CO882-(3-4) — Page 592

PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE

Reference :-

TITLC.O. 882

PUBLIC RECORD. OFFICE.

ALLY WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE BE REPRODUCED PHOTOGRAPHIC-

COPYRIGHT PHOTOGRAPH-NOT TO

32

palities, because the population was then so scattered that it would be difficult to bring the electors to the poll on the days of election; but the Colonists indignantly protested against the proposal and it was at once given up. It was tried in New Zealand at a time when the infant dependency had only three municipalities possessing 2,000 inhabitants each, but was also given up as soon as the population became sufficient, to allow the direct election by the people.

Another objection to the application of Lord Derby's proposal in Mauritius would be that two of the interests of the Colony would be supposed to be represented in the Council by an election however insufficient, whilst the other interests would be denied the same privilege. The district of Port Louis would be supposed to be doubly represented by the mayor and by the President of the Chamber of Commerce, whilst the eight country districts would have a much smaller participation in the indirect choice of the President of the Chamber of Agriculture. This imperfect representation of special classes and special interests would certainly not satisfy those to whom it is offered, whilst it would justly increase the complaint and the discontent of all the other classes and interests. For the above among other reasons I ask the Council to vote the first part of my resolution.

If, as I trust, the proposals of Lord Derby are not concurred in by this Board, the only remaining satisfactory course must be the addition to the present Council of a fair proportion of members directly chosen by electors belonging to all classes of the community, and this leads me to the second part of the resolution which I have moved.

What should that proportion be? The petition to Her Majesty which is now on the table, prays for a Council composed of 10 officials, 10 nominated, and 10 elected members. The fractional number 10 was selected after full consideration. This island is divided into nine administrative districts which were intended as electoral districts also: one elected member being given to each country district, and two elected members to the district of Port Louis, on account of its greater population and importance. Then, in order to leave to the Crown the choice of double the number of the elected, 10 officials, and 10 nominated unofficials were added.

In comparison to the Legislature of many other British dependencies, 30 is certainly not a large number; and, for many reasons, it is very desirable that that number be not materially reduced. However, in order to reassure the most timid, I have reduced it to a minimum of 21, consisting of seven elected and 14 nominated by the Crown. If the Secretary of State and the Council prefer the actual number of 16 nominated members, the addition of eight elected would make a council of 24.

If less than nine members be elected, electoral districts different from the present nine administrative districts will have to be formed, or the elected members may be chosen by the whole island forming one constituency. Malta, which formed one single constituency till lately, having asked that its future elections be made by districts, Lord Derby has answered that this is a matter of local concern which can be Bettled by the Colony as it thinks best.

It is now my duty to answer the objections to the petition, on the faith of which Her Majesty's Government have felt unable to advise the Queen to comply with the prayer of the petitioners. The fallacies of the objections urged by my honourable friend, the senior unofficial member of Council, are transparent; but, as to our great regret, he is unavoidably absent to-day from illness, I shall deal chiefly with the Despatch of the late Lieutenant-Governor, who has adopted Mr. Antelme's objections, and has strongly pressed them and others of his own upon the Secretary of State. The Lieutenant- Governor says (par. 5) "The causes which have led to this petition deserve examination "and should be taken into account" and then, in the four following paragraphs, he enumerates what he considers to be those causes.

This enumeration is only partly accurate, and expresses only a superficial and incomplete view of the real state of things. It ignores the strong current of complaint which has been for some time steadily growing on account of small and great grievances, and the broad feeling of disappointment and discontent which was gradually underlying the Mauritians' undoubted loyalty to Great Britain and their affection and reverence for the Queen, before the fortunate arrival of your Excellency. The special cases mentioned by Mr. Broome in paragraphs 8 and 9 of his Deepatch, would not by themselves have rendered the movement for reform so strong, so general, and so persevering.

Interferences in purely local affairs are resented not only for themselves, but much more strongly because they form part of a very objectionable system of government, wounding the feelings of the Colonists who know much better than the Colonial Office

33

what is wanted here, and often followed by very serious material and moral consequences which seldom come to the knowledge of the home authorities.

As early as in 1819 and 1850 when it was proposed to separate the Colony of Victoria from that of New South Wales and to extend representative institutions to the other Australian Colonies, and to the Cape, Lord Grey, who was then Secretary of State for the Colonies, advised Her Majesty to refer the whole subject to the consideration of Her Privy Council for Trade and Plantations, by which it was very carefully and deliberately investigated. It would take too much time to quote at length from these papers. But the small minority of opponents to progress in Mauritius should study the masterly reports adopted by Her Majesty in Council on the 1st May, 1849, for the Australian Colonies, and on the 30th January 1850, for the Cape of Good Hope. They would there see conclusive answers to their fears and objections, made with an impartiality and a foresight which more than 30 years' experience have entirely confirmed; whilst the large majority who claim so small an extension of constitutional freedom, will feel confident that justice to Mauritius cannot be long delayed.

In their report of the 1st May 1849, the Privy Council say :-"In those ancient pos- "sessions of your Majesty's Royal predecessors which now form so large a part of the “United States of America, and in all the other British Colonies (whether acquired by "the occupation of vacant territories or by cession from foreign powers) there prevailed until the commencement of the nineteenth century the almost invariable usage of esta- blishing a local Legislature consisting of three estates, that is, of a Governor appointed by the Sovereign, of a Council nominated by the Sovereign, and of an Assembly elected by the people. Although in some cases, other schemes of Colonial polity had been at "first established, yet those schemes had all, with one exception, progressively been brought before the end of the eighteenth century into conformity with this general type or model."

From 1800 to 1845, the Crown acquired by conquest or cession from foreign states seven Colonies, including the Cape of Good Hope and Mauritius, and, by occupation of vacant territories, nine, including the Australian Colonies and New Zealand. In advising that as soon as the Australian Colonies are willing and able to provide by local resources for the public expenditure of each, or at least of so much of that expenditure as is incurred with a view to Colonial and local objects, a Legislature be instituted in each of those Colonies, in which the representatives of the people at large should enjoy and exercise their constitutional authority; the Privy Council add, "In submitting to Your Majesty this advice, we are only repeating an opinion so familiar "and so generally adopted by all persons conversant with the Government of the "British Colonies that it would seem superfluous to support it by argument or explana- "tion. The introduction of this constitutional principle into every dependency of the "British Crown is a general rule sanctioned by a common and clear assent. The exception to that rule arises only when it can be shown that the observance of it "would induce evils still more considerable than those which it would obviate and "correct.'

"

We are therefore clearly entitled to have some representatives of the people at large sitting in our Legislature, unless we can be shown to come under the specified ex- ception.

Well, I contend and I proceed to show that the addition of one-third of elected members to our Legislature would certainly not induce evils still more considerable than those which it would obviate and correct.

The objections to an increase of elected members are grouped under two main heads:-Those under the first head are: "That the population of the island is com. posed of a great diversity of races amongst whom there exists no bond of nationality, "of patriotism, and of religion, and which equally differ in their language, morals, and usages; that the political education of a great number of them is hardly more "advanced than that of Asiatics, and that political struggles in the midst of a popula "tion composed of such heterogeneous elements would infallibly degenerate into

questions of caste and religion."

This very exaggerated picture can only partially apply to the very inferior classes, and it altogether ignores the fact that though their political education may not be advanced, they have all lived together for years in profound peace, and daily associate without a shadow of antipathy and ill-feeling towards one another. The imaginary fears of the objectors could be understood if it were intended to call at once all those uneducated classes to vote by universal suffrage, but the petitioners have carefully

Ra 8265.

E