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PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE

Reference :-

C.O. 882/10

PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, LONDON

ALLY WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE BE REPRODUCED PHOTOGRAPHIC-

COPYRIGHT PHOTOGRAPH-NOT TO

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admission of Ceylonese to a substantial share in the government lead to some diminution in the efficiency of the administration, yet, if such admission will make them more contented without substantially prejudicing the prosperity of the Island, we should be prepared to support their demands to whatever extent may be safe and reasonable. There is, moreover, an important factor which must not be over- looked. On 20th August, 1917, the Secretary of State for India announced that it was the policy of His Majesty's Government to promote the increasing association of Indians in every branch of the administration and the gradual development of self-governing institutions, with a view to the progressive realization of responsible Government in India as an integral part of the British Empire. In pursuance of this policy Mr. Montagu visited India, and, after inquiry, he, with the Viceroy, issued a report, recommending immediate reforms on a large scale, which, if adopted, will provide for the representation of the natives to an extent far in advance of the system prevailing in Ceylon. No such announcement has been made with regard to Ceylon, and it may well be doubted whether an identical policy is possible in the case of a small Colony, but events in India are closely followed by the Ceylonese and have given an immense impetus to their aspirations. The importance attached to the proposed reforms on the neighbouring continent is well illustrated by the fact that Dr. Fernando, First Low Country Sinhalese member (if correctly reported), speaking in the Legislative Council on 11th December, put the words of the Secretary of State for India into the mouth of the Secretary of State for the Colonies. The policy of the British Government with regard to India may be right or it may be wrong: it may meet with our approval or our disapproval: but it has been made and it will be put into effect, and its inevitable result is to cause a persistent demand in Ceylon for progress of a like nature, a demand with which it is difficult not to sympathize.

4. The attitude of Europeans. The question then arises, what is to be the attitude of the Europeans with regard to the proposals for reform which are now being considered by the Governor! Although some of us may be of opinion that European interests alone do not demand any drastic alteration of the existing Constitution, yet we think that the matter should be regarded from a broader point of view, with due recognition of the legitimate aspirations of the people of the Island to a larger share in its government. We should accordingly accept the general principle that change is necessary, endeavour to formulate our own scheme, and admit our willingness to support the Ceylonese to such extent as we are able, while at the same time opposing any extravagant demands.

5. The Memorial of the Ceylon Reform League and the Ceylon National 'Association. Before proceeding to the discussion of our own suggestions, it may be well to indicate shortly the demands put forward in the Memorial of 15th December, 1917, which do not materially differ from the claims made by various speakers at the recent Reform Conference in Colombo.

The scheme formulated deserves serious consideration even when it is sup- ported by fictions such as the statement that the "historical records... testify that under her own native kings for two thousand years the Island enjoyed a popular Constitution resting on a representative basis.” The following are the chief

features of the scheme :-

(a) The Legislative Council,

12 Official members.

21 Elected members, distributed as follows:—

Western Province (excluding Colombo) Colombo

Southern Province

Central Province

Northern Province

Eastern Province Uva

Sabaragamuwa

North Western Province

North Central Province

To represent racial minorities :--

Europeans

Burghers

Mohammedans

3

122III&I

1.

121

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The Council to have an elected President instead of the Governor,

(b) The Electorate to consist of:-

Colombo, all races.

The Provinces, all except Burghers, Mohammedans, and Europeans (i.e., in

effect only Sinhalese and Tamil).

(c) The Franchise. Qualification to be literacy in English, Sinhalese, or Tamil, with a small property qualification, varying according to the conditions of each Province. The Memorialists do not further particu- larize the franchise, but a memorandum by the Ceylon Reform League and the Ceylon National Association, dated the 29th October, 1917, gives the following details of qualifications for electors :-

I. Male British subject of not less than 21 years. II. Able to read and write English, Sinhalese, or Tamil. III. Resident for not less than one year in the electoral area. (a) Annual income or salary of not less than Rs.600; or,

IV.

(b) Occupation, either as proprietor or tenant, of a house in the electoral area of the annual value or rent of Rs.200 (if in

rural area), or Rs.400 (if in an urban area); or,

(c) Ownership of landed property in the electoral area in his

own or his wife's right of the value of Rs.1,000.

V. The owner of landed property of the value of not less than Rs.6,000 to have a vote in the electoral area in which such property is situated, though he may not be resident therein.

(d) The Executive Council.

2 officials, exclusive of the Governor.

2 unofficials, to be elected by the members of the Legislative Council. As the various questions raised by these suggestions are discussed at length below, we need not pause to examine the proposals here, but we may state that the memorialists make no attempt to explain how the difficulties to which their scheme gives rise, may be overcome.

6. The Main Problems.-The elaboration of details for any scheme such as the one just described, is a comparatively easy matter when once the principles to be followed have been made clear. It is in the correct appreciation and definition of principles that difficulties arise, and it is to them that we devoted most of our labours. The chief questions are:-

(a) Whether unofficial members of the Legislative Council should be nom-

inated or elected.

(b) Whether there can be an unofficial majority in the Legislative Council.

The constitution of the electorates.

The nature of the franchise.

Whether there can be elected members on the Executive Council.

Whether any improvement in the constitution of the Colonial Office is

possible.

We propose to deal with each of these topics in turn.

7. Election, or Nomination. It is easy to advance arguments in favour of either system. In a country in which a large proportion of the population is with out any political experience, and perhaps incapable of making the best use of a vote, nomination provides for the elimination of the merely self-interested pro- fessional politician and enables the Governor to select councillors who may be expected to support the claims of agriculture and commerce and other interests which will otherwise have no direct mouthpiece. Nomination is the practice in most Crown Colonies, and all unofficial members were nominated in Ceylon prior to 1910, when provision was made for the election of a Ceylonese, a Burgher, and two European members, with the result that there is not in the Council to-day a single member with special commercial knowledge. The Ceylonese, however, assert that the nomination of members has from time to time been abused by the Govern- ment and that men have been selected with a view to their subservience to official wishes, or as a reward for past services, and without reference to their capacity to represent the people on whose behalf they are supposed to advise. There may be truth in this assertion. Whether that is so or not, it is beyond question that the Sinhalese and Tamils, at all events, are strenuously opposed to nomination, and regard its continuation as one of their most serious grievances. Whatever doubts may be entertained concerning the capacity of the population as a whole to exercise the