1941-01-20 — Page 118

CHINA 'MAIL, PAGE 70

HONG KONG CENTENARY NUMBER

1841

Pros And Cons Of The Issue

(Continued from "Page 68)

the

Vi-

buttal of the charge made by Sir William Robinson, D former Governor, that it was merely the outcome of an agitation on part of "a few unquiet spirits."

It is sometimes urged that a greater degree of success "would have been achieved if those 'dis- satisfied with the existing order of things had pressed their claims with greater frequency and gour. That is undoubtedly true, but it has to be remembered that the absence of representative in- stitutions tends naturally to arrest the growth of a civic spirit and to stifle initiative and independenc? of character. While repression has this fatal psychological effect, the exercise of responsibility acts, on the contrary, as a mental tonic

J. P. Elections

any

it be denied that, in Nor can addition to the opposition of the Government, naturally anxious to retain its power, there has been a mall but very influential section composed of the "Vested Interests" who have quietly but none the less

resisted strenuously change. While it

is not denied that their stake in the Colony'en- titles then to consideration, it is disputed that they have the right to sole consideration, for their in- terests as large property-owners and as holders of public tonces- sions do not necessarily coincide, but rather conflict. with those of the majority their fellow- of countrymen, who are absolutely without any voice in the Legisla- ture. So generally was this view accepted

1915-21 in the years that, although they nominate many of the Justices of the Peace (who are limited in number to 120) and have a considerable voice in the

Commerce Chamber of (which consists of about 150 mem- bers), they only succeeded in re- turning one of their nominées- and him by a very slender major- ity to these bodies in the Six elections which took place between 1915 and 1921.

The Radicals

At the opposite end of the scale was found amongst those who stood to gain most by an amend- ment of the Constitution a lack of enthusiasm because the proposed reforms did not go as far as they wished. It must be borne in mind, however, that the Constitu- tional Reform Association had to submit a programme calculated to command the greatest common measure of support and to stand some chance of acceptance by the conservative minds which domin- ate the Colonial Office. Obviously this involved compromise, but as Burke remarked: "All Govern- ment, indeed all human benefit and enjoyment, every virtue and every prudent act, is founded on compromise and barter." While It is true that the scheme submitted did not involve any revolutionary change it would, nevertheless, have ensured the faithful repre- sentation and more respectful con- sideration of the views of the British community, create a heal- thy interest in local affairs," "Bru- mote legislative efficiency, and develop a corporate sense.

The Arguments

It is a poor case which cannot afford to be confronted with the arguments of the other side. Let us look, therefore, at the reasons which have been advanced for withholding from Hong Kong the concessions made, to many other Crown Colonies. To do this we have to go back to the despatch of Lord Ripon, for it is a signif- cant fact that Secretaries of State have prudently refrained from

·

'entering into any detailed discus- sion of the subject, While the local Government, when asked to ex- plain the reason for Fetaining the homipative system in the case of two of the four Hon Chinese Un- official Members of the Legislative Council, was obliged to seek re- Tuge In the plea that the question touched the Royal Instructions and was therefore 'dút br örder. Some of the points raised by Lord Ripon heed not be considered because they were ther Töiffilled in shipprehension of the petition referred to him, br have not oc- curred in later proposals. We will, tabulate "therefore, proceed to

those objections "which are com- mon to the petitibhs and also those which have been specially directed beally against the later ones, as follows:-

on EL

The past progress of the Colony as an evidence of good Gurern mens.

Without-going so far as to say that the progress' of the Colony has sbeen in spite of, rather thin because of, the system of Govern- ment. We may painto the still more rapid advance of Shanghai with its representative institu- In bith chises favourabl· tions. geographical 'position entrepot of trade has been chief factor In development Even good government. However, may be capable of simprovemen', and is not necessarily a Satisfactory substitute for self-government,

the

That no weighty examples have been cited of the over-riding of popular opinion by the arbitrary exercise of the official vote.

very

This obviously depends upon the definition given to "weighty examples." As a rule, of course, the Government is discreet enough not to goad the public into open

it and violent protest, but may flout or ignore public opinion on countless occasions none of which may justify a public demonstra- tion, through they may be irritating and, taken collectively, constitute a substantial grievance. In addition, however, to sins of commission there are omission to be considered neglect to pay due heed to the needs of the vast majority of the British community who are still politically inarticulate. portance of this point appreciated when it is explained that the Government municipal as well as duties.

sins

of

the

The im- will be

discharges Colonial

Minarty Franchise

The proposed electorate will re- present only a small minority of the inhabitants of the Colony.

possible to say who are 'British subjects and Who are hot for electoral purposes, while, in "any case, the overwhelming majority lack the education to take an in- in public-affairs. telligent part

The fact, however, that it is not prúdent or practicable to enfran-

in

franchise and the increase public interest that would inevit- for aby follow it may be taken granted that there would be still -grekter:competition. The "man in the street," too, would soon shake off his apathetic attitude as soon as he found that he could com-

Shanghai, although the vote there is based on a property qualifica- tion, furnishes convincing evidence on these points.

The Difference

ühise the entire population furn-mand attention. The example of itties no just reason för 'disen- franchising all "but a very small percentage of "British subjects of pute European 'descent"--to adopt the phraseology' employed for the evacuation order. Lord Ripon while opposed, to placing "the a small power in the hands of oligarchy restricted by the limits of race." apparently saw hothing inconsistent with his ideas in the perpetuation of a British auto- copy-book eracy, though it is maxim that two wrongs do not make a right.

