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the fact also remains that, though opportunities were given to the educated Ceylonese, the best man with the best knowledge, and one competent to work in harmony with the others, was not returned. The ratio between Christians and Buddhists being numerically so high, territorial representation, unless qualified by an educational or proprietary franchise, will result in a strong religious contest to the exclusion of important and useful minorities in almost all the Provinces, and must be introduced by degrees with caution as experience may indicate. One cannot be blind to the fact that the finer shades of refinement and culture have not entirely influenced even the educated classes, and prejudices of race and caste yet prevent the proper recognition of talent. This is very apparent in the local board and municipal elections. It is not always that merit and talent are recognized when recourse is had to a secret ballot. Nor do the better classes explain the failure of the village committees or councils to achieve the objects for which they were established.

The article annexed expresses very clearly the true state of affairs. The pro- posals of His Excellency's Commission for local self-government now before Govern- ment will, I venture to think, be not only the nucleus, but the school for a wider franchise. The recent great War has created a revolution in the economic world. Commerce, industry, and agriculture have to bè remodelled, developed, and adjusted to suit the Empire as a whole and its component parts. Those who have a stake in the country need to develop their inheritance from within. They need to intro- duce modern and scientific methods in their plantations, mines, and business organizations; they need to train the educated youth of Ceylon to turn his talents into profitable and progressive occupations, and when those hopes have been realized their qualifications to take a closer interest and wider share in the administration cannot, and I am sure will not, be denied.

Just now the educated electorate is less than 3,000, of whom a good number take no interest in the election, while the majority expect Government to solve all their needs and supply all their wants.

The fact, however, remains that there are two serious anomalies in the Council as at present constituted. First twelve officials as against ten unofficials; and secondly, that neither commerce, industry, agriculture, or education are especially represented. Vital problems of to-day require careful deliberation and guidance in establishing or remodelling our industries and trade on sound and prudent lines. It seems at least that one European and one Ceylonese member, that is two unofficials, should be nominated to represent commerce and industry, and thus equalize the officials and unofficials. It would be most encouraging to the majority of the practical Ceylonese and productive of much confidence if two unofficials have seats in the Executive Council by nomination at the hands of the Governor for five years, not necessarily from among the Legislative Council. There are many conditions and questions which a true lover of a country in the East would like to discuss freely in the private conference of Government officials with more assured confidence than in the open arena of legislative oratory demanding or seeking kudos from an inquisitive and valueless gallery.

Public opinion and sentiment, however, is now being educated to demand very optimistic reforms, and, in view recently of the attitude of certain members of Parliament, encouragement is given to ask for wider and wholesale reforms. In fairness to the progress and capabilities of the island and its resources it would be well to grant some early satisfaction as indicated, namely, by granting two additional seats in both the Legislative and Executive Councils, and postpone the considera- tion of further reforms till after the War, when Imperial policy must be discussed by the Dominions, and other questions, as inter-Empire trade, enemy trade, colonial, naval, and war contributions are agreed upon and accepted.

The Director of Agriculture and Director of Education are certainly most useful members to have in the Legislative Council to maintain and stimulate industries, etc., in which case all the recognized colleges in the island may also claim to return an unofficial representative for education, and perhaps all the municipalities and local boards one for local municipal government.

The above views, I feel sure, are shared by those who have studied the social and economic conditions of this island in all its manifold and varied phases, and are anxious to awaken men to their own sense of responsibility and honour in atimulating their countrymen to develop their own resources, and to conserve the fruitful inheritance of their ancestors.

Reforms without a deliberate attempt to improve their own concerns withou organization on modern lines for economic development and a proper appreciation of past benefits will not be a success. To serve the State which for over a century has served us excellently and brought nothing but fortune and blessings, and to await the future glory of the Empire and the destiny which Imperial policy will lay down for all of us must be our chief purpose and desire.

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Ceylonese merit for Government service has been recognized--that the local headman system is not a working success, and has been complained against is an argument that better training and character must be acquired to claim higher posts. Men with no useful occupation and with certain idiosyncracies of their own without practical knowledge of the country are most ready to cry for far-reaching reforms, and certain others are too ready to say ditto.

EXTRACT FROM “The Ceylon Saturday Review," 30TH JUNE, 1917.

POLITICAL REFORM. (SPECIAL)

THE newly-established Ceylon Reform League adds another to the long list of leagues, unions, associations, clubs, societies, etc., formed in Ceylon among a very limited number of citizens. One is amazed at the gregarious instinct in our people, while admiring without envying their energy, their enterprise, and their philanthropy. We can do nothing without forming a society and electing a president, and as the same public-spirited gentlemen are generally met in most of the more consequential societies, the president of one society happens to be only the wecretary of another, or an ordinary member in a third. But this cannot be helped. We live in an age of republics, and every man should have his chance of high office.

The establishment of the Ceylon Reform League seems to imply that the Ceylon National Association has either been found wanting or that its sphere of work is different. The Association has evidently not recovered from Sir Arthur Gordon's blighting description of it, for its spasmodic appearances before the public are few and far between. between the two nocieties it would be interesting to know.

What modus vivendi will be agreed upon

But the Ceylon Reform League will serve national interests most efficiently and usefully if it concentrates its energies on the education of the people--education meaning not school education marely, but public, political, social education; what public life means and what responsibilities it involves; the duties a citizen owes to the State; what that State stands for; why racial animosities are fatal to progress; what wealth means, and the stewardship of wealth; how a nation or a State grows and develops; how far individual freedom is compatible with publio safety; and so on. To make this education a secondary consideration and an enlarged Legislative Council the principal aim is to sow on unploughed land, to war with scanty means and undrilled troops. After all, we are in many respects a rather, childish people, a great deal too excitable, too credulous, too impatient, to sensitive. seldom a spirit that might be called vindictive if it were not so petty.

We sulk too often and too much, cultivating not thing. We are easily caught in the rush of the latest fads.

We run after every new also our methods, not only our principles but also our arguments. We adopt without adapting We borrow not only our ideas but or considering whether what is good for another country is good for us also. newspaper language by quoting the picturesque idioms of John Bull or the Daily Mail. It is apparently difficult for us to discuss local politics without dragging in Magna Charta, the Queen's We justify our Proclamation, or the Kandyan Convention. Since India has a Congress we must have one too. though on the other hand the Servants of India " idea has not met with much favour among

us.

Our voices are always on the top note, our adjectives are always in the superlative degree. And if we had a "decent," reformed council, our Mr. Ginnells might take pleasure in the recurrent shout of " Macpherson, you're a liar.”

Let us now and then be frank with ourselves and form a correct estimate of our actual position. Is it not worth while occasionally reminding ourselves that we are not a powerful sovereign people, but a small, a very small, collection of subject races? The retort is obvious that subject races have rights. That is true; but those rights are mainly the common rights of humanity -protection, liberty, justice, education, and the like; to which may perhaps be added courtesy But it is not clear, to me at least, that the rights of subject races include political rights equal in extent or degree to those enjoyed by the ruling race. "Political rights are conceded to subject races as a matter of grace or of policy, generally of policy. Our business is to show that as a matter of policy it is wise that any definite privilege should be extended to us. right without having the power to enforce the demand is idle.

To demand it as a

Even if the theory thus stated be historically unsound, it is a good working basis for us in Ceylon, and there is nothing gained by vain and angry invocations of Magna Charta, the Queen's Proclamation, and the Kandyan Convention. Nationalism is not advanced by ignoring unpleasant facts: it should face the facts and act accordingly. It is for us to show our rulers, first, that we are fit for any particular privilege we desire, and then, that it would he wise statesmanship in thern to concede the privilege.

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