre for discussion, research, and education, and a means for the widening of outlook of both school-children and the general public.\n\n(b) Objects of Establishment of a Museum.\n\nThe objects of the museum should be:\n\n1. The collection, study, classification, arrangement, and display of material of scientific, historic, artistic, and economic interest to the Colony of Hong Kong and to the country of China.\n\n2. The interpretation of the collections with a view to interesting and educating the public. This involves not only the artistic display and thorough labelling of specimens but also the giving of lectures on special topics and the writing for publication of both papers and books to further the same end.\n\n3. Co-operation with existing Government and Educational Departments with a view to increasing the interest and education of the people in a variety of biological, geological, archaeological, and other subjects.\n\nThe Museum must, in our opinion, be confined in its scope to Hong Kong and Chinese interest. If this rule is not rigidly adhered to, the museum, like its predecessor, will become a repository for odds and ends from every corner of the globe.\n\nPage", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-569-10 Report on proposed new museum 11-1-1938 - 11-1-1938.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 568630, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-582-22 Visit of Sir Stafford Cripps to China 13-12-1939 - 4-7-1940", "page_number": 15, "title": "CO129-582-22 Visit of Sir Stafford Cripps to China 13-12-1939 - 4-7-1940", "content_text": "31. While at Chengtu I made an inspection of the military academy and the training school for air force ground staff engineers, both run by the Central Government. I was immensely impressed by the efficiency of both these institutions, the former of which has 8,000 students. The thorough organisation and training of the central armies is undoubtedly acting as a strong unifying force in China and provides an increasingly solid backing for the authority of the Central Government both in the provinces and as against the Communists or anyone else who has a private army of their own. By the time the war is over, if the Central Government is still in power, it should be in an impregnable position to exert its influence wherever it wishes.\n\n32. The troops that one sees on the road, and one sees very many, are sufficiently clad in warm uniforms and most of them seem to have full equipment. Military supplies of all light arms and ammunition are adequate at the moment and for some time to come, and there is at present a sufficiency of transport for the vital needs of the army. From the purely military point of view, the Japanese seem to have penetrated China about as far as they can in view of the difficulty of maintaining their lines of communication.\n\n33. One of the most powerful factors that is operating to keep the Japanese army and navy in Chinese territory is the plunder, loot and squeeze which the officers of both services are getting out of China. This tends to make them all, high command and junior officers, unwilling to forfeit their economic prosperity by leaving China. They have practically stripped the occupied part of China of valuables of every kind, including such things as furniture, and no one can get permits or passes for persons or goods without paying squeeze to some Japanese authority. In certain cases, like the tea trade, this has been \"regularised\"; and a certain percentage of the value of the goods is being paid over to the naval officers. In other cases the principle is to charge the maximum the traffic will bear. If attempts are made to get goods through without paying due squeeze, the goods are stopped or, in the case of traffic by junks, the junks may be sunk by the navy. The whole business is just one mass of corruption, and is in accord with the abominable behaviour of the Japanese soldiers towards civilians and especially the young girls and women, none of whom are safe from rape in the occupied areas. At least one missionary has been killed by the Japanese while attempting to protect young girls from being raped. The fact that the allowance out of China of export goods may help the Chinese Government apparently has no bearing on the attitude of the Japanese officers. It is reported that they have put aside very large sums of money derived from these and other sources in the banks of the International Settlement of Shanghai, as they are afraid to transmit them to Japan lest they might be seized by the Japanese Government. Indeed, it is commonly said that the Japanese naval and military authorities will not violate the International Settlement as they desire to retain it as a safe neutral depository of their ill-gotten gains. This behaviour not only antagonises the Chinese people who are subjected to these exactions and brutalities, but it has a very direct reaction upon the effectiveness of the Japanese military occupation. Perhaps the most undesirable factor of all, from the long-term point of view, is the manner