CO882-(8-9) — Page 310

PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE

Reference :-

TELEC.O. 882

-9

PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, LONDON

ALLY WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE BE REPRODUCED PHOTOGRAPHIC- COPYRIGHT PHOTOGRAPH-NOT TO

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of the Commercial Bank, that Mr. Manilal M. Doctor, an Indian political barrister, has applied to a leading Mahommedan merchant for pecuniary assistance, and has been refused. The application was based on Mr Manilal's past and prospective political services to the Asiatic community. But apparently the Mahommedan merchant referred to did not concur in Mr. Manilal's estimate of those services, and I think his view is likely to be shared by his co-religionists.

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may also say that many French gentlemen of standing have urged on me in conversation that the existing Constitution is unsuitable to a population con taining so many diverse races. They have, individually, represented to me that, if they had to elect between military government and democracy as understood in Mauritius, they would prefer military government, but that a strong Civil Govern- ment would best meet their views.

21 This feeling, which has always existed, has been gaining strength during the last year, and has been greatly strengthened by recent incidents. Such a tendency is inevitable as the recent indiscretions of the democracy are certain to strengthen the conservative feeling of the propertied classes of all races, and to produce a demand for "strong" government

22 I am personally in favour of the devolution of power and responsibility whenever possible, but I cannot disguise from myself that, in the case of Mauritius, the experiment of the devolution of power inaugurated on the initiative of the late Sir John Pope Hennessy is on its trial, and that the verdict of experience appears to be unfavourable to the existing Constitution, though it is not easy to propose amendments which would be free from all objection. There are few officers who, by character, discipline, training, and experience are fitted to be trusted with auto cratic power, and most would be disposed to seek counsel and support from influ ential residents This would result in an aggravation of the evil of which so many now complain, and I hesitate to advise a return to the old system of a Governor and a purely nominee Council, though there are many who would prefer that system. 23 On the other hand, to move in a democratic direction, i.e., to increase the numbers of the electorate by incorporating a larger number of Indians and Chinese would. I consider, be an unwise step.

24. My desire would be to introduce into the Council of Government two or three of the leading Mahommedan merchants, but, as they do not speak either English or French, and carry on their business transactions in Creole, they would not under- stand the debates. They would, in fact, be dependent on the advice and interpreta- tion of the legal gentlemen who usually act for them in business matters.

25. I do not, however, consider it impossible, whether by secondary election or otherwise, to devise some system by which the views of all races and classes in Mauritius could be represented to the Governor in some way, and by some person or persons. The essential point, however, is that the Governor shall occupy the position of the King's Representative, ie, of an officer above party, and whose decisions are those of an impartial tribunal, given after hearing the evidence of all parties in the case.

26. But I am not now devising constitutional or administrative changes, that would be to encroach on the privileges of the Commissioners if they are appointed. My desire is to explain to your Lordship that, whilst the use made by the enquiry party of constitutional methods of agitation may be perfectly legitimate, they are not free from risk when carried out amongst an illiterate and superstitious Hindoo population.

27. Political agitators do not, as a rule, limit themselves to judicial imparti- ality or dry mathematical accuracy of statement, and the circulation of a single inaccuracy which seemed to attack the religious or caste prejudices of the Hindoo population might produce a dangerous ferment. That has not yet occurred, but there is no reason why it should not occur, and, in my opinion. the best means of guarding against it are---

(a) By providing some machinery by which all Hindoo and Mahommedan grievances may be readily brought to the Governor's ear, and receive attention, and

(b) By depriving Creole agitators of all temptation to exploit an Indian vote, whether by holding out false hopes or by making false charges.

28. The whole question is surrounded with difficulty, and if it be taken up by the Commission will require very careful and tactful handling.

29.

Whatever be the political fate of Mr. Manilal M. Doctor, Indian agitators

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of the Baboo type will sooner or later reach Mauritius, and I would greatly prefer that some machinery for the representation of legitimate grievances, especially those relating to marriag, succession, religious or caste rules, in so far as they affect Mahommedans and Hindoos, should be in existence before these Baboo gentle- men commence their activities.

30. I have always felt that I was in ignorance of the thoughts and sentiments of the Indian population. They are industrious, law abiding, orderly, and respect- ful, but I saw sufficient of them during the early days of the plague epidemic to be aware that they were liable to be seized with groundless fears based on false reports or rumours, and I then felt the absence of a suitable link that would have brought me in touch with their secret thoughts and apprehensions. If political agitation should spread to them, the absence of a medium for the expression of their thoughts will become more apparent.

31 On the other hand, to open the door to a statement of all the personal, class, or political grievances that exist in Mauritius, would be to produce a carnival of recrimination, and to create a condition of society that would make life intolerable in the island. It would provoke a condition of affairs which would make arbitrary government a moral necessity.

32. I think, therefore, that the terms of reference to the Commission should be carefully drawn. They should be such as to empower the Commissioners to reject all evidence or arguments inspired by class animosity or political or personal ambition, whilst leaving the door open to consideration of any proposals for the amelioration of the economic or social conditions of the people, or for the simplifica- tion, and, with the simplification, the reduction of the expenses, of administration.

33. In fact, the Commissioners should have power to close the mouth of any witness by informing him that their duty was to ameliorate the condition of the Colony, and not to sit as judges in a libel action.

34. This recommendation applies equally to the question as to who is to blame for the present excessive expenditure. Mr. Leclézio has informed me that he intends to put the blame on Sir Charles Bruce. I have told him that I have no desire to discuss the question of responsibility, but if I were compelled to do so I would point out that Sir Charles Bruce acted on the advice of Commissions on which the unofficial element was fully represented.

35. Similarly the enquiry party consider that they have certain grievances of recent date, and have attacked Sir Č. Boyle in their newspapers.

36. In my view all these disputes as to responsibility should be ruled out. They cannot tend to enhance the prestige and dignity and authority of His Majesty's Government in Mauritius, and I do not conceal from your Lordship that, as matters are shaping in Mauritius, the dignity and authority of the Governor, of any Governor and his Government, are likely to be a valuable political asset.

37. I must not be understood as expressing apprehensions of any danger. I have informed the leaders of the agitation that I hold myself responsible for peace and order, and they fully understand that I will, if necessary, act up to my responsi bilities, but methods are being employed here which, whilst harmless enough in Europe, Lear a different aspect when applied to such a population as exists in Mauritius.

38. The principles of Constitutional Government are very imperfectly under- stood by the Creole population: Political economy is hardly understood at all, whilst both Creoles and Indians look on the Government as a more or less omni- potent Providence capable of materially improving the economic condition of the people, and independent of natural causes or forces.

39. The arguments urged on me by the leaders of the enquiry party are that the people are poor, and that their position must be bettered by the Government. Similar arguments are used by these gentlemen to ignorant Indians, and they are told that the "oligarchie" stand in the way of their prosperity. An agitation conducted on those lines amongst the Indian population, a population that has hitherto, for political purposes, been dormant, is likely to awaken them to activity, and to raise impossible aspirations.

40. If a Commission could, by a calm and reasoned examination of these impossible demands, expose the fallacies on which they are based, and if they could, at the same time, lessen the burdens of an unnecessarily heavy public expendi- ture, I think that the natural industry of the Indian population, and the improving prospects of the agricultural outlook, are likely to put the Government finances on

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