CO885-(7-8) — Page 579

107

PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE

Reference :-

TUTTIC.O. 885

Į

>

8

PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, LONDON

ALLY WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE BE REPRODUCED PHOTOGRAPHIC-

COPYRIGHT PHOTOGRAPH-NOT TO

4

should assist us to support it, and whenever you make the request to us, be very sure that we shall hasten gladly to call you to our Councils. If you are prepared at any time to take any share, any proportionate share, in the burdens of the Empire, we are prepared to meet you with any pro- posal for giving to you a corresponding voice in the policy of the Empire. And the object, if I may point out to you, may be achieved in various ways. Suggestions have been made that representation should be given to the Colonies in either, or in both, Houses of Parliament. There is no objection in principle to any such proposal. If it comes to us, it is a proposal which His Majesty's Government would certainly feel justified in favourably consider- ing, but I have always felt myself that the most practical form in which we could achieve our object, would be the establishment or the creation of a real Council of the Empire to which all questions of Imporial interest might be referred, and if it were desired to proceed gradually, as probably would be our course we are all accustomed to the slow ways in which our Constitutions have been worked out if it be desired to proceed gradually, the Council might in the first instance be merely an advisory council. It would resemble, in some respects, the advisory council which was established in Australia, and which, although it was not wholly successful, did never- theless pave the way for the complete federation upon which we congratulate them. But although that would be a preliminary step, it is clear that the object would not be completely secured until there had been conforred upon such a Council executive functions, and perhaps also legislative powers, and it is for you to say, gentlemen, whether you think the time has come when any progress whatever can be made in this direction.

now

In the absence of any formal constitution of the Empire, the nearest approach to such a Council is to be found in the Conference which wo open to-day-a conforence, a meeting, of the principal representatives of the motherland and also of the nations which, together with the United Kingdom, constituto the Empire. And I observe upon the paper of subjects which will be distributed to you, and of which notice has been given for consideration at further meetings of the Conference, that the Premier of New Zealand, on behalf of that Colony, has made a proposal for transforming these conferences-which have been held hitherto rather casually, and only in connection with special occasions into a periodical meeting.

If this were

done, or if an Imperial Council were established, it is clear that the two subjects which would immediately call for its attention are those which I have already mentioned of Imperial defence and commercial relations. And we invite your special attention to these two subjects on the present

occasion.

As regards Imperial defence, I propose to lay before you, for your information, a paper which will show the comparative amount of the ordinary naval and military expenditure of the United Kingdom and of the different self-governing Colonies. You will find that in the case of the United Kingdom the cost of our armaments has enormously increased since 1897. That increase is not entirely due to our initiative, but it is forced upon us by the action of other Powers who have made great advances, especially in connection with the Navy, which we have found it to be our duty and necessity to equal. But the net result is extraordinary.

At the present moment the Estimates for the present year for naval and military expenditure in the United Kingdom-not including the extraordinary war expenses, but the normal Estimates-involve an expenditure per head of the population of the United Kingdom of 298. 3d.—298. 3d. per head per annum.

Sir WILFRID LAURIER: 1s the military and naval together?

In

The SECRETARY OF STATE: Military and naval together. Canada the same items involve an expenditure of only 28. per head of the population, about one fifteenth of that incurred by the United Kingdom. In New South Wales-I have not the figures for the Commonwealth as a whole, but I am giving those as illustrations—and I find that in New South Wales the expenditure is 38. 5d.; in Victoria, 38. 3d. ; in New Zealand, 38, 4d.; and in the Cape and Natal, I think it is between 2s and 38. Now, no one, I

5

think, will pretend that that is a fair distribution of the burdens of Empire. No one will believe that the United Kingdom can, for all time, make this inordinate sacrifice. While the Colonies were young and poor, in the first place they did not offer anything like the same temptation to the ambitions of others, and, in the second place, they were clearly incapable of providing large sums for their own defence, and there- fore it was perfectly right and natural that the mother country should undertake the protection of her children. But now that the Colonies are rich and powerful, that every day they are growing by leaps and bounds, their material prosperity promises to rival that of the United Kingdom itself, and I think it is inconsistent with their position-inconsistent with their dignity as nations-that they should leave the mother country to bear the whole, or almost the whole, of the expense. Justification of union is that bundle is stronger than the sticks which compose it, but if the whole strain is to be thrown upon one stick, there is very little advantage in any attempt to put them into a bundle. And I would beg of you in this relation to bear in mind that you are not asked- your people are not asked-to put upon their own shoulders any burden for the exclusive advantago of the mother country. On the contrary, if the United Kingdom stood alone, as a mere speck in the northern sea, it is certain that its expenditure for these purposes of defence might be immensely curtailed. It is owing to its duties and obligations to its Colonies throughout the Empire ; it is owing to its trade with those Colonies, a trado in which of course they are equally interested with ourselves, that the necessity has been cast upon us to make theso enormous preparations. And I think, therefore, you will agree with in that it is not unreasonable for us to call your serious attention to a state of things which cannot be permanent. I hope that we are not likely to make upon you any demand which would seem to you to be excessive. Wo know perfectly well your difficulties, as Those difficulties are partly you probably are acquainted with ours. political, partly, principally, probably, fiscal difficulties, The disproportion to which I have called your attention, cannot, under any circum- stances, bo immediately remedied, but I think that something may be done--I hope that something will be done--to recognise more effectually than has hitherto been dono the obligation of all to contribute to the common weal. In respect to this matter we again owe it to the initiative of the Government of New Zealand that proposals have been laid before us for our consideration. I myself intend to circulate papers which hear upon the subject, and which will explain to you the views which are taken by the Admiralty and the War Office upon these matters, and at subsequent meetings of this Conference I shall, with your permission, invite the attendance of representatives of these Departments, and I hope at the same time you may see fit to bring with you any Ministers or other officials whose advice and assistance you would desire in the consideration of the matter.

I

pass on, then, gentlemen, to the second point-the question of commercial relations, and in regard to this I wish to say, what I have already stated in answer to inquiries which I received before the Conference, that every question is an open question for full and free discussion. We rule nothing out of order. We do not pretend to bar the consideration of any subject whatever its purport may be, but we do not propose, ourselves, to formulate any proposals in the first instance. We think it is absolutely necessary in a matter of this kind, which involves so many considerations of detail, that there should be in the first instance a free interchange of opinion in order that we may not put before you suggestions which perhaps we should find afterwards were altogether out of harmony with your views, but if it appears hereafter desirable, after full discussion, to make proposals, I have no doubt we shall be able to do s0.

In reference to this matter, also, I am placing papers before you which will give you a very full account of the present state of trade between the Colonies and the mother country, and also a matter which is very important for us to consider, of the condition of trade between the United Kingdom and foreign countries; and, without going into detail, I would say there are two salient facts which appear on the surface of these fuller returns which I shall put

A. 3