CO885-5 — Page 98

EMIGRATION.

PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE

C.O.

Reference :-

885

PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, LONDON

ALLY WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE BE REPRODUCED PHOTOGRAPHIC- COPYRIGHT PHOTOGRAPH-NOT TO

E. T. WAKEFIELD, Esq., to the RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF DERBY. MY LORD,

REFERRING to the interview your Lordship was pleased to grant me on the 7th

Harrow, April 12, 1983. instant, allow me to answer the two objections your Lordship suggested might be brought against my scheme of self-supporting State-assisted emigration by families,

that-

(1.) It might stay the flow of the money now sent from America to bring out

emigrants.

(2.) For a time at least it might hold back intending emigrants, in the hope of better

things under the new system.

The answers to these objections are immediately deducible from the statements in my letter to your Lordship of the 28th February.*

I am,

It is a common observation, that all reforms of inveterate abuses must involve incon- veniences in some directions, and the practical question is-Are these compensated for? A question which, in this case, cannot fail to receive an answer in the affirmative. however, bound to say, that if there are any such inconveniences in this case they are ot of the nature indicated by these objections.

As to the first, the answer is--That one of the express objects of the measure is to stop the flow of this emigration money from America altogether. If the scheme were not to effect this it would imply its failure, for if it proved successful it would replace American emigration, and so obviate this transmission of American money.

The process would not be as speedy as some might desire, for no doubt many would continue to join their American relatives; and not till the same motive determined the tide in the new direction would the full benefits of the proposed measure be realized.

It would be difficult to estimate correctly the total amount of money thus transmitted, but let us take it at five millions.

Has this been a gain to England ? So far from it, that it would, I believe, be a wise, if a possible, act to refund the whole sum.

It is an aspect of the case subject to no little misapprehension. When a large fine is levied by way of compensation for a great injustice, and the payment is made by those under no legal obligation to do so, no doubt the gratitude elicited is a source of pleasure to the benefactor, but it goes no way to diminish the hardship, and consequent resent- ment, felt by those who are constrained to redress the wrong.

And, in truth, nothing has contributed so much to the permanence and bitterness of the hatred of the Irish people for the English Government than the forced payment of these large sums, under cruelly aggravating circumstances wrung out of the honest toil of this poor class. Undoubtedly the money was contributed for a good purpose, but that is no reason why there should have been any necessity to contribute it at all, and it is no reason why those who have been thus forced to contribute should not hate the Government which placed them under conditions which made such contributions obligatory.

These five millions may be taken as the most condensed expression of Irish hatred for England. Every additional million thus levied widens and deepens the breach, making the task of undoing the mischief more difficult and distant:-and if not undone or counteracted, it must go on till Ireland becomes almost ungovernable, as I observed in my letter of the 28th February, and alone constitutes a sufficient reason for adopting the new system of emigration. And somehow or other, although the connection may not appear very clear, still I would not feel justified in calculating on rolling back the tide of disaffection until the new system had enabled the same class to recoup themselves asum equal to that which has been levied on the Irish Americans by the cruel and heartless neglect of past Governinents.

It is, moreover, wrong on economic grounds; for it is clear that the money thus advanced would be worth ten per cent. in the hands of the emigrants, and not worth four per cent. in those of the Governinent.

No doubt the saving which would be thus effected would go into the pockets of the emigrants; but then, under proper fiscal reforms, it could be taken out again to pay for

• No. 2 of Miscellaneous, No. 48.

4

articles of British manufacture. Besides this, the position occupied towards the class thus to be benefitted is that of a powerful nation redressing a great wrong; consequently our aim should be not only to make them prosperous, but also grateful and loyal.

2. As to the other objection-That such a scheme might arrest Irish emigration- probably such a result could be attained if desired; and I think it ought to be desired, if we were certain of ultimate success; but inasmuch as this is impossible, it would, as I observed in my previous letter, be safer to introduce the measure as an avowedly tentative one, and on a scale no larger than to ensure a fair trial. If introduced in this way I do not see how it could sensibly retard emigration; but if it did, it would be very temporary; ie, only until the experiment was proved unsuccessful; if the reverse, then the suspension would have operated to the benefit of the emigrants.

My Lord, of all measures this may be described as at once the most liberal and conservative.

Liberal because I think your Lordship will agree with me in regarding that to be true liberality which places the unemployed industrious poor in a position to help them- selves without any direct gratuity from the State.

And a most conservative measure, because it places between the unemployed indus- trious poor and starvation something better than the workhouse.

If I have not appre-

bended aright the objections suggested by your Lordship, or if any other presented themselves, I will be very happy to answer them to the best of my ability, having thought out the subject carefully.

The Right Hon. the Earl of Derby.

I am, &c.,

E. T. WAKEFIELD.