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It leaves the peace of the country the sport of circumstances; bad harvests, unscru- pulous agitators, even indiscreet utterances of apparent friends may any moment suffice to ignite the inflammable mass.

The cost of governing on such a policy may exceed the gains, increasing with the enlightenment of the people, like a risky business whose profits are swallowed up in the costs of insurance.

It is an eminently selfish policy unjustifiable on any moral principles, or on I believe sound political ones. It comes to this-in order that we may force the poor Irish labourer to work for low wages, we refuse to adopt a measure of relief, though it cannot be denied that it holds out reasonable hopes of ameliorating the material and social condition of a class that keeps in ferment a whole people; for centuries the victim of civil wars, of famines and evictions, the prey of political adventurers, and blackened with crimes that have made Ireland a byeword among civilized nations.

It may be objected to the theory of over-population that there are now no more than about five millions living where a few years ago eight millions existed.

The answer is, that since that time the standard of living has everywhere greatly risen, and what are regarded almost as necessaries now, were luxuries then; and to compel such a population to live again in Ireland on the cultivation of the land alone (having regard to the climate), would be to subject them to privations-always the source of disorder-that would now be considered beyond endurance, beyond even what the Chinese race, the most patient and law abiding in the world, would endure.

Another objection remains to be noticed.

It is a general impression among the Irish people, stronger among the lower classes, that civil war with the Protestants of Ireland will follow separation.

It was formerly only hoped, now it is believed, that separation and independent govern- ment will be obtained; consequently the people would be more than ever alive to any change that would diminish the nuinber capable of bearing arms.

With the poor people or their friends who would gratefully accept the boon, such considerations would avail nothing, and altogether no measure would be more calculated to uproot this pernicious delusion.

It has been objected that it would stay the flow of American emigrant contributions. But this ought to be one of the objects of the measure. More than two millions sterling are said to have been thus sent to Ireland, equal to twenty millions from a wealthier class; a tremendous tax on the hard toil of the poor Irish emigrants after crossing the Atlantic, and in no wise calculated to assuage their resentful feelings towards the Government that had cast them out.

The proposed scheme gets rid of all this. The cost of removing and settling the family is repayable by such easy deferred instalments as to be almost inappreciable. In this way the emigrant is enabled to retain in the colony, where money is so valuable, large sums which he would otherwise have to send out of it, a feature that could not fail to contribute to the rapid development of the settlements.

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Lastly, it has been said by unthinking objectors "Leave it to philanthropists! Taking a million as the number of the surplus population, and thirty thousand as that of their normal annual increase, it is obvious these are figures far beyond the reach of any philanthropic effort. It is indeed worse than useless, as calculated to lead the public off the true remedy--sustained Government action.

It may be well, before concluding, to re-state without comment the physical conditions of the problem, for the most part irreversible, and going far to determine its solution.

1. The country we are dealing with is an island, and it therefore presents a habitable area incapable of lateral extension, as in the densely peopled districts of India, no matter how great may be the pressure of population.

2. It is peopled with a race whose birth-rate is considerably in excess of the

death-rate.

3. The nearest land available for settlement is above 3,000 miles distant.

4. The present density of population exceeds that of any other European State, except those in which vast manufacturing and commercial industries support a large population.

5. The climate, in which cloud greatly preponderates over sunshine, is more favourable

to cattle feeding.

6. This is a kind of agriculture that requires the fewest number of hands.

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7. There is not, excepting in one province, any manufactures or commerce worth

naming,

8. Life and property are insecure, and the law exceptionally unfavourable to the

introduction of more capital.

Most of the foregoing conditions are, as I observed, irreversible, and so beyond the reach of legislation.

Much is due to the facility under our Parliamentary system of declining to consider any remedial measure not demanded by the people. But clearly it should be an exception when a very ignorant, poor, and credulous people is dealt with. And this brings me to the three possible answers to the foregoing argument:-

1. The measure has not been demanded.

2. It is impracticable.

3. It would not effect the desired object-the pacification of the people.

Now as to the first :-

Such a measure would accomplish two things at once; it would remove the people's main grievance, and lessen the number of the supporters of the so-called national leaders, and in both respects weaken, probably destroy, their political power. It must therefore ever be unpopular with the present leaders.

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The people are very ignorant and very credulous, and are taught from infancy to hate the Government; they are therefore not only incapable of conceiving such a beneficent measure, much less its emanating spontaneously from the Government.

In a conversation with a pronounced member of the "National "

party and of Parliament, after full consideration of the scheme, he candidly admitted that he "could not reconcile it to his conscience to keep poor wretches starving on bogs and "mountains in Ireland for the sake of maintaining themselves in political power," should the Government propose their removal.

(This admission covers the whole objection.)

But he would not pledge himself to support, the measure. Nevertheless, I believe, that when it was seen to be inevitabie, even prominent men of the "National" party would for "shame sake," and possibly fiom other more substantial reasons, take a part, and probably a lead in the good work. And there is no denying that their services might at first be found useful; though once the scheme was tried and proved to be good by the first few emigrants, it would require no one to recommend it to the people.

Regarded as a practical test of value, opposition from the present leaders of the Irish party ought to be encouraging, for if they did not believe in its success, they would not oppose it; and the fact of its not having been extorted by deeds of violence would constitute a stronger claim on the people's gratitude.

2. Then as to the measure being practicable. It does not admit of argument that it could be made so, but whether or not at a cost that would permit its being self- supporting, is a question which, it might be urged, could be only answered by experiment. If so, then the practical question is, would the experiment be worth trying on the scale proposed, involving no larger advance at any one time than the sum indicated in my former letter?

This turns on the third question, whether or not it would effect the pacification of Ireland ?

The answer to this admits of little doubt, because-

1. It is certain those who emigrated would be contented, for the emigration would not continue if the emigrants were not prospering.

This disposes of the people who go, who would be of the poorest and most disaffected class. As for those who remained, and who, better off, were seditious more from infec- tion and sympathy with the others, I have given reasons for believing that they would become contented and loyal. Their enlarged means of subsistence, their diminished cares and liabilities, their partnership and sympathy with their prospering emigrant friends would all work in one way. With your Lordship's permission I will make a few personal observations. I write under a due sense of responsibility, discharging what I consider a duty. I have my knowledge not second hand, but from direct communication with the people. On a property I have in the north of Ireland, the Protestants are to the Roman Catholics as three to one. I have tenants there whose, fathers owed their lives to the protection they obtained under my grandfather's roof in the rebellion of

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