The implied charge that non- fficial Europtans would not treat the Chinese as fairly as the Euro- pean officials do, has nothing to support it; but even if there were a desire to be unjust there would hut be the opportundy, since the Officials and the Chinese combin- ed wou'd be in a majority on the Council and there would always be as a

the further safeguard, Governor's veto, the Royal veto. the by and the power retained Imperial Parliament to pass legis - lation for the Colony.

Outside Pale

That all the European Unofficiul Members should be elected by the British continuristy.

are

This can be dismissed "at the present time as lying outside the pale of practical politics, more moderate demands having been consistently refused. Even if this were not so, it may be doubted whether it would be prudent to deprive the commercials interests of the Colony of the right to direct representation. The justification for the retention of the Justices' Member is not so strong, but it is

Who a concession to those ready to admit the need for some reform but are afraid of going too fur. The British temperament is cautious, and it is not usual to do away with old institutions until have become mischievous. they Certainly it can be said of the re- presentatives of both the Chamber of Commerce and the Justices of the Peace that unlike the nomin- ated members, they have invari- ably been champions of popular rights. In proof of this it is only necessary to recall the names of the Hon. Mr. T. H, Whitehead, the Ffon, Mr. E. A. Hewitt, the Hon. Sir Henry Potock, and the Hon. Mr. P. H, Holyoak.

ןי

Both Ways

The transient nature "of European population.

the

The fact that Hong Kong is a British possession on the fringe of China makes it necessary that final control thould remain in British hands. For this reason it is im- possible to have a thoroughly re- presentative and responsible Gov-

This objection applies with ernment, because if all

equal force to Shanghai, which Chinese, or even that section has been very successfully admin. which might claim technically toistered for 60 years by an Inter- be British by the accident of birth national Municipal Council and were 'to be enfranchised they to would be the unchallenged mas-

the

ters of the situation. As it is, they enjoy a considerable measure of control over their

local

own

the ometals notably the Governor, who is usually appoint- ed for five years only who are

able to be sent elsewhere and. 'un ike many of the commercial

men, have no permanent interest in the Colony,

Popular indifference to public affairs.

affairs in ways which are suited to their political development, through such bodies as the District Watchmen's Committee, the Tung Wah Hospital Board, the 'Po Leung Though there is no leisured Kuk and other local committees, class in Hong Kong It cannot be boards and guilds. The Secretary contended that any difficulty has for Chinese Affairs, with a sent on been experterited - In Pobtaining both: Councils, acts as a specialien willing to serve'on élther the intermediary for placing their views before the Government, and, in addition, they have three nominated representatives on the ̈* Legisative Council. Further, they are in a position to turn the scale in an election for a représentative of the Unofficial Justices on the Council. Owing to their noglect to register births it would be im-

Executive or Legislative Councils, although under existing conditions the field of selection is naturally very limited, and the prospect of recognition is so remote as to offer

year! no attraction. For

past There has never been any dearth of candidates for the vacancies which have arisen on either body, and with the extention of the

·That if reform were granted the same class of men would sit ou the Council as at present,

no

There is no ground for assum- ing that this would be the case, as men would be encouraged to come forward who stand chance of being nominated under present conditions. But, even con- ceding for the sake of argument that the assumption were correct, there would be this very material difference that those returned to the Council would be elected on a popular franchise and so could not igure the views of "the man in the street."

The Government has no are lo grind.

The honesty of the Government has never been culled into ques- ten, but functy alone does not etustu'e sufficient title to the A sole direction of public affairs. "Burtaucracy needs a powerful op-

the position, representative of community, to stimulate its ort- vity, check its mistakes and secure "proper attention to the needs of all sections. In his despatch to in 1916 the Secretary of State HE. Sir Henry May took credit for

with the "scrupulous care which vested interests and public opinion are consulted," but it will be noticed that, although endea- vouring to make out the best possible case for his own side, he very properly gave vested inter- ests the first place. Popular election, with its corollary popular rejection, would provide a simple and effective means of dealing with axe-grinders that is nut available under the existing sys- tem of nomination.

Defunct

arc

The foregoing arguments quoted from an article published in the "China Mai" by Mr. H. A. Cartwright nearly 20 years ago.

Since that time, the Constitu- tional Reform Association has be- come defunct from inertia.

It may be considered significant, however, that the demand for "Constitutional reform: reached its highest peale in vocal fonn imme- diately after the last war; and that at the recent mass meeting in the Peninsula Hotel, dealing with evacuation issues, "enthusiastic support was given to' a`suggestion that the Representation Committ- tea might subsequently develop into on organisation with direct Interest In constitutional reform, {Britain's Poate Alms

I may have been noted, also, that the manifesto of the National

"Peace Council, urging statement of the British peace alms, stressed the need for making the concep tion of dentocratic freedom a real- ity not merely in Britain and the Dominions but also in the "de- "pendent" areas of the British Empire, Including the grant of full self-government to India and the

eration of “progress towards self-government in the Colonies.

The present moment is plainly The not ripe for active steps. "community, as in 1918, would hot.

agitation which countenance might embarrass. the Imperial Government during the war.

It will be time enough, when the war is over-when the triumph of. the fight for democracy must lend emphasis to représentations,

1941