in which the Japanese military are dealing with the drug and opium traffic. I have no first-hand knowledge of this, but the almost universal complaints which one hears in China, Hong Kong, Shanghai and Japan itself make it certain that the stories emanating from the occupied areas are largely correct. I append a reliable report(*) from a very highly respected missionary in Nanking, which, I believe, describes accurately a state of affairs which is common throughout most of the occupied areas, particularly in the north and the Yangtze Valley, and is most remunerative to the Japanese. The effect upon the morale of the population is not only extremely serious at the present time, but will grow worse as the drug-taking habit increases. Fortunately, a great many of the younger Chinese are either with the army or have become refugees to the parts of China still under control of the Central Government. These are at least protected from the worst dangers of the drug and opium traffic, and it is to be hoped that they will emerge as the new leaders of China after the war. How great this exodus has been from the occupied areas may be judged from such an example as Amoy, where, I was informed by the American Consul, the population had gone down from 170,000 to 15,000. The Japanese forces are not only morally degenerate in their behaviour, but are tending to (2) Not printed.\n\n[21258]", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-582-22 Visit of Sir Stafford Cripps to China 13-12-1939 - 4-7-1940.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 568661, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-582-22 Visit of Sir Stafford Cripps to China 13-12-1939 - 4-7-1940", "page_number": 46, "title": "CO129-582-22 Visit of Sir Stafford Cripps to China 13-12-1939 - 4-7-1940", "content_text": "31. While at Chengtu I made an inspection of the military academy and the training school for air force ground staff engineers, both run by the Central Government. I was immensely impressed by the efficiency of both these institutions, the former of which has 8,000 students. The thorough organisation and training of the central armies is undoubtedly acting as a strong unifying force in China and provides an increasingly solid backing for the authority of the Central Government both in the provinces and as against the Communists or anyone else who has a private army of their own. By the time the war is over, if the Central Government is still in power, it should be in an impregnable position to exert its influence wherever it wishes.\n\n32. The troops that one sees on the road, and one sees very many, are sufficiently clad in warm uniforms and most of them seem to have full equipment. Military supplies of all light arms and ammunition are adequate at the moment and for some time to come, and there is at present a sufficiency of transport for the vital needs of the army. From the purely military point of view, the Japanese seem to have penetrated China about as far as they can in view of the difficulty of maintaining their lines of communication.\n\n33. One of the most powerful factors that is operating to keep the Japanese army and navy in Chinese territory is the plunder, loot and squeeze which the officers of both services are getting out of China. This tends to make them all, high command and junior officers, unwilling to forfeit their economic prosperity by leaving China. They have practically stripped the occupied part of China of valuables of every kind, including such things as furniture, and no one can get permits or passes for persons or goods without paying squeeze to some Japanese authority. In certain cases, like the tea trade, this has been regularised; and a certain percentage of the value of the goods is being paid over to the naval officers. In other cases the principle is to charge the maximum the traffic will bear. If attempts are made to get goods through without paying due squeeze, the goods are stopped or, in the case of traffic by junks, the junks may be sunk by the navy. The whole business is just one mass of corruption, and is in accord with the abominable behaviour of the Japanese soldiers towards civilians and especially the young girls and women, none of whom are safe from rape in the occupied areas. At least one missionary has been killed by the Japanese while attempting to protect young girls from being raped. The fact that the allowance out of China of export goods may help the Chinese Government apparently has no bearing on the attitude of the Japanese officers. It is reported that they have put aside very large sums of money derived from these and other sources in the banks of the International Settlement of Shanghai, as they are afraid to transmit them to Japan lest they might be seized by the Japanese Government. Indeed, it is commonly said that the Japanese naval and military authorities will not violate the International Settlement as they desire to retain it as a safe neutral depository of their ill-gotten gains. This behaviour not only antagonises the Chinese people who are subjected to these