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PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, LONDON

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Crown Colony administration unsuited Ceylon's conditions, inconsistent British ideals, and demanding constitutional reforms, vigorous development self-governing institutione, with view to realization responsible government under ægis British throne. Steps taken appointment delegates to England.-STR P. ARUNACHALAM (President, Ceylon National Conference).

15217

No. 29.

THE GOVERNOR to THE SECRETARY OF STATE. (Received 10th March, 1919.)

(Confidential.)

MY LORD,

Queen's House, Colombo, 7th February, 1919. In continuation of my despatch No. 12, of the 10th January, 1919,* I have the honour to forward herewith two copies of a print containing the Presidential address and the several resolutionst passed at the "Ceylon Reform' Conference" held at Colombo on the 13th and 14th December, 1918.

2. I also enclose a list of the delegates to the Conference, together with a summary of the nationalities to which they belong. It will be seen that the important Burgher community was represented by only one delegate, whose presence has been the subject of considerable adverse comment by the responsible men of that community; that only three Mohammedans were present; and that the great majority-eighty-seven out of one hundred and eleven-of the delegates are low-country Sinhalese, nearly all of whom reside in the Western Province.

3. I would also point out that no less than fifty-seven out of the one hundred and eleven delegates belong to the legal profession. It is also interesting to note that at least twenty-five out of the eighty-seven low-country Sinhalese belong to the Karawa or Fisher caste, the members of which, though frequently possessed of considerable wealth, command no respect and possess little influence among the mass of the Sinhalese population-as has recently been brought prominently to my notice by the fact that the appointment of a Karawa caste man, admittedly an efficient and worthy officer, to be a mudaliyar in the Southern Province, has resulted in vigorous protests from the peasantry, who belong to the Goigama caste, and threats of resignation en masse by the minor headmen.

4. Among the Sinhalese of other castes I notice several names which will have become familiar to you from papers connected with the riots of 1915-Dr. Hewavitarne, several members of the notoriously disloyal Corea family, several of the Dias family (for which see the papers as to the Panadure riots), D. S. Senanayake, popularly supposed to be one of the persons who financed the organ- ization of the riots, and Muttukrishna, the editor of a seditious daily newspaper. 5. In brief, it may be said that very few of the persons present at the Con- ference are men of standing in the country, and the Conference as a body has no claim to represent the opinions of the people of Ceylon. So far as it represents anything beyond the individual opinions of the members, it is the views of a small section of the Colombo Bar and of a small body of Western-educated men, mostly of low caste, who appear to be endeavouring to secure by political agitation a public prominence which they would otherwise have no hope of attaining.

6. On the other hand, it may be admitted that the section of the low-country Sinhalese who are so prominent in this agitation contains amongst it individuals who are progressive business men, and who are anxious to find themselves in a position to take a part in Government affairs, which is unlikely under present con- ditions, and in view of their, for the most part, uninfluential positions in the com- munity and the want of respect among the higher castes which they inspire.

Their object is to obtain access to the Legislative Council by election, since by nomination such a consummation is improbable. The elective principle, under a broad franchise to include the majority of the castes to which they for the most part belong, would, they believe, result in some cases in their return to the Legislative Council.

* No. 28.

+ Not printed.

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7. I have taken the opportunity since I have been in Ceylon of discussing this particular point with the higher castes of the Sinhalese population, and among them with those who are considerable landholders and of position and influence. They, in their position, are naturally hardly complacent that the low- country Sinhalese should find themselves represented in Legislative Council for the most part by a class with which they have little or nothing in common, and which they regard with little respect, as representing a section of the community which, though numerous, is not held in much esteem. which must arise in countries where caste prejudice exists, and from what I can There is the same difficulty gather here it is even unlikely that, if the elective principle were to be established, those of the higher castes desirous of representing their communities would con- sent to contest a constituency where a man of lower caste was also standing. I do not wish it to be understood that I support these views, but I merely bring them forward as showing the extent to which caste prejudice seems likely to go, and to emphasize what I think may be the result of the inauguration of the elective system, namely, that, unless the higher caste men will sink their prejudices and come forward for election, when I think a certain number of them would be elected, there would be a Council composed, on the elected side, largely of men of the lower castes, who would not carry with them the respect of the general community, and in whom the community, at any rate at first, would have no confidence.

8. It is possible, and even likely. when the elective principle had been established for some time (and, assuming that the lower caste men had succeeded in entering the Council in numbers), that the actions of these members, by arousing the feelings of the higher caste and of the landed and more influential people, might conduce to a determination on the part of the latter either to endeavour to obtain admission to the Council and to stand for election or to place their reliance on Government to protect their interests when assailed.

9. I have met with parallel circumstances in Jamaica, where, owing to the supineness of the better classes and their repugnance to be associated with certain members on the Elected side of the Council, men of no standing in the community and with no stake in the country, have been elected as their representatives; and where again those affected have claimed the protection of Government for their interests. But I found no difficulty there, as I should find none here, in pointing out that unless they were prepared to protect their own interests by standing for election to the Council it would and must be accepted that the member returned for their constituency represented the views of the majority in that constituency. 10. I feel consequently that, whatever may be the standing in the com- munity of the few who are agitating for reform, there is little necessity to pay too much attention to the situation set out above.

11. The point at issue, however, is whether the reform of the Council is really demanded by the majority of the community.

To this question I should answer "No." for the main reason that the majority of the community is inarticulate, and even if approachable on such a subject would have no views.

12. I would not, however, on that count decide that reform is not desirable. I am in agreement up to a point that the elective system could be introduced, but I am not prepared to say that the advantages claimed for it by its partisans are likely to be fully realized in the present conditions of this community.

There is, in my opinion, little Parliamentary sense in the present partly nominated Unofficial, and partly Elected, Council, very little independence of thought and less of action, and too great a fear of Press and other criticism, and I doubt whether the introduction of the elective system will lead to much improvement.

13. But, with proper precautions to preserve to the Government powers to legislate in matters of paramount importance. I see no reason to object to an elective system based mainly on territorial representation, keeping at the same time the means for giving representation in the Council, by nomination to the Unofficial side, to the European, Burgher, Kandyan, and Mohammedan com- munities, and possibly also by nomination to the Government side. I am not ready yet to put forward a scheme for final decision, and shall not be until the various communities who desire to place their views before me have formulated and submitted them to me.