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PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE

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C.O. 882

ALLY WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE BE REPRODUCED PHOTOGRAPHIC- COPYRIGHT PHOTOGRAPH-NOT TO

8 PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, LONDON

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13. A further report might be required from Sir Cavendish Boyle shortly after his arrival.

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(Extract.)

MY DEAR COX,

No. 195.

I have, &c.,

GRAHAM BOWER, Administering the Government.

SIR G. BOWER to MR. COX.

(Received August 5, 1904.)

Le Réduit, Mauritius, July 4, 1904. I HOPE you are not taking our political crisis too seriously. There is always something comic about a political crisis, and the rule is applicable here. My half drunken supporter, Antelme, favoured the world with the statement that he was le seul homme d'etat ici, a statement I could fully believe, so long as he supported me, but he afterwards spoilt the effect by some brilliant interruptions, which were not. fit for publication, and finally ratted.

The rejection of the suspension of the standing orders does not technically prevent our bringing forward our taxing measures again, but practically it is impossible for us to do so once they are made public. We can only enforce an increase of customs by keeping things secret, and then passing the Ordinance in one sitting. Any other course would mean that the bonded stores would be cleared of the taxed articles before the customs officers could impose the new duties. So we may regard our taxing proposals as dead.

Meanwhile the unofficial members have blundered. Not content with making a solemn declaration that they would never agree to extra taxation, they have urged on me the necessity for economy and for reduction.

This last piece of advice was not intended to be taken seriously. The members had spent five days in cutting down the estimates, and believed no more could be done. Leclézio himself told me that the economies made could not be realised. The advice was given, therefore, as a political dodge. It was intended to support the position of the unofficials that the increased expenditure was the fault of the Govern- ment. But, to the horror and consternation of Leclézio and his friends, I have taken their advice seriously.

I began the next morning to revise the estimates. Two days before I had noticed that the theatre train contained only eight persons, three of whom belonged to Leclézio's family. This led to enquiries, and I learned that the train was run at a loss of Rs. 2,000 per annum. I accordingly gave notice to the Mayor of the discon- tinuance of the train after the end of the month, unless it paid or was guaranteed.

I also cut down Rs. 80,000 from the railway waggons. It went to my heart to do it, for these waggons are really required. But they had to go. I notified Gibert, one of the unofficial members, that the grant to the Mahebourg Yacht Club, of which he is chairman, must go. I sent a similar notification to the Turf Club, though in their case I told them that this year's grant would be paid, but they must not expect another. The Turf Club are harmless Frenchmen who stand in a box on the race course and show themselves off to the ladies, whilst the jockeys pull the horses, so they deserve some indulgence.

I further marked my good will to them by sending them a private letter with a subscription of Rs. 100, at the same time as the official caution.

I also cut down a vote for the removal of a railway camp, which is a nuisance to Dr. Edwards and the people of Curepipe.

I have stopped all work on the Savanne telegraph wire, a work strongly needed by the planters, who are Edwards's constituents.

The effect of these economies was soon apparent. Leclézio, in the course of the day, begged me to stop, and pleaded hard for the theatre train. I said that I had assumed that he meant what he said the day before, and would continue to assume it.

He then said he would have no objection to a tax on bicycles. I told him I was going on with my economies, as, in fact, I am.

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Antelme, my inebriate but ratting supporter, has written to say he will agree to a tax on spirits. Dr. Rohan, in his paper, "The Standard," advocates a house tax. So my economies are beginning to bear fruit, and I am going on quite cheerfully.

The question, to my mind, is, whether or when it would be wise to inform these gentlemen that I accept their suggestions, and will embody them in an Ordinance.

Up to the present these suggestions are inadequate, and I have no reason to suppose that they will be adequate.

If I accept their proposals, they will say, now we have acquitted ourselves, our proposals are accepted by the Government. will think it over, but there is no

harm in leaving them in the position of naughty boys a little longer.

But I must state quite frankly that, in my oelief, the financial position will be worse even than that shown in the budget.

The most dangerous feature is that the Indians are not cultivating their canes, and are abandoning their fields almost daily.

Do what we will, we shall not be able to square this year's budget. I suggested robbing the Widows' and Orphans' Fund, but as you have refused it I do not feel free to return to the charge officially. Nevertheless, I may use the lady's plea that the crime will only be a little one. The Widows Fund is not like the savings bank. You can't have a run of widows. Even if you had an epidemic amongst the civil servants, the net result would be a financial gain. So I hope that you will reconsider the question of allowing me to rob the Widows' Fund.

Believe me, &c.,

GRAHAM BOWER.

P.S.-I doubt if you at all realise our financial position here. I have sent you figures, but they are dull reading. Perhaps can make things plain another way.

A few days ago I sent my peon to get me a pot of shaving cream, an article of daily consumption. He took three days to get it, and then brought me a broken pot, the last in the shop.

Take another illustration. It has been the custom for us to give four prizes at the archery competition. It took place last Saturday, and my wife went to look for suitable prizes. But the jewellers' shops had nothing but old, very old, stock, which no one had bought. We had to put up with things of which I was a little ashamed. This means that the shopkeepers are not importing.

Take another illustration. Ireland, Fraser and Company have a frozen meat store, and had butcher's shops at Curepipe and Rose Hill, and on the Chaussee in town to sell the meat. But the consumption of butcher's meat has fallen off to such an extent that they have now closed all these shops. These things speak for themselves. But may add that the Poor Law Commissioner is pressing for more money, which I can't spare, and that begging letters are on the increase.

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Remember, too, that the wages of an Indian on an estate average Rs. 7 to Rs. 8

a month, that is, from 9s. 4d. to 10s. 2d. per mensem. I call this poverty, and there are many who don't earn that.

To take another illustration. Close to where we live at Réduit there is a large morcellement called Esperance, that is to say, an estate of 1,100 acres has been subdivided amongst Indians. The last mule on that morcellement died last Saturday, and God only knows how those Indians are going to harvest their crops. I don't.

Now I daresay you will think that I am tacking about without any clear course or destination. You may say one day I favour a Royal Commission, the next day am against it. One day I advocate taxation, the next day I tell you the country is starving and can't bear much more.

Nevertheless, if so large a word may be applied to so small a place as Mauritius, there is a clear policy running through it all.

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I believe that our position is such that a financial collapse is certain sooner or later. I believe that when that collapse comes you will have to elect between two alternatives; either to annex the island to India or to modify the constitution and the administration.

You can't do either of these without making out a case, and to make out a case you must have a Royal Commission.

A Royal Commission now would bring a mass of accusations against the Govern- ment and the Colonial Office.

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