exactions and brutalities, but it has a very direct reaction upon the effectiveness of the Japanese military occupation. Perhaps the most undesirable factor of all, from the long-term point of view, is the manner in which the Japanese military are dealing with the drug and opium traffic. I have no first-hand knowledge of this, but the almost universal complaints which one hears in China, Hong Kong, Shanghai and Japan itself make it certain that the stories emanating from the occupied areas are largely correct. I append a reliable report(2) from a very highly respected missionary in Nanking, which, I believe, describes accurately a state of affairs which is common throughout most of the occupied areas, particularly in the north and the Yangtze Valley, and is most remunerative to the Japanese. The effect upon the morale of the population is not only extremely serious at the present time, but will grow worse as the drug-taking habit increases. Fortunately, a great many of the younger Chinese are either with the army or have become refugees to the parts of China still under control of the Central Government. These are at least protected from the worst dangers of the drug and opium traffic, and it is to be hoped that they will emerge as the new leaders of China after the war. How great this exodus has been from the occupied areas may be judged from such an example as Amoy, where I was informed by the American Consul, the population had gone down from 170,000 to 15,000. The Japanese forces are not only morally degenerate in their behaviour, but are tending to(2) Not printed.\n\n[21258]\n\nC\n\n67", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-582-22 Visit of Sir Stafford Cripps to China 13-12-1939 - 4-7-1940.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 598670, "series_id": 27, "series_slug": "histsyn-co129-engine", "series_title": "CO129 Colonial Office Hong Kong Records 理藩院香港檔案", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "CO129-626-3 Labour Department- report to Labour Commissioner 1-3-1951 - 30-6-1952", "page_number": 105, "title": "CO129-626-3 Labour Department- report to Labour Commissioner 1-3-1951 - 30-6-1952", "content_text": "944\n\n566.\n\n-59-\n\n(h) The fee-paying employment agencies.\n\n(i) The provision of food as part of wages and lodging standards observed by employers where these are provided.\n\n(j) The employment of disabled persons.\n\n(k) Share fishing and indebtedness.\n\nThis list is by no means complete but indicates the kind of information which should be available in the Department of Labour, which should be regarded by the Government as the central repository of information on wages and conditions of employment.\n\n567.\n\nObjective research into labour problems is a constant necessity if progress is to be made and risks of public disorder and indiscipline resulting from the natural process of change, minimised.\n\n360.\n\nIt is accordingly recommended that the staff of the Department of Labour be maintained in future at such a level that a competent officer can be made available to carry out work of this kind.\n\n369.\n\nXXIV. HONG KONG INDUSTRIES\n\nThe factories and workshops registered under the Factories and Workshops Ordinance 1937 cover as many as 167 separate industries (see Appendix 12) and there are numerous small factories, covering an even wider field of activity, without the scope of the Ordinance.\n\n370. Hong Kong is undergoing an industrial revolution. Production by the most primitive methods operates side by side with the most up to date and modern plants. New modern factories are constantly being established and existing plants brought up to date. As a result of this, as time goes on, the smaller and less efficient undertakings will be unable to compete and will be forced out of business. Even now the majority of the smaller firms are only managing to continue to operate by practising every possible economy, including the payment of bare subsistence wages. In some of the smaller firms, however, under-employment is apparent and this is often due to the readiness of the proprietors to provide some kind of work for even remote members of the family group. Frequently I have seen eight or nine workers performing a job which could easily have been done by three. In fact, the owners have admitted that they were employing far more workers than necessary and explained this by saying that it had been incumbent on them to find work for relatives who would otherwise be unemployed.\n\nAs a\n\n571.\n\nThe importance of loyalty to the family group in the eyes of the average Chinese is amazing. As a result of this practice wage rates tend to be very low. In one instance where the Department of Labour had required the dismantling of a spinning machinery on the first floor of a shop house, the machine had been replaced by some sixteen women operating primitive hand-made bamboo spinning wheels. These women workers were", "txt_file_path": "txt/2diw2n4r2/CO129-626-3 Labour Department- report to Labour Commissioner 1-3-1951 - 30-6-1952.txt", "external_url": "", "rank": 0 